In May 2024, Lost in Europe released the findings of their investigation into the disappearance of unaccompanied children in Europe. This investigation revealed that 51,433 children disappeared from refugee centres across Europe between 2021 and 2023, with Italy having the highest number of missing unaccompanied minors at 22,899 children (Van den Hof, 2024). Unfortunately, this is not the first time such a discovery has been done.
Netherlands:
15,404 unaccompanied refugee minors registered in the Netherlands in the last three years (Dutch News, 2024). 850 of these children have disappeared from asylum shelters without any trace (Van den Hof, 2024).
Before 2024:
This is not the first time the Dutch authorities have found themselves in this situation. In 2023, 360 minors had disappeared from refugee shelters in the Netherlands between 2022 and 2023, all of whom vanished from the Ter Apel reporting centre. That year, 4449 minors without parents or guardians had applied for asylum in the Netherlands (Dutch News, 2023).
Government response:
The Human Rights Committee has asked the Dutch government to take urgent measures in investigating the trend of missing unaccompanied minors as well as addressing the root issues causing these disappearances. The Dutch government has also been asked to improve the quality of living standards and resources provided to children in the asylum shelters.
The Dutch national rapporteur on human trafficking, Hermann Bolhaar, has criticised the Dutch refugee system and the government for their lack of implementing any protective and safeguarding measures, given the urgency of the situation and the danger unaccompanied children are finding themselves in.
Tanzania is a country with a population of 45 million people, half of which are under the age of 18. According to the International Labour Organisation (ILO), about 4.2 million of Tanzania’s children (5-17 years old) engage in child labour, almost evenly split between boys and girls. Unfortunately, these children rarely earn anything for their labour as 92.4% work as unpaid family helpers while only 4% work in paid employment (International Labour Organisation and National Bureau of Statistics Tanzania, 2024). It is important to note that these numbers exclude any illegal activities involving children, like child trafficking, commercial sexual exploitation, and child slavery.
Why are these children working?
The main cause leading to child labour in Tanzania is poverty. As of 2022, half of Tanzania’s population – 26 million people – lived in extreme poverty (Cowling, 2024). Thus these families rely heavily on child labour to meet the financial needs of their home.
Poor families in rural areas dependent on farming for their livelihood cannot afford to buy machinery or hire help to assist with farming. Hence, children from these families take on a big part of the responsibilities that come with farming. This kind of child labour falls under the category of unpaid family work. Most of these children are exposed to harsh climates while working on farms and work gruellingly long hours.
In addition to carrying out unpaid family work to help with finances, these children simply cannot afford to go to school. Many children from such backgrounds, particularly those living in rural areas, also need schools within safe distance of their homes. With no access to public transport and the inability to afford private transport, children who go to school must walk long distances to do so. Therefore, many children in these cases end up dropping out of school, unable to keep up with the work at home as well as studies.
Unpaid family work: tobacco farms
Child labour itself is not the only problem faced by Tanzanian children, their safety and well-being in performing hazardous work for low to no pay is also a critical matter. A good example of this is child labour in tobacco-growing communities. This work takes the form of unpaid family work.
Children working in this industry perform a wide range of duties from field preparation to construction of barns, packaging, and cutting firewood. Working in open tobacco fields exposes these children to extreme weather conditions: scorching heat from the sun. On top of that, children spend hours working in unsanitary and unventilated sheds used to manage and store tobacco. All of this work involves handling tobacco and toxic fertilizers without any protective gear, having detrimental effects on the health of these developing children. There is also limited access to first aid kits in cases of injury while working on the farm.
In 2016, ILO and ARISE conducted an assessment on children working in hazardous conditions and its impact on their health. During the research, it was found that half of the children interviewed for the study were working 5-8 hours a day, while one-third were working more than 8 hours a day – exceeding the standard working limit for adults – in dangerous conditions. Hence, in addition to the health risks associated with working in tobacco fields without protection, these children also suffer from extreme exhaustion due to the long hours and the physical demands that such work requires.
