(Arabic) Educational Challenges Israel

على مدار 20 عامًا، شهدت إسرائيل بعض التطورات المهمة المتعلقة بنظامها التعليمي. أدت هذه التطورات، بحلول عام 2019، إلى أن أصبحت إسرائيل واحدة من أعلى الدول إنفاقًا على التعليم الأساسي والثانوي وما بعد الثانوي غير الجامعي كنسبة من الناتج المحلي الإجمالي بين دول منظمة التعاون الاقتصادي والتنمية (إسرائيل: 6.7%، متوسط منظمة التعاون الاقتصادي والتنمية: 4.9%)[i]، حيث يحمل أكثر من نصف السكان مؤهلًا جامعيًا بين الفئة العمرية 25-64 عامًا.[ii] علاوة على ذلك، وضعت التطورات التكنولوجية السريعة في إسرائيل البلاد ضمن قائمة أكثر 20 دولة ابتكارًا في العالم.[iii]

على الرغم من كل النجاحات، لا تزال إسرائيل متأخرة في ضمان بعض الحقوق الأساسية المتعلقة بإمكانية الوصول إلى التعليم لجميع مواطنيها والمقيمين فيها. يقدم هذا المقال، بعد نظرة عامة موجزة على التركيبة العرقية والنظام التعليمي في إسرائيل، تسليطًا على بعض القضايا الأكثر إلحاحًا في قطاع التعليم في البلاد من خلال النظر في الفوارق التعليمية بين المجموعات العرقية والطبقات الاجتماعية والاقتصادية، وتحليل تداعيات جائحة كوفيد-19، وكذلك استكشاف ما يحدث في المنطقة (ج) من الأراضي المحتلة في الضفة الغربية.

التركيبة العرقية والسياق التاريخي للمجموعات العرقية في إسرائيل

إسرائيل دولة متعددة الأعراق والجنسيات والثقافات؛ حيث يشكل اليهود 74% من السكان، ويشكل العرب 21%، والإثيوبيون 1.5%، بينما تُصنف النسبة المتبقية 3.5% على أنهم “آخرون”. يمكن تقسيم السكان الناطقين بالعربية وفقًا للمعتقدات الدينية: 85% منهم مسلمون، و7.5% مسيحيون، و7.5% دروز.

تعتبر التركيبة العرقية للسكان في إسرائيل عاملًا أساسيًا في مناقشة القضايا في البلاد، حيث أن العديد من المشكلات تنبع من التمييز والصراعات بين المجموعات العرقية، ويعكس النظام التعليمي الإسرائيلي هذه القضايا أيضًا. غالبًا ما تكون النزاعات بين هذه المجموعات العرقية (والدينية) ذات جذور تاريخية عميقة، لا سيما في حالة الصراعات بين المجموعات اليهودية والعربية. يعود الصراع بين الجانبين إلى تأسيس إسرائيل كدولة، والحروب العديدة خلال القرن العشرين، مثل حرب 1948 بين العرب وإسرائيل، وحرب الأيام الستة في عام 1967، وحرب يوم الغفران في عام 1973، مما أدى إلى تعقيد العلاقة بين الطرفين.

نادراً ما يرتبط الهوية الوطنية للأقليات الناطقة بالعربية بإسرائيل، حيث تؤكد القيادة السياسية على الطابع اليهودي للدولة، بينما ترفض الاعتراف بالهوية الوطنية العربية أو الفلسطينية. علاوة على ذلك، تطبق إسرائيل ممارسات تمييزية تجاه هذه المجموعات العرقية (بما في ذلك في قطاع التعليم) لأن السلطات الحكومية غالبًا ما تنظر إليهم على أنهم تهديد أمني بسبب الصراعات التاريخية بين العرب وإسرائيل.[iv]

التعليم يبدأ من الصغر – نظام التعليم الإسرائيلي

منذ تأسيسها في عام 1948، كانت دولة إسرائيل تراقب نظامها التعليمي عن كثب وتنظمه، حيث تعتبر التعليم وسيلة لضمان الحراك الاجتماعي. كان قانون التعليم الإلزامي لعام 1949 أول إجراء قانوني رسمي يتم اتخاذه في إسرائيل لفرض التعليم الإلزامي الذي يضمن الحضور المدرسي المجاني للأطفال لمدة 9 سنوات من سن 5 سنوات.[v] لاحقًا، تم توسيع القانون من خلال تعديلات أخرى، وبحلول عام 2009، تم تمديد التعليم الإلزامي حتى الصف 12، وفي عام 2016، تم خفض سن الالتحاق الإلزامي بالمدرسة إلى 3 سنوات.[vi] تظهر نجاحات النظام التعليمي الإسرائيلي بشكل أكبر من خلال حقيقة أنه على الرغم من أن التعليم الإلزامي يبدأ من سن 3 سنوات، إلا أن 47% من الأطفال مسجلون بالفعل في مؤسسة تعليمية قبل سن السنتين.[vii] علاوة على ذلك، في عام 2019، كان 99% من الأطفال بين سن 3 و5 سنوات مسجلين في مؤسسة تعليمية.[viii]

يعمل التعليم العام الممول من الدولة في إسرائيل على نظام من أربعة تيارات لتلبية جميع المطالب الثقافية والدينية والعرقية لسكانها. وبالتالي، توفر الدولة مؤسسات تعليمية علمانية ودينية وحريدية (الأرثوذكسية المتشددة) للإسرائيليين اليهود، بينما تخدم المدارس العربية احتياجات الأقليات العربية والبدوية والمسيحية العربية والدروز الإسرائيلية.[ix] على طول هذه الخطوط العرقية والثقافية، يتم إدارة المدارس الناطقة بالعبرية من قبل مديرين يهود بينما يتم إدارة المدارس الناطقة بالعربية من قبل مديرين عرب. ومع ذلك، فإن جميع المديرين يخضعون للإدارة المركزية الإسرائيلية، والتمويل، والمناهج الدراسية التي تضمن متطلبات مماثلة وتتحكم في رواتب المعلمين.[x]

“البعض أكثر مساواة من الآخرين” – التمييز العرقي في التعليم

على الرغم من أن نظام المدارس ذي الأربع تيارات يبدو أنه يلبي أنواعًا مختلفة من الاحتياجات الثقافية والدينية، إلا أن المناهج الدراسية في المدارس العربية تُنظم إلى حد كبير من خلال سرد صهيوني يتجاهل المنظور التاريخي والجغرافي والثقافي العربي.[xii] العرب ممثلون تمثيلاً ضعيفًا في هيئات اتخاذ القرارات التعليمية الحكومية، وكذلك في مناصب التخطيط التعليمي والإشراف، مما يمنع تحقيق مصالح المجتمع الناطق بالعربية على المستويين الوطني والمحلي.[xiii] وبالتالي، على الرغم من المسؤوليات الرسمية الواسعة لقيادات المدارس العربية، إلا أن لديهم تأثيرًا محدودًا على القرارات المتعلقة بمؤسساتهم، حيث يتم تحديد معظم السياسات التعليمية من أعلى إلى أسفل.[xiv]