Child domestic workers
Another type of child labour common in Tanzania is in the form of child domestic workers. According to Anti-slavery International (2024), around 3% of the urban homes in Tanzania have child domestic workers. Almost a third of these child workers are between the ages of 10 to 14 and most of them (more than 80%) are girls (Anti-slavery International, 2024).
Tanzanian children end up in domestic servitude in two main ways: 1) Girls who run away from their families escaping domestic violence or forced marriages – a common practice in rural Tanzania where daughters are married off at a very young age for ‘the bride price’ to reduce the financial burden on the family, 2) Girls who are sent to cities to work as domestic workers by their families as an alternative to child marriage.
This kind of child labour comes with its risks. Unfortunately, many child domestic workers suffer physical and sexual abuse at the hands of their employers. Parents who send their kids to cities for this kind of work are often unaware of the abuse and exploitation faced by the children at the hands of their employers. These child domestic workers find themselves in extremely vulnerable positions and under the complete control of their employers as most of them do not have any formal work contract (only about 0.5 % of them have formal contracts), little to no pay for working up to 60+ hours a week, and no access to proper schooling (Anti-slavery International, 2024). With no financial independence and isolation from family, these children have no means of escaping the abuse they suffer at the hands of their employers. According to Anti-slavery International (2017), 40% of children working as domestic workers suffered physical abuse, 17% experienced sexual abuse, and more than 60% were illiterate.
Education and child labour
Child labour has a direct impact on children’s early education and a long-term impact on decent employment in adulthood. According to the International Labour Organisation (2018), most of the children engaged in child labour (nearly 95%) work in agriculture and almost all agricultural labour (92.5%) is unpaid family work. This type of work entails long hours, leaving no time for studies, hobbies, and activities with friends. Hence, Tanzanian children in child labour have a much higher school dropout rate than children who are not working. These working children, even if enrolled in school, are at a disadvantage in maintaining their studies and grades than children who are not in child labour.
Furthermore, 8% of Tanzanian children within the compulsory schooling age (7-13 years) are not enrolled in school (International Labour Organisation, 2018). 40% of these children have either never been to school or have dropped out of school due to several reasons such as the distance of the school from home, and the cost of attending school (International Labour Organisation, 2018). Some of these children are not interested in attending school, while some of them are looking for work, others cannot go to school due to family responsibilities such as caring for sick family members or children.
Thus Tanzania’s child labour has a detrimental impact on its children’s early education and development, creating adults with little to no basic skills needed to secure decent employment, therefore creating an endless cycle of poverty and child labour.
International Labour Organisation and ARISE. (2016). ILO/ARISE Rapid Assessment on Child Labour in Tobacco Growing Communities in Tabora, Tanzania. Published by ILO/IPEC in Geneva.
Cyberbullying is a prevalent form of bullying in today’s society. It takes place through electronic communication channels (e.g. emails, social media, texts) to harass and intimidate someone. Bullies can target a person through various electronic mediums like text messages, social media applications, and emails. However, cyberbullying itself takes many forms, and cyber-mobbing is one of them.
According to STOMP Out Bullying (2024), cyber-mobbing is a form of cyberbullying that is conducted by more than one person. It is a group of people that gang up on one person using rumours, intimidation, while making it seem like the victim is responsible for the reception of such treatment (victim blaming). This kind of cyberbullying is hard to track as the person responsible for instigating the attack hides behind multiple online aggressors. Being attacked by a group of people also makes it extremely hard for the victim to defend themselves, breeding the feeling of isolation.
Real-life consequences
Although cyberbullying primarily takes place online, it has real life implications. One such case is of Lindsay, a 13-year-old French girl who fell victim to online abuse, which led to her ending her own life. Even after the death of the victim, the online abuse against her continued as bullies made social media posts rejoicing about her taking her own life. The judicial investigation into this case led to the charging of four minors for “bullying leading to suicide” and one adult for “death threats” (The Brussels Times, 2023). In addition to this investigation, Lindsay’s family filed a lawsuit against Facebook for failing to tackle hate speech and violating their obligation to moderate the content on their platform. Another suchcase is of Lucas, 13, who committed suicide in 2023 after being bullied at school for months due to being gay. Four secondary school students were charged and found guilty of bullying in June 2023 in this case.
Recent surveys have also shown that 10% of students in French schools face bullying by their school fellows via social media (RFI, 2023). In light of these cases, the French Minister of Education, Pap Ndiaye, announced that all middle schools will provide hour-long anti-cyberbullying sessions to students to raise awareness at the start of the 2023 academic year. The ministry also announced the appointment of a special advisor to each school to deal with such cases and increased the funding for helplines for students in distress.
Nicole ‘Coco’ Fox, a 21-year-old Irish woman, also experienced the same fate as these French teenagers whenshe took her own life due to bullying. She hanged herself after suffering from three years of online and physical abuse. Through the intense campaigning efforts of Nicole’s mother to push for national legislation punishing bullying, Ireland finally adopted Coco’s Law in 2021 (Genovese, 2023). Under this law, any person who publishes intimate images of a person without consent will face prison for up to 7 years. This law has resulted in the prosecution of hundreds of people for cyberbullying and intimate image-based online abuse (Genovese, 2023).
Legislation
There is no EU legislation on tackling online bullying across Europe because such legislation would not be legally binding. This leaves the issue of cyberbullying up to governments. After devastating cases of suicide among young people in France, Ireland, and Italy, laws that criminalise cyberbullying to prevent further harm have been adopted, although the damage to the existing victims of such harassment is already done. Despite this, most European countries still have no laws in place to protect children from online abuse. Governments and policymakers must take a proactive approach to cyberbullying to prevent psychological and physical harm to young people as has been demonstrated by cases such as Lindsay and Nicole Fox.
With minimal legal protection in most countries, the onus of tackling cyberbullying on a mass scale falls on social media companies. In Lindsay’s case, a lawsuit against Facebook claimed that they were aware of the hateful posts directed at Lindsay and failed to remove them from their platform. Facebook responded to these claims stating that any content reported to be hateful is removed by them.
What are social media applications doing?
Facebook has partnered with NGOs to form the Online Civil Courage Initiative, funding campaigns against hate speech and terrorism on Facebook (Ambasna-Jones, 2016). Facebook polices the content on their platform through their reporting system. Therefore, unfortunately, if any hateful content is not reported, it goes unnoticed by Facebook. Furthermore, there is no data to show how many reports received by Facebook are resolved and result in the removal of abusive content and accounts (Ambasna-Jones, 2016). There is a block feature on the app to remove anyone who might be harassing someone on Facebook, however, it is not enough to tackle cyber-mobbing which involves multiple people targeting a single person as they can still spread hateful content to the friends of the victim through social media as well as other online channels.
Instagram, owned by Facebook, also has a similar reporting mechanism against abusive content, hate speech, and underage users (below the age of 13). Instagram claims to have a 24/7 report monitoring system, which is responsible for the removal of hateful accounts and reporting the perpetrators to local authorities (Ambasna-Jones, 2016). However, similar to Facebook, there is no data to show the effectiveness of their reporting mechanisms.
X (formerly known as Twitter) is grappling with similar issues as Facebook in this regard. Although they have improved their reporting mechanisms, there is no data to show how many of these reports are successful and their overall impact on tackling abuse on X.
Although these social media platforms have mechanisms in place to police bullying and abusive content, they are not taking a proactive approach to stop online harassment, as evidenced by Lindsay’s case where people were posting hateful content about her event after her death and Facebook failed to remove it. There needs to be a system in place that would screen social media platforms for any abusive material without the need for reporting to address cyberbullying before the materialisation of any psychological or physical harm.
Consequently, cyber-mobbing is a growing issue amongst the children in Europe. The national governments and social media companies must collaborate to tackle this issue via the criminal justice system and electronic preventative measures to remove abusive material from online spaces before they cause any harm.