تظهر الفجوة أيضًا بين المدارس اليهودية والعربية عندما يتعلق الأمر بتخصيص الميزانية لبرامج التعليم المتقدمة، وتقديم برامج دعم الطلاب المتأخرين أو الأطفال ذوي الإعاقة.[xv] بالإضافة إلى ذلك، يتم تخصيص ميزانية أقل بنسبة حوالي 30% لنظام المدارس العربية بناءً على نسبة السكان. ترتبط الفروق في ميزانيات المدارس بشكل وثيق بعدم تكافؤ الفرص وجودة التعليم، حيث تعاني المدارس العربية غالبًا من نقص في “الفصول الدراسية، المكتبات، المختبرات، والمعلمين المؤهلين”.[xvi] تؤدي هذه العوامل أيضًا إلى زيادة حجم الفصول الدراسية، مما يعوق تعلم الطلاب بسبب قلة الاهتمام الفردي من معلميهم. علاوة على ذلك، يُطلب من الطلاب الناطقين بالعربية تعلم اللغة العبرية أيضًا، وهو موضوع إضافي بالنسبة للطلاب العرب فوق جميع المواد الإلزامية الأخرى، ومع ذلك لا تتلقى المدارس تمويلاً إضافيًا لدعم تعليمهم.[xvii]

تؤثر العوامل المذكورة أعلاه سلبًا على نتائج التعلم لدى الطلاب الناطقين بالعربية، حيث يظهر ذلك في الأداء المنخفض نسبيًا للطلاب العرب في الامتحانات الوطنية والدولية.[xviii] الطلاب العرب أقل بنسبة 30% في الحصول على شهادة الثانوية العامة (البجروت)، وهي ضرورية لدخول التعليم العالي وبعض المسارات المهنية.[xix]

يواجه الطلاب الإثيوبيون أيضًا تمييزًا كبيرًا. على الرغم من أن معظمهم يرتادون مدارس يهودية دينية، فإن المجتمع اليهودي الأرثوذكسي يشكك في شرعية هوية هذه الأقلية اليهودية بسبب وجودهم الحديث نسبيًا في إسرائيل، وأحيانًا بسبب لون بشرتهم الداكن.[xx] يؤدي التمييز العنصري، الذي يمارسه أحيانًا حتى المعلمون، إلى جانب الخلفية الاجتماعية والاقتصادية المتدنية، إلى توسيع الفجوة التعليمية بين اليهود والإثيوبيين الإسرائيليين، مما يؤدي إلى معدل تسرب مرتفع (10.5% تسرب رسمي و23% تسرب خفي) بين الطلاب الإثيوبيين.[xxi] المشكلات التي يواجهها الطلاب الإثيوبيون شديدة لدرجة أن “30% فقط من طلاب الصف الثاني عشر الإثيوبيين يحصلون على شهادة البجروت بالمستوى المطلوب لدخول الجامعة، مقارنة بـ65% من طلاب اليهود بشكل عام”، مما يعيق بشكل أكبر الحراك الاجتماعي للإثيوبيين الإسرائيليين.[xxii]

الابتكار ولكن ليس التوزيع المتساوي – العقبات الاجتماعية والاقتصادية في التعليم

في إسرائيل، توجد فجوات اجتماعية واقتصادية كبيرة ترتبط بالخطوط العرقية والدينية: يشكل العرب واليهود الحريديم حوالي 30% من السكان الإسرائيليين، لكنهم يمثلون 60% من الفقراء في البلاد.[xxiii] تختلف الأسباب وراء هذا التمثيل المفرط لكل من المجموعتين.

كما ذكر سابقًا، لا تزال العداوات التاريخية بين العرب واليهود الإسرائيليين بارزة وغالبًا ما تؤدي إلى التمييز ضد العرب. أما اليهود الحريديم، فهم محاصرون في أوضاع اجتماعية واقتصادية متدنية بسبب نمط حياتهم الديني الأرثوذكسي الصارم، حيث يكرس الرجال حياتهم لدراسة التوراة ويعيشون في عزلة نسبية.[xxiv] في حين أن اليهود الإسرائيليين يحصلون عادةً على تعليم عالي الجودة لسنوات ويعيشون في أسر يعمل فيها كلا الوالدين، فإن المجتمعات العربية والحريديم غالبًا ما تفتقر إلى التعليم الجيد، وتشغل وظائف منخفضة الأجر، وتعيش في أسر يكون فيها أحد الوالدين أو كلاهما عاطلين عن العمل.[xxv] عادةً ما يرتبط الخلفية الاجتماعية والاقتصادية المنخفضة بمعدلات التسرب الدراسي، كما أن مستوى تعليم الوالدين يعد عاملاً مهمًا؛ فكلما زادت سنوات التعليم التي حصل عليها الوالدان، قلت فرص أبنائهم في التسرب.[xxvi] وهذا يعكس دائرة مفرغة من الجمود الاجتماعي التي توسع الفجوة التعليمية والاجتماعية والاقتصادية بين المجموعات العرقية والدينية في إسرائيل.

ومع ذلك، فإن الوضع المالي ومستوى التعليم لدى الوالدين ليس العامل الوحيد المؤثر في معدلات التسرب. نظرًا لأن تمويل مؤسسات التعليم العام يتم توزيعه من خلال الحكومات المحلية، فإن المدارس في المناطق الأقل ثراءً غالبًا ما تعاني من نقص التمويل ولا تستطيع دائمًا تقديم تعليم عالي الجودة. وهذا يعني أن تمويل المدارس العربية في الأحياء العربية يمكن أن يكون أقل بعشر مرات أو حتى عشرين مرة من المدارس في المناطق الأكثر ثراءً.[xxvii] علاوة على ذلك، فإن عدد السكان في المناطق العربية في تزايد مستمر، مما يؤدي إلى زيادة كبيرة في أعداد الطلاب في المدارس العربية.

في ضوء ذلك، أصبح من الضروري إعادة توزيع التمويل وإعادة النظر في تخصيصه لضمان توفير تعليم جيد لجميع الطلاب في هذه المناطق.[xxviii] تؤثر القضايا المالية سلبًا على جودة التعليم في المدارس العربية، مما قد يؤدي إلى تثبيط عزيمة الطلاب الناطقين بالعربية عن مواصلة أو إكمال دراستهم. لكن هناك بعض الأمل، حيث انخفضت معدلات التسرب بشكل ملحوظ منذ عام 2003 بين الطلاب الناطقين بالعربية، من 15.8% إلى 8.1%، بفضل بعض الإصلاحات التي استهدفت قطاع التعليم العربي.[xxix]

فيما يتعلق بالمجتمع الحريدي، غالبًا ما ينتقل الأولاد من سن 14 إلى مدارس اليشيفا، التي لا تخضع لإشراف وزارة التعليم الإسرائيلية. تتبع هذه المدارس مناهج تركز بشكل أكبر على الدراسات الدينية، ولا تترك مجالًا كبيرًا للمواد المدرسية العادية. وهذا يعني أن طلاب الحريديم عادةً ما يكون أداؤهم أقل من الطلاب اليهود الإسرائيليين الآخرين في الامتحانات الدولية، كما أنهم لا يحصلون على شهادة البجروت، مما يمنعهم من دخول التعليم العالي.[xxx]

ومع ذلك، أظهرت الحكومة الإسرائيلية مؤخرًا بعض الجهود المثيرة للإعجاب في دعم مدارس اليشيفا لضمان تدريس المزيد من المواد العادية، وبالتالي زيادة فرص الشباب الحريديم في متابعة التعليم العالي والحصول على وظائف بأجر أعلى. عرضت الدولة تغطية 100% من التمويل مع تقديم منحة إضافية لكل طالب في كل مدرسة حريدية تعتمد المواد الأساسية في مناهجها، مثل الرياضيات أو الإنجليزية.[xxxi]

نقص التكنولوجيا في الدولة الـ15 الأكثر ابتكاراً – التحديات خلال الجائحة

فاقمت جائحة كوفيد-19 الفجوة التعليمية على أساس الخطوط الاجتماعية والاقتصادية. أغلقت إسرائيل مؤسساتها التعليمية في مارس 2020 بسبب الجائحة، واستمرت في تقديم التعليم من خلال التعليم عن بُعد.

ومع ذلك، افتقرت العديد من الأسر إلى المرافق الأساسية اللازمة للتعليم عبر الإنترنت، مثل أجهزة الكمبيوتر أو الوصول إلى الإنترنت أو حتى الكهرباء. حتى إن توفرت هذه المرافق، لم تستطع العديد من الأسر تحمل تكاليف توفير الأجهزة اللازمة لدعم تعليم جميع أطفالها.[xxxii]

وقد تفاقمت خطورة هذه المشكلات بالنظر إلى أن الطلاب من ذوي الوضع الاجتماعي والاقتصادي المنخفض هم الأكثر حاجة إلى المساعدة أو الانتباه الإضافي من المعلمين، وهو الأمر الذي لم يكن متاحًا في كثير من الأحيان من خلال التعليم عن بُعد، خاصة وأن بعض المعلمين واجهوا أيضًا صعوبات في التكيف مع هذا النوع من التعليم.[xxxiii] فبينما واجه البعض صعوبة في الاعتياد على المنصات التعليمية عبر الإنترنت، لم يتمكن آخرون ببساطة من الوصول إلى المرافق المناسبة للتعليم عن بُعد.

بالإضافة إلى ذلك، كانت مشكلة التعليم عبر الإنترنت أكثر حدة في المجتمع الحريدي اليهودي نظرًا لتجنبهم التقليدي لاستخدام الإنترنت. رغم أن عدد المستخدمين للإنترنت في هذا المجتمع في تزايد، لا يزال هناك عقبات تمنع بعض الأطفال من المشاركة في التعليم عن بُعد. بل إن بعض المدارس الحريدية رفضت التوقف عن التعليم الحضوري.[xxxiv]

الأراضي المضطربة – المنطقة “ج“

من الضروري في النهاية إلقاء نظرة على أراضي الضفة الغربية المحتلة من قبل إسرائيل والتي يسكنها تقريبًا سكان عرب بالكامل. الوضع القانوني والإداري والحكومي (والعديد من الجوانب الأخرى) لهذه المنطقة معقد ومشوش، ولكن من الواضح أن لإسرائيل تأثيراً كبيراً على المنطقة في جميع الجوانب.

تم تقسيم أراضي الضفة الغربية المحتلة إلى ثلاث مناطق إدارية في عام 1995: المنطقة “أ” والمنطقة “ب” والمنطقة “ج”.[xxxv] ببساطة، المنطقة “أ” تحت إدارة السلطة الفلسطينية (PA) إلى حد كبير، بينما في المنطقة “ب” تمارس السلطة الفلسطينية مهام مشابهة باستثناء الأمن الذي تديره السلطات الإسرائيلية. أما المنطقة “ج”، التي تشكل حوالي 60% من أراضي الضفة الغربية، فهي تحت السيطرة الإسرائيلية باستثناء بعض القضايا المدنية مثل التعليم والرعاية الصحية.

على الرغم من أن إسرائيل لا تبدو مرتبطة بشكل مباشر بقطاع التعليم في الضفة الغربية، إلا أنها تمتلك تأثيرًا غير مباشر كبيرًا على هذه القطاعات المدنية من خلال سيطرتها على الأراضي والبناء في المنطقة “ج”. بالإضافة إلى ذلك، يحدد القانون الدولي بعض المسؤوليات لإسرائيل، حيث ينص على أن القوى المحتلة يجب أن تضمن حقوق الإنسان وظروف معيشية كريمة للأشخاص الخاضعين للاحتلال.[xxxvi]

يؤثر السيطرة الإسرائيلية الشديدة على المنطقة “ج” بشكل كبير على قطاع التعليم في المناطق “أ” و”ب”، حيث أن المناطق المعزولة التي لا تحتوي على مطار أو ميناء يمكنها الحصول على الإمدادات فقط عبر المنطقة “ج”. ومع ذلك، يركز هذا المقال أساسًا على المنطقة “ج” حيث يواجه قطاع التعليم هناك أكثر المشاكل حدة.

تستضيف المنطقة “ج” من الأراضي المحتلة في الضفة الغربية حوالي 325 ألف مستوطن يهودي، 180 ألف فلسطيني، و20 ألف من البدو وغيرهم من الرعاة الإسرائيليين.[xxxvii] وتفرض السيطرة الإسرائيلية قيودًا على توطين غير الإسرائيليين وبعض الأنشطة مثل البناء والبنية التحتية. هذه الإجراءات غالبًا ما تترك القرى غير اليهودية بدون مرافق وخدمات أساسية، مثل المياه، الكهرباء، الرعاية الصحية، التعليم، أو وسائل النقل العام المناسبة.[xxxviii] علاوة على ذلك، تمتلك السلطات الإسرائيلية الحق في هدم المستوطنات الفلسطينية والبدوية إذا تعارضت مع المصالح الإسرائيلية، ونقل سكانها.[xxxix] تُهدم بعض القرى البدوية ببساطة لأن السلطات الإسرائيلية لا تعترف بها كمستوطنات رسمية. [xl]

رغم أن التأثير الإسرائيلي المباشر على التعليم غير واضح، إلا أن هذه الظروف تمنع معظم الأطفال الفلسطينيين والبدو من الالتحاق بالمدارس في ظروف مناسبة، أو حتى الالتحاق بالتعليم على الإطلاق. هدم المستوطنات يعرض المؤسسات التعليمية للخطر، في حين نادرًا ما يتم بناء مدارس جديدة بسبب القيود المفروضة على البناء غير اليهودي. هذا يترك قرى كاملة بدون أي شكل من أشكال الخدمات التعليمية. ففي عام 2012 وحده، كانت 37 مدرسة مهددة بالهدم لأنها بُنيت بدون تصريح من السلطات الإسرائيلية.[xli]

كما أن نقص البنية التحتية يمثل تحديًا للأطفال غير اليهود للوصول إلى المدارس، حيث تفتقر المنطقة إلى وسائل النقل العام والحافلات المدرسية. [xlii] 189 من أصل 532 مستوطنة لا تحتوي حتى على مدرسة ابتدائية واحدة،[xliii] مما يعني أن العديد من الأطفال يضطرون للسير لمدة تصل إلى ساعتين في كل اتجاه للوصول إلى المدرسة.[xliv] ويصبح هذا مستحيلًا في بعض الأحيان عندما تكون الأحوال الجوية غير مواتية.[xlv]