In Brazil, the right to free public education at any level is granted by the Federal Constitution. The responsibility of providing free public education thus falls under the federal system of government, at three levels – including the federal, individual states and municipality governments- thus decentralising education in Brazil. This system has led to increased corruption and misue of resources and funding by the political parties in charge for their own interests.
Decentralisation and corruption
Due to decentralisation, the quality of primary public education in Brazil has been negatively impacted. Since the majority of schools are managed by the municipal governments (5,570 different municipalities to be precise), managing and improving quality of education is much harder.
Primary education in Brazil is funded through FUNDEB (Fund for the Maintenance and Development of Basic Education). The federal government supplements funds which are then distributed by each state among its municipalities. Mayors have much freedom in deciding how these funds are spent, creating an opportunity for misuse of resources.
Unlike other countries where the change in political party after general elections leads to change in top civil service positions, in Brazil this change trickles down to the municipality governments – reshaping local bureaucracy. This system has a huge impact on the quality of public education in Brazil. Because educational funding is in the hands of municipalities and under the control of mayors, the reshaping of local governments with general elections leads to the use of these public funds and resources by the political parties in charge to serve their own purposes.
Furthermore, the public education sector under municipalities is one of the biggest employers in Brazil. These jobs are also severely misused by corrupt politicians to reward the supporters of their political parties either as rewards or bribes. In most Brazilian municipalities, principles are nominated by politicians, which contributes to the politicisation of education in Brazil.
Moreover, FUNDEB funds make an important part of the poor and small municipalities, coupled with the low monitoring of these funds, it creates the perfect opportunity to carry out political corruption at the municipal level. According to the audits conducted by the Federal Government Controller’s Office (CGU) between 2001 and 2003, 13% to 55% of FUNDEB’s total budget was lost due to corruption (Transparencia Brasil 2005).
Corruption in Brazil is not limited to the municipal level. National and international studies show that corruption in handling of public funds for education has damaged the quality of education. According to Ferraz, Finan and Moreira (2012), approximately 60% of the corruption cases in Brazil are related to the education and health sector. In June 2022, Brazil’s education minister, Milton Ribeiro, was arrested on corruption charges involving crimes such as abuse of power and peddling. This was the third education minister that resigned from his post under President Bolsonaro, who promised to tackle corruption during his term in office.
Hence, decentralisation and politicisation of the education system in Brazil has led to serious corruption in the sector, leading to a decrease in the quality of education and resources.
Budget cuts
In 2022, President Bolsonaro cut a budget of 450 million euros from federal universities calling such educational institutions leftists breeding grounds. This led to huge demonstrations against the cuts across the country and created a dire situation for the higher education sector in Brazil, seriously affecting the functioning of universities due to difficulties in paying the staff.
Budget cuts in funding for universities has also led to declining infrastructure of institutions, damaged buildings, broken furniture, leaks and broken elevators. Universities also cannot afford to pay cleaning staff, leading to neglect of educational spaces. Apart from the physical damage to universities, at the start of the Covid pandemic, thousands of research grants were suspended, putting the entire higher education system in danger.
Impact
Many young people in Brazil are dropping out of primary education due to the lack of motivation, low quality of teaching and syllabus, or to enter the workforce early to provide for their families. The decentralised structure of education has led to these shortcoming in the quality of education and teaching, impacting the motivation of students to continue with their studies.
While public education makes up for the majority of the primary and secondary education, private education tackles precedence at university level. This has led to a disparity between students from advantaged and disadvantaged backgrounds. While students from privileged families opt for private higher education institutions, student finance funding has opened doors for students from poorer backgrounds to also join these institutions, although their number remains low.
Due to the lack of a one central system being responsible for public education coupled with the politicisation of education and corruption in this sector, Brazil’s education system – as it currently stands, is under the complete power of the politicians and political parties in charge. This issue cannot be overcome unless education is completely separated from the politically motivated institutions and managed through a system and group of people who are hired solely for their skills in the education sector.