بالإضافة إلى ذلك، غالبًا ما يكون من غير الآمن للأطفال الصغار السفر بمفردهم إلى المدرسة بسبب الاعتداءات المتكررة التي تستهدف الأطفال الفلسطينيين والبدو، بعضها يحدث عند الحواجز العسكرية التي يجب على الأطفال عبورها للوصول إلى المدرسة.[xlvi] خلال مداهمات المدارس، كثيرًا ما تقوم القوات العسكرية الإسرائيلية باعتقال العديد من الطلاب ومصادرة المعدات المدرسية. هذه الأخطار تثني الآباء عن إرسال أطفالهم إلى المدرسة، خاصة بناتهم.[xlvii]

تعليم الفتيات مهدد بشكل خاص، حيث أن بعض الأعراف الاجتماعية التقليدية تمنعهن من السفر بمفردهن، وعندما لا يكون هناك أحد من أفراد الأسرة الذكور لمرافقتهم في الطريق، لا يمكنهن حضور المدرسة.[xlviii] علاوة على ذلك، فإن الزواج المبكر أو الحاجة للبقاء في المنزل لرعاية الأجداد أو الأشقاء المعاقين يؤدي إلى عدم التحاق العديد من الفتيات بالتعليم أو عدم إكماله.[xlix] ومع ذلك، ليس من النادر أن يضطر الأولاد أيضًا لترك المدرسة للمساعدة في دعم الأسرة.[l] ومع اتساع الفجوة الاجتماعية والاقتصادية بين الإسرائيليين اليهود وغير اليهود، تصبح بعض الأسر غير قادرة على تحمل تكاليف لوازم المدرسة أو الاحتياجات الأساسية مثل الأحذية،[li] أو وسائل النقل العام، وبالتالي لا تستطيع إرسال أطفالها إلى المدرسة على الرغم من أن التعليم ذاته مجاني.[lii]

تؤثر هذه الظروف سلبًا على جودة التعليم، مما يؤدي إلى عدم اهتمام الأطفال في المنطقة “ج” بالتعليم، وقد يؤدي إلى تسرب الأطفال من المدارس، في حين أن الذين يستمرون في دراستهم غالبًا ما يفعلون ذلك في مؤسسات تعليمية سيئة التجهيز.[liii] نسب التسرب الدراسي مرتفعة بشكل خاص بين الأطفال البدو، حيث أن 32٪ فقط منهم يحصلون على شهادة التوجيهي مقارنة بـ 68٪ من السكان الإسرائيليين (باستثناء المجتمع الحريدي).[liv] وقد تفاقمت هذه المشكلات مع تحول المدارس إلى التعليم عبر الإنترنت خلال جائحة كوفيد-19، حيث يعيش البدو في كثير من الأحيان في خيام بدون كهرباء أو اتصال بالإنترنت أو أجهزة كمبيوتر.[lv] واجه “حوالي 100,000 طالب بدوي وحوالي 2,000 طالب جامعي بدوي من النقب” صعوبات شديدة في حضور المدرسة خلال الجائحة. [lvi]

أخيرًا، من المهم أيضًا الإشارة إلى أن التعليم في المنطقة “ج” يفتقر إلى الموارد المالية الكافية. تأتي معظم المساعدات المالية من المنظمات الدولية، مثل USAID وUNRWA والرباعية الشرق أوسطية.[lvii] ومع ذلك، يجب على هذه المنظمات والسلطة الفلسطينية اجتياز إجراءات بيروقراطية مطولة لتمويل المشاريع والحصول على تصاريح من السلطات الإسرائيلية. هذه الصعوبات تؤدي في كثير من الأحيان إلى تخلي المنظمات عن مشاريعها أو تأخير تنفيذها بشكل كبير.[lviii]

الملاحظات الختامية

لا شك أن إسرائيل حققت إنجازات كبيرة فيما يتعلق بقطاع التعليم لديها. ومع ذلك، فإن عملية وضع السياسات وتنفيذها تواجه تحديات كبيرة، ليس فقط فيما يتعلق بإنشاء سياسات فعالة وشاملة لسكانها المتنوعين عرقياً ودينياً، ولكن أيضًا بسبب الصراعات التاريخية غير المحسومة بين المجموعات العرقية في البلاد. هذه التوترات تنعكس في نظام التعليم الإسرائيلي، حيث يعاني الطلاب العرب أو الإثيوبيون الإسرائيليون، على سبيل المثال، من عوائق كبيرة مقارنة بالطلاب اليهود الإسرائيليين. تُظهر هذه الفروقات من خلال الأداء المتدني للطلاب العرب أو الإثيوبيين في الامتحانات الدولية والمحلية، فضلاً عن الوصول غير المتكافئ للموارد والفرص.

معالجة عدم المساواة في التعليم، أو أي ممارسات تمييزية متأصلة في النظام الاجتماعي أو السياسي أو الاقتصادي، هي مشروع طويل الأمد يمتد عبر أجيال. وعلى الرغم من أن هذا الجهد قد يبدو بطيئاً أو شاقاً أو حتى مستحيلاً في بعض الأحيان، فإن الحالة الراهنة لنظام التعليم الإسرائيلي ستؤدي إلى مزيد من الضرر إذا لم تُحل مشكلات عدم المساواة. الدائرة المفرغة للفقر، المتشابكة بشدة مع الخطوط العرقية، لا يمكن كسرها دون تعاون متبادل، وفهم مشترك، واعتراف بآلام ومعاناة الآخر. على الحكومة الإسرائيلية بالتعاون مع الجهات الفاعلة في المجتمع المدني أن تعمل على سد الفجوات المجتمعية والانفصال الواسع الانتشار بين المجموعات العرقية وبين الطبقات الاجتماعية والاقتصادية، لبناء مجتمع متعاطف ومتناغم.

بالطبع، المسألة أكثر تعقيداً من مجرد إنشاء بعض البرامج التعليمية أو تقديم تمويل إضافي للمدارس الناطقة بالعربية، على سبيل المثال. لكن يجب أن يبدأ التغيير من مكان ما، وربما بدأ بالفعل مع المدارس العربية-اليهودية “يداً بيد”. تعمل هذه المدارس ثنائية اللغة والممولة من القطاع الخاص بمنهج متعدد الثقافات يهدف إلى تعزيز الشمولية والمساواة في المجتمع الإسرائيلي. لا تسعى “يداً بيد” فقط إلى بدء نقاش منتج بين المجموعات العرقية، بل تسهم أيضًا في التعايش المتناغم والتعاون بينهما لبناء مجتمع أكثر صحة ومستقبل سلمي.

بقلم جوهانا فاركاس

ترجمة رويفة الريامية

المراجع

Sources;

[i] OECD. “Education at a Glance.” OECD, 2019. https://www.oecd.org/education/education-at-a-glance/EAG2019_CN_ISR.pdf (Accessed 20 September 2022).

[ii] OECD. “Education GPS – Israel – Overview of the Education System (EAG 2019).” gpseducation.oecd.org, 2021. https://gpseducation.oecd.org/CountryProfile?primaryCountry=ISR&treshold=10&topic=EO (Accessed 20 September 2022).