Ferraz, Finan and Moreira. (2012). Corrupting Learning: Evidence from Missing Federal Education Funds in Brazil. Journal of Public Economics Volume, 96(9-10), 712-726.
Transparência Brasil. (2005). “Brazil: The Hidden Cost of Decentralized Education”. In B. Meier and M. Griffin, Stealing the Future: Corruption in Classroom. Berlin: Transparency International.
Broken Chalk is a non-profit organisation with one main goal – To protect human rights in education. The organisation started with a website and articles and is currently working on multiple projects, each aiming to fight human rights violations in the educational sphere. As the UPR is related to human rights violations, inequalities, human trafficking, and other violations, Broken Chalk prepares this article for the fourth Cycle and the specific country – the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia.
In the last cycle, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia received 258 recommendations and supported 182 recommendations in adopting its UPR outcome at Human Rights Council 40 in March 2019 (United Nations Human Rights Council, 2018). The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia has addressed many issues highlighted in the previous Universal Periodic Review (UPR) cycles. Saudi Arabia has introduced an economic vision called Vision 2030, which involves educational reform, mandated by the Tatweer Project, focusing on projects such as enhancing schools’ teaching methods and strategies (Allmnakrah and Evers, 2019). Tatweer Project has trained more than 400,000 teachers in school management, educational supervision, computer science, and self-development (Arab News, 2017). It has also revised Saudi’s curriculum to keep pace with advanced international science curricula (Arab News, 2017). This report will provide an update on the previous issues related to education, plus recommendations on how to deal with new ones.
Education is a human right that should be accessible to all individuals, regardless of their circumstances. In Palestine, the quality and accessibility of education have been significantly impacted by ongoing occupation and colonization, political instability, and economic challenges. This article will discuss the current state of education in Palestine, focusing on the quality and accessibility of education. The article will also explore the challenges that students and educators face and examine some of the initiatives that have been implemented to improve the quality and accessibility of education in Palestine.
The Palestinian territories include the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, which are geographically separated from each other. The Palestinian National Authority (PNA) is responsible for the education system in the West Bank, while Hamas controls the education system in Gaza. In the last 27 years, Palestinian educators have had to overcome severe problems due to the Israeli occupation[1] – including but not limited to frequent closures of educational institutions and the banning of textbooks and other educational materials. Education in Palestine is compulsory and free for children between the ages of six and fifteen. In 2018 UNICEF reported that across the state of Palestine, 95.4 percent of children were enrolled in formal education[2]. However, out of all the children in school in Palestine, nearly 25 percent of boys and 7 percent of girls drop out after the age of 15[3]. Furthermore, 22.5 percent of boys and 30 percent of girls with a disability, between the ages of 6 and 15 years, have never enrolled in school[4]. This is due to increasing poverty and the Israeli occupation of Palestine which has a significant impact on the accessibility and the quality of education available to children.
Quality of Education
The quality of education in Palestine has been greatly affected by the ongoing occupation, colonization, and political instability. During the first 10 years of the Israeli occupation, no new schools were built in Palestine, significantly hindering the expansion of educational facilities in the region, and resulting in the decline of the number of educators available in contrast to the increasing population[5]. Due to the lack in the number of educational facilities and thus educational staff, classrooms have become overcrowded with up to 40 to 60 students in a single classroom, making it difficult for teachers to provide individual attention and support to each student[6]. This can result in students falling behind and struggling to keep up with their peers.
According to a report by the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization[7], the shortage of resources and facilities is another one of the main challenges facing education in Palestine. Many schools lack basic amenities such as textbooks, computers, and laboratories, and many teachers are not properly trained and do not have access to modern teaching methods and technologies. Lack of funding and the banning of books and educational materials limit the resources available to students in school libraries[8]. Many extracurricular activities which are essential for the social and cultural development of students have been banned by Israeli authorities. Due to this lack of facilities, almost half the Palestinian children in East Jerusalem are forced to attend private or unofficial educational institutions[9].