[iii] The Global Economy. “Innovation Index by Country, around the World | TheGlobalEconomy.com.” TheGlobalEconomy.com, 2021. https://www.theglobaleconomy.com/rankings/GII_Index/ (Accessed 20 September 2022).

[iv] Ibid: 189.

[v] Krief, Tomer. “The Compulsory Education Law in Israel and Liquidity Constrains.” Israel Economic Review 7, no. 1 (2009): 79.

[vi] Center for Israel Education. “Compulsory Education Law Is Implemented.” CIE, September 18, 2022. https://israeled.org/compulsory-education-law/#:~:text=The%20Compulsory%20Education%20Law%20which. (Accessed 19 September 2022).

[vii] OECD. “Education Policy Outlook: Israel.” OECD. OECD, 2016. https://www.oecd.org/israel/Education-Policy-Outlook-Country-Profile-Israel.pdf. (Accessed 19 September 2022); 4.

[viii] OECD. “Education GPS – Israel – Overview of the Education System (EAG 2019).” gpseducation.oecd.org, 2021. https://gpseducation.oecd.org/CountryProfile?primaryCountry=ISR&treshold=10&topic=EO (Accessed 20 September 2022).

[ix] Ibid.

[x] Da’as, Rima’a, and Alexander Zibenberg. “Conflict, control and culture: implications for implicit followership and leadership theories.” Educational Review 73, no.2 (2021): 199.

[xi] Orwell, George. Animal Farm. 1945. Reprint, Boston ; New York: Houghton Mifflin Harcourt, Corp, 1945.

[xii] Reingold, Roni, and Lea Baratz. “Arab School Principals in Israel – between Conformity and Moral Courage.” Intercultural Education 31, no. 1 (November 20, 2019): 88.

[xiii] Da’as, Rima’a and Alexander Zibenberg. “Conflict, control and culture: implications for implicit followership and leadership theories.” Educational Review 73, no.2 (2021): 189.

[xiv] Reingold, Roni, and Lea Baratz. “Arab School Principals in Israel – between Conformity and Moral Courage.” Intercultural Education 31, no. 1 (November 20, 2019): 89.

[xv] Da’as, Rima’a and Alexander Zibenberg. “Conflict, control and culture: implications for implicit followership and leadership theories.” Educational Review 73, no.2 (2021): 199.

[xvi] Zeedan, Rami, and Rachel Elizabeth Hogan. “The Correlation between Budgets and Matriculation Exams: The Case of Jewish and Arab Schools in Israel.” Education Sciences, 12, no.554 (2022): 2.

[xvii] Resh, Nura, and Nachum Blass. “Israel: Gaps in Educational Outcomes in a Changing Multi- Ethnic Society.” In The Palgrave Handbook of Race and Ethnic Inequalities in Education, edited by Peter A. J. Dworkin and A. Gary Stevens, 631–94. Palgrave Macmillan, 2019; 671.

[xviii] Da’as, Rima’a and Alexander Zibenberg. “Conflict, control and culture: implications for implicit followership and leadership theories.” Educational Review 73, no.2 (2021): 199.

[xix] Zeedan, Rami, and Rachel Elizabeth Hogan. “The Correlation between Budgets and Matriculation Exams: The Case of Jewish and Arab Schools in Israel.” Education Sciences, 12, no.554 (2022): 2.

[xx] Resh, Nura, and Nachum Blass. “Israel: Gaps in Educational Outcomes in a Changing Multi- Ethnic Society.” In The Palgrave Handbook of Race and Ethnic Inequalities in Education, edited by Peter A. J. Dworkin and A. Gary Stevens, 631–94. Palgrave Macmillan, 2019; 659.

[xxi] Ibid; 658

[xxii] Ibid; 660.

[xxiii] OECD. “Israel: A Divided Society – Results of a Review of Labour-Market and Social Policy.” OECD. OECD, 2010. https://www.oecd.org/els/44394444.pdf (Accessed 20 September 2022).

[xxiv] Black, Shlomo, Itschak Trachtengot, and Gabriel Horenczyk. “Community Post-Traumatic Growth: Israeli Ultra-Orthodox Coping with Coronavirus.” Contemporary Jewry 42, no. 1 (March 2022): 86, 90.

[xxv] OECD. “Israel: A Divided Society – Results of a Review of Labour-Market and Social Policy.” OECD. OECD, 2010. https://www.oecd.org/els/44394444.pdf (Accessed 20 September 2022).

[xxvi] Yanay, Guy, Hadas Fuchs, and Nachum Blass. “Staying in School Longer, Dropping out Less: Trends in the High School Dropout Phenomenon.” Taub Center for Social Policy Studies in Israel, 2019; 19.

[xxvii] OECD. “Education Policy Outlook: Israel.” OECD. OECD, 2016. https://www.oecd.org/israel/Education-Policy-Outlook-Country-Profile-Israel.pdf. (Accessed 19 September 2022); 16.

[xxviii] Ibid; 16.

[xxix] Yanay, Guy, Hadas Fuchs, and Nachum Blass. “Staying in School Longer, Dropping out Less: Trends in the High School Dropout Phenomenon.” Taub Center for Social Policy Studies in Israel, 2019; 9, 11-12.

[xxx] European Training Foundation. “National Qualifications Framework – Israel.” European Training Foundation. European Training Foundation, 2021. https://www.etf.europa.eu/sites/default/files/document/Israel_0.pdf. (Accessed: 28 September 2022): 4.

[xxxi] Shain, Yossi. “Régóta esedékes változás következik a Haredi iskolarendszerben – Vélemény.” The Jerusalem Post | JPost.com, 2022. július 2. https://www.jpost.com/opinion/article-711008. (Accessed: 28 September 2022).

[xxxii] Setton, Keren. “Pandemic Exposes Weaknesses of Israel’s Already Battered Education System.” The Media Line, January 6, 2022. https://themedialine.org/life-lines/pandemic-exposes-weaknesses-of-israels-already-battered-education-system/. (Accessed 28 September, 2022).

[xxxiii] Sabag, Ziba, and Shirly Cohen. “The Influence of the COVID-19 Epidemic on Teaching Methods in Higher Education Institutions in Israel”. Journal of Research in Higher Education 1 (2020):44-71.

[xxxiv] Ibid.

[xxxv] Welcome to Palestine. “Everything You Need to Know about Areas A,B and C.” Welcome To Palestine, July 21, 2017. https://www.welcometopalestine.com/article/areas-a-b-c-explained-west-bank-israel-gaza-palestine/ (Accessed: 30 September 2022).

[xxxvi] Ibid; 99.

[xxxvii] Kadman, Noga. “Acting the Landlord: Israel’s Policy in Area C, the West Bank.” Edited by Yael Stein. B’TSELEM. The Israeli Information Centre for Human Rights in the Occupied Territories, June 2013. https://www.btselem.org/publications/summaries/201306_acting_the_landlord. (Accessed: 19 September 2022); 12-13.

[xxxviii] Ibid; 5.

[xxxix] Ibid; 20, 44.

[xl] Ibid; 11.

[xli] Ibid; 22.

[xlii] Kadman, Noga. “Acting the Landlord: Israel’s Policy in Area C, the West Bank.” Edited by Yael Stein. B’TSELEM. The Israeli Information Centre for Human Rights in the Occupied Territories, June 2013. https://www.btselem.org/publications/summaries/201306_acting_the_landlord. (Accessed 19 September 2022); 55.

[xliii] OHCHR. “United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs – Occupied Palestinian Territory | Access to Education in Area c of the West Bank.” United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs – occupied Palestinian territory, July 4, 2017. https://www.ochaopt.org/content/access-education-area-c-west-bank. (Accessed 20 September 2022).

[xliv] Kadman, Noga. “Acting the Landlord: Israel’s Policy in Area C, the West Bank.” Edited by Yael Stein. B’TSELEM. The Israeli Information Centre for Human Rights in the Occupied Territories, June 2013. https://www.btselem.org/publications/summaries/201306_acting_the_landlord. (Accessed 19 September 2022); 28.

[xlv] Ibid; 55.

[xlvi] OHCHR. “United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs – Occupied Palestinian Territory | Access to Education in Area c of the West Bank.” United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs – occupied Palestinian territory, July 4, 2017. https://www.ochaopt.org/content/access-education-area-c-west-bank. (Accessed 20 September 2022).

[xlvii] Ibid.

[xlviii] Kadman, Noga. “Acting the Landlord: Israel’s Policy in Area C, the West Bank.” Edited by Yael Stein. B’TSELEM. The Israeli Information Centre for Human Rights in the Occupied Territories, June 2013. https://www.btselem.org/publications/summaries/201306_acting_the_landlord. (Accessed 19 September 2022); 55.

[xlix] European Institute of the Mediterranean. “Field Diagnosis: Girls’ Access to Education in Six ‘’Area C”” Localities in Bethlehem and al Khalil.” IEMED, October 18, 2018. https://www.iemed.org/publication/field-diagnosis-girls-access-to-education-in-six-area-c-localities-in-bethlehem-and-al-khalil/#section-main-findings-and-analysis-of-the-situation-of-girls-education-and-dropout-levels-GG9aD. (Accessed 20 September 2022).

[l] Ibid.

[li] Ibid.

[lii] Kadman, Noga. “Acting the Landlord: Israel’s Policy in Area C, the West Bank.” Edited by Yael Stein. B’TSELEM. The Israeli Information Centre for Human Rights in the Occupied Territories, June 2013. https://www.btselem.org/publications/summaries/201306_acting_the_landlord. (Accessed 19 September 2022); 52.

[liii] UNICEF. “State of Palestine: Country Report on Out-of-School Children.” UNICEF, July 2018, 3.; Kadman, Noga. “Acting the Landlord: Israel’s Policy in Area C, the West Bank.” Edited by Yael Stein. B’TSELEM. The Israeli Information Centre for Human Rights in the Occupied Territories, June 2013. https://www.btselem.org/publications/summaries/201306_acting_the_landlord. (Accessed 19 September 2022); 82.

[liv] Zaken, Danny. “Israeli-Bedouin Students Left behind over Coronavirus – Al-Monitor: The Pulse of the Middle East.” www.al-monitor.com, April 2, 2020. https://www.al-monitor.com/originals/2020/04/israel-arab-bedouin-education-ministry-coronavirus-computer.html. (Accessed 19 September 2022).

[lv] Ibid.

[lvi] Ibid.

[lvii] Kadman, Noga. “Acting the Landlord: Israel’s Policy in Area C, the West Bank.” Edited by Yael Stein. B’TSELEM. The Israeli Information Centre for Human Rights in the Occupied Territories, June 2013. https://www.btselem.org/publications/summaries/201306_acting_the_landlord. (Accessed 19 September 2022); 23.

[lviii] Ibid.

[lix] Hand in Hand. “About Us.” Hand in Hand. 2022. https://www.handinhandk12.org/. (Accessed 21 October 2022).

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अफगानिस्तान में शैक्षिक चुनौतियां
माटिल्डे रिबैटी द्वारा लिखित

अफगानिस्तान के दुर्गम और सांस्कृतिक रूप से विविध परिदृश्य में, शिक्षा हमेशा दृढ़ता, संकल्प और आशा के धागों से बुनी एक जटिल संरचना रही है। दशकों के संघर्ष, राजनीतिक उथल-पुथल, और आर्थिक अस्थिरता के बावजूद, ज्ञान की तलाश अफगान लोगों के दिलों में संभावनाओं की एक ज्योति प्रज्वलित करती रहती है। हालाँकि, अफगानिस्तान में शिक्षा की राह कई चुनौतियों से भरी हुई है, जो इसे साकार करने में गंभीर बाधाएँ उत्पन्न करती हैं।
इस लेख में, हम उन गहन शैक्षिक चुनौतियों पर प्रकाश डालते हैं जिन्होंने अफगानिस्तान को त्रस्त किया है, उन प्रणालीगत मुद्दों पर प्रकाश डालते हुए जिन्होंने प्रगति में बाधा डाली है और देश के भविष्य के लिए दूरगामी परिणामों की जांच की है।
शैक्षिक परिदृश्य की जटिलताओं को समझकर, हम अफगान छात्रों के लिए एक उज्जवल भविष्य की दिशा में मार्ग प्रशस्त करने के लिए आवश्यक संभावित समाधानों और हस्तक्षेपों को उजागर कर सकते हैं। अनस्प्लैश पर वानमान उथमानियाह द्वारा ली गई तस्वीर

ऐतिहासिक पृष्ठभूमि
अफगानिस्तान में शिक्षा का इतिहास देश की समृद्ध सांस्कृतिक विरासत और सदियों से इसके संघर्षों के साथ गहराई से जुड़ा हुआ है। शिक्षा को लंबे समय से अफगान समाज की आधारशिला के रूप में महत्व दिया गया है, प्रारंभिक रिकॉर्ड 11वीं शताब्दी तक शैक्षणिक संस्थानों के अस्तित्व का संकेत देते हैं। इस्लामी स्कूल, जिन्हें मदरसों के रूप में जाना जाता है, ने धार्मिक अध्ययन और अरबी भाषा पढ़ाने में महत्वपूर्ण भूमिका निभाई। 20वीं शताब्दी के दौरान, आधुनिकीकरण और सुधारों की एक लहर ने एक औपचारिक शिक्षा प्रणाली स्थापित करने की मांग की, जिसमें धर्मनिरपेक्ष स्कूलों और विश्वविद्यालयों की शुरुआत की गई।[1] हालाँकि, सोवियत आक्रमण, गृह युद्ध और तालिबान शासन सहित दशकों के संघर्ष ने शैक्षिक परिदृश्य को गंभीर रूप से बाधित कर दिया। स्कूलों को नष्ट कर दिया गया, शिक्षकों को विस्थापित कर दिया गया और शिक्षा तक पहुंच सीमित हो गई, विशेष रूप से लड़कियों के लिए।[2]
शैक्षिक कठिनाइयाँ