The quality of education in Palestine is also affected by the lack of political stability and safety in the region. According to a report by Save the Children (2020)[10], the ongoing conflict and political instability have resulted in frequent school closures and disruptions to the academic calendar, leading to students missing out on valuable classroom time and falling behind in their studies. Almost half a million children in Palestine require humanitarian assistance to access quality education[11]. There are frequent closures of the Gaza Strip, and West Bank – including East Jerusalem – during times of violent attacks by Israel, restricting any physical access to daily activities and essential services such as health care, water, and education[12]. Children also regularly experience fear of violence and intimidation as they must frequently pass through checkpoints or commute by settlements to get to schools located in high-risk areas[13].
Accessibility of Education
The accessibility of education in Palestine is affected by several factors. According to a report by the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA) (2021)[14], one of the main factors affecting accessibility is the physical separation between the West Bank and Gaza. This separation makes it difficult for students to move between the two regions and can result in students missing out on educational opportunities and resources that are only available in one region. Children usually must travel long distances to get to school. A parent talking about his 10-year-old son living in the Shuafat refugee camp said that his son spends four hours each day traveling to and from school for the monthly cost of £85, while his other child takes a three-hour journey to a different school[15]. As discussed earlier, the impact of the Israeli occupation on access to education is also a significant factor. According to a report by the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) (2021)[16], students and teachers often face checkpoints, roadblocks, and other obstacles. In some cases, schools have been closed or destroyed during military operations, resulting in the displacement of students and teachers.
The economic situation in Palestine also affects the accessibility of education. According to UNICEF (2018), many families struggle to afford the costs associated with education, such as transportation, school supplies, and uniforms[17]. This can result in children being unable to attend school or dropping out early. Financial difficulties are one of the primary reasons for Palestinian children dropping out of school. However, children in Palestine also face many other serious issues such as child labor (3% of the total number of children between the ages of 10-17 years were found to be taking on paid and unpaid labor work), early marriages (out of all the marriages registered in 2018, 20% were of girls under the age of 18), and imprisonment (in 2019, 889 cases of detention of children under the age of 18 in Israeli prisons were reported[18].
Furthermore, access to education is particularly challenging for girls and children with disabilities. While there has been some progress in recent years, cultural and social barriers continue to prevent many girls from attending school. According to UNICEF, the net enrollment rate for girls in primary education in Palestine is 96%, compared to 98% for boys[19]. An example of this is early marriage as highlighted above. In contrast of 20% of marriages reported in 2018 involved girls under 18, and only 1% of these marriages included boys under the age of 18. This shows the lack of importance given to the education of women and girls compared to those of boys and men, who might be experiencing societal and familial pressures to get married and start families at the prime age for receiving secondary and higher education. In addition, children with disabilities face numerous barriers to accessing education, including the lack of specialized facilities and trained teachers.
Efforts to Improve the Quality and Accessibility of Education
Efforts to improve the quality and accessibility of education in Palestine have focused on increasing access to educational resources and reducing the financial burden on families. According to a report by the Palestinian Ministry of Education and Higher Education[20], the government has implemented policies aimed at providing free education and increasing access to scholarships and financial aid. NGOs and international organizations have also provided support for the development of new schools and the renovation of existing schools, as well as providing teaching materials and training for teachers. Although there is still a long way to tackle societal and political issues that are hindering access to education for children in Palestine and threatening their safety, steps are being taken to at least find solutions to economic struggles.
In conclusion, the quality and accessibility of education in Palestine are significantly impacted by ongoing conflict, political instability, and economic challenges. Palestinian students and educators face numerous challenges that affect the quality of education they receive, including a shortage of resources and facilities, high student-to-teacher ratios, frequent school closures and disruptions to academic life, and the general threat to their physical safety. Although efforts are being made to tackle the economic issues and developing proper infrastructure for educational institutions, the safety threat and issues related to the ongoing colonization of Palestine will continue to persist until the achievement of permanent political stability in the region.
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