लैंगिक विषमता
जैसा कि ऊपर उल्लेख किया गया है, अफगानिस्तान में शिक्षा क्षेत्र के सामने सबसे अधिक दबाव वाली चुनौतियों में से एक व्यापक लैंगिक असमानता है। सांस्कृतिक मानदंडों और गहरी सामाजिक बाधाओं के कारण लड़कियों को स्कूलों से बाहर कर दिया गया है, जिससे उन्हें शिक्षा की परिवर्तनकारी शक्ति तक पहुंच से वंचित कर दिया गया है।[3]

अफगानिस्तान में तालिबान शासन के दौरान, जो 1996 से 2001 तक चला, लड़कियों के लिए शिक्षा तक पहुंच गंभीर रूप से प्रतिबंधित थी और कई मामलों में, पूरी तरह से इनकार कर दिया गया था। तालिबान ने इस्लामी कानून की एक सख्त व्याख्या लागू की, जिसमें लड़कियों की शिक्षा को लक्षित करने वाली दमनकारी नीतियों की एक श्रृंखला लागू की गई। लड़कियों को स्कूलों में जाने से मना किया गया था, और लड़कियों के लिए शैक्षणिक संस्थानों को व्यवस्थित रूप से बंद कर दिया गया था या अन्य उपयोगों के लिए पुनर्निर्मित किया गया था। शिक्षा से वंचित होने से लड़कियां अपने मौलिक अधिकारों से वंचित हो गईं और निरक्षरता और उनके भविष्य के लिए सीमित अवसरों का एक चक्र बना रहा। तालिबान की प्रतिबंधात्मक नीतियों ने औपचारिक स्कूली शिक्षा को प्रभावित किया और व्यावसायिक प्रशिक्षण और उच्च शिक्षा तक महिलाओं की पहुंच को सीमित कर दिया। तालिबान शासन के दौरान लड़कियों की शिक्षा पर इन प्रतिबंधों का हानिकारक प्रभाव सभी अफगान बच्चों के लिए शैक्षिक अवसरों और लैंगिक समानता सुनिश्चित करने के लिए चल रहे प्रयासों की तत्काल आवश्यकता को रेखांकित करता है।[4]

तालिबान शासन के पतन के बाद, लड़कियों की शिक्षा में सुधार करने में महत्वपूर्ण प्रगति हुई है। एक नई सरकार की स्थापना और अंतर्राष्ट्रीय संगठनों के समर्थन से लैंगिक समानता को बढ़ावा देने और शिक्षा तक पहुंच बढ़ाने के लिए एक ठोस प्रयास किया गया है। जो स्कूल पहले बंद कर दिए गए थे या नष्ट कर दिए गए थे, उन्हें फिर से खोल दिया गया है और देश भर में नए शैक्षणिक संस्थान स्थापित किए गए हैं। कई पहलों ने लड़कियों के नामांकन और प्रतिधारण दर को बढ़ाने, सुरक्षित सीखने का वातावरण सुनिश्चित करने और संसाधन और बुनियादी ढांचा प्रदान करने पर ध्यान केंद्रित किया है। गैर सरकारी संगठनों और अंतर्राष्ट्रीय भागीदारों के सहयोग से, अफगान सरकार ने लड़कियों की शिक्षा में बाधा डालने वाली सांस्कृतिक बाधाओं और भेदभावपूर्ण प्रथाओं को दूर करने के लिए नीतियों को लागू किया है। इसके परिणामस्वरूप, लाखों लड़कियों को स्कूल जाने, उच्च शिक्षा प्राप्त करने और अपने क्षितिज को व्यापक बनाने का अवसर मिला है। तालिबान शासन के पतन के बाद से अफगानिस्तान में लड़कियों के लिए शिक्षा तक बेहतर पहुंच महिलाओं को सशक्त बनाने, लैंगिक समानता बढ़ाने और देश के सामाजिक और आर्थिक विकास को बढ़ावा देने की दिशा में एक महत्वपूर्ण कदम है।[5]

हालाँकि, तालिबान के अधिग्रहण के बाद अफगानिस्तान में लड़कियों के लिए वर्तमान स्थिति गहरी चिंता और अनिश्चितता का विषय है। तालिबान की सत्ता में वापसी ने लड़कियों की शिक्षा में कड़ी मेहनत से प्राप्त लाभ के संभावित रोलबैक के बारे में आशंकाओं को बढ़ा दिया है। जबकि तालिबान नेतृत्व ने संकेत देते हुए बयान दिए हैं कि वे इस्लामी कानून की अपनी व्याख्या के ढांचे के भीतर लड़कियों को शिक्षा प्राप्त करने की अनुमति देंगे, इसे किस हद तक बरकरार रखा जाएगा, यह अनिश्चित है। विभिन्न क्षेत्रों की रिपोर्टों से संकेत मिलता है कि लड़कियों को शिक्षा में बाधाओं का सामना करना पड़ता है, स्कूलों के बंद होने या इस्लामी शिक्षा केंद्रों में परिवर्तित होने की रिपोर्ट के साथ। इसके अतिरिक्त, महिला छात्रों की सुरक्षा के बारे में चिंताएं हैं, क्योंकि तालिबान का पिछला शासन महिलाओं के अधिकारों और शिक्षा पर प्रतिबंधों के लिए कुख्यात था। अंतर्राष्ट्रीय समुदाय, स्थानीय कार्यकर्ताओं और संगठनों के साथ, स्थिति की बारीकी से निगरानी कर रहा है और लड़कियों के शिक्षा के अधिकारों की रक्षा की वकालत कर रहा है, जो पहले से ही काफी प्रतिबंधित है।[6]

गरीबी से जुड़े मुद्दे

इसके अलावा, गरीबी और सीमित संसाधन अफगानिस्तान में शैक्षिक चुनौतियों को और बढ़ा देते हैं। अपर्याप्त धन, बुनियादी ढांचे की कमी और अपर्याप्त शिक्षक प्रशिक्षण प्रदान की जाने वाली शिक्षा की गुणवत्ता में बाधा डालते हैं। कई स्कूल भीड़भाड़ वाली कक्षाओं में काम करते हैं, जिनमें बुनियादी सुविधाओं और सीखने की सामग्री की कमी होती है। इसके अतिरिक्त, बाल श्रम की व्यापक व्यापकता और बच्चों को अपने परिवार की आय में योगदान करने की आवश्यकता शिक्षा तक उनकी पहुंच को और बाधित करती है।

गुणवत्तापूर्ण स्कूलों और शैक्षिक संसाधनों तक सीमित पहुंच एक महत्वपूर्ण बाधा है जिसका सामना गरीब समुदायों को करना पड़ता है। कई परिवार अपने बच्चों की शिक्षा में निवेश करने की तो बात ही छोड़िए, जरूरतों को पूरा करने के लिए संघर्ष करते हैं। नतीजतन, बाल श्रम और प्रारंभिक विवाह अक्सर स्कूली शिक्षा के विकल्प बन जाते हैं। इसके अतिरिक्त, देश के कुछ क्षेत्रों में व्यापक असुरक्षा और संघर्ष से शैक्षिक सुविधाओं को खतरा है और उपस्थिति को हतोत्साहित किया जाता है। ये चुनौतियां उच्च निरक्षरता दर में योगदान करती हैं और गरीबी के चक्र को बनाए रखती हैं, जिससे सामाजिक-आर्थिक उन्नति के अवसर सीमित हो जाते हैं। अफगानिस्तान में गरीबी से संबंधित अकादमिक चुनौतियों का समाधान करने के लिए एक व्यापक दृष्टिकोण की आवश्यकता है जिसमें लक्षित हस्तक्षेप, शिक्षा में निवेश में वृद्धि और कमजोर समुदायों को सामाजिक सहायता का प्रावधान शामिल है।[7]

अंत में, अफगानिस्तान में लैंगिक असमानता और गरीबी से संबंधित शैक्षिक चुनौतियां गहराई से जुड़ी हुई हैं और एक अधिक न्यायसंगत और समृद्ध समाज प्राप्त करने में महत्वपूर्ण बाधाएं पैदा करती हैं। गरीबी और लैंगिक भेदभाव का प्रतिच्छेदन एक दुष्चक्र को कायम रखता है जहाँ गरीब पृष्ठभूमि की लड़कियों और महिलाओं को गुणवत्तापूर्ण शिक्षा तक पहुँचने में कई बाधाओं का सामना करना पड़ता है। ये चुनौतियां न केवल उनके व्यक्तिगत विकास में बाधा डालती हैं बल्कि राष्ट्र की समग्र प्रगति और विकास को भी बाधित करती हैं। इन चुनौतियों से निपटने के प्रयासों के लिए एक समग्र दृष्टिकोण की आवश्यकता होती है जो गरीबी, लैंगिक असमानता और शैक्षिक बाधाओं से एक साथ निपटता है। समावेशी और सुलभ शिक्षा में निवेश करके, लड़कियों और महिलाओं को सशक्त बनाकर और हाशिए पर पड़े समुदायों को सामाजिक-आर्थिक सहायता प्रदान करके, अफगानिस्तान अपने सभी नागरिकों के लिए एक उज्जवल भविष्य को बढ़ावा देते हुए गरीबी और लैंगिक असमानता के चक्र को तोड़ सकता है। ठोस और निरंतर प्रयासों के माध्यम से, अफगानिस्तान इन चुनौतियों को दूर कर सकता है और यह सुनिश्चित कर सकता है कि लिंग या सामाजिक-आर्थिक पृष्ठभूमि की परवाह किए बिना प्रत्येक बच्चे को गुणवत्तापूर्ण शिक्षा प्राप्त करने और अपनी क्षमता को पूरा करने का समान अवसर मिले।

संदर्भ सूची

बैज़ा, वाई. (2013). अफगानिस्तान में शिक्षा: 1901 से विकास, प्रभाव और विरासत. रूटलेज.

ख्वाजामीर, एम. (2016). अफगानिस्तान में शिक्षा का इतिहास और समस्याएं. SHS वेब ऑफ कॉन्फ्रेंस (वॉल्यूम 26, पृष्ठ 01124). EDP साइंसेज.

मशवानी, एच. यू. (2017). अफगानिस्तान में महिला शिक्षा: अवसर और चुनौतियां. इंटरनेशनल जर्नल फॉर इनोवेटिव रिसर्च इन मल्टीडिसिप्लिनरी फील्ड, 3(11).

अहमद, एस. (2012). तालिबान और पाकिस्तान तथा अफगानिस्तान में लड़कियों की शिक्षा – स्वात जिला पर एक केस स्टडी के साथ.

अल्वी-अज़ीज़, एच. (2008). पोस्ट-तालिबान अफगानिस्तान में महिलाओं की शिक्षा पर एक प्रगति रिपोर्ट. इंटरनेशनल जर्नल ऑफ लाइफलॉन्ग एजुकेशन, 27(2), 169-178.

अमीरी, आर., और जैक्सन, ए. (2021). तालिबान के दृष्टिकोण और नीतियां शिक्षा के प्रति. ODI सेंटर फॉर द स्टडी ऑफ आर्म्ड ग्रुप्स.

ओचिलोव, ए. ओ., और नजीबुल्लाह, ई. (2021, अप्रैल). अफगानिस्तान में गरीबी कैसे कम करें. ई-कॉन्फ्रेंस ग्लोब (पृष्ठ 114-117).

एल. कॉक्स (2023). तालिबान का अफगानिस्तान में महिलाओं के अधिकारों का उन्मूलन. https://brokenchalk.org/talibans-wicked-abolition-of-womens-rights-in-afghanistan/, 26 जून 2023 को देखा गया।

[1] ख्वाजामीर, एम. (2016). अफगानिस्तान में शिक्षा का इतिहास और समस्याएं. SHS वेब ऑफ कॉन्फ्रेंस (वॉल्यूम 26, पृष्ठ 01124). EDP साइंसेज।

[2] बैज़ा, वाई. (2013). अफगानिस्तान में शिक्षा: 1901 से विकास, प्रभाव और विरासत. रूटलेज।

[3] मशवानी, एच. यू. (2017). अफगानिस्तान में महिला शिक्षा: अवसर और चुनौतियां. इंटरनेशनल जर्नल फॉर इनोवेटिव रिसर्च इन मल्टीडिसिप्लिनरी फील्ड, 3(11)।

[4] अहमद, एस. (2012). तालिबान और पाकिस्तान तथा अफगानिस्तान में लड़कियों की शिक्षा – स्वात जिला पर एक केस स्टडी के साथ।

[5] अल्वी-अज़ीज़, एच. (2008). पोस्ट-तालिबान अफगानिस्तान में महिलाओं की शिक्षा पर एक प्रगति रिपोर्ट. इंटरनेशनल जर्नल ऑफ लाइफलॉन्ग एजुकेशन, 27(2), 169-178।

[6] एल. कॉक्स (2023). तालिबान का अफगानिस्तान में महिलाओं के अधिकारों का उन्मूलन. https://brokenchalk.org/talibans-wicked-abolition-of-womens-rights-in-afghanistan/, 26 जून 2023 को देखा गया।

[7] ओचिलोव, ए. ओ., और नजीबुल्लाह, ई. (2021, अप्रैल). अफगानिस्तान में गरीबी कैसे कम करें. ई-कॉन्फ्रेंस ग्लोब (पृष्ठ 114-117)।

(Hindi) Educational Challenges Sri Lanka

एक टिप्पणी दें

श्रीलंका में शैक्षिक चुनौतियां
सारा अहमद द्वारा लिखित

स्कूल जाते समय छात्र उच्च दबाव की रिपोर्ट करते हैं-ग्राउंडव्यू द्वारा फोटो।

परिचय

शिक्षा किसी भी देश के राजनीतिक, सामाजिक और आर्थिक विकास की नींव रखती है। 2020 में श्रीलंका की साक्षरता दर 92.38% थी। हालाँकि, श्रीलंका को अभी भी शिक्षा के क्षेत्र में कई अन्य चुनौतियों का सामना करना पड़ता है। श्रीलंका की मुक्त शिक्षा प्रणाली के नकारात्मक पक्ष और श्रम बाजार की आवश्यकताओं के प्रति शिक्षा प्रणाली की प्रतिक्रिया की कमी पर नीचे चर्चा की जाएगी।

श्रीलंका में मुफ्त शिक्षा प्रणाली का नकारात्मक पक्ष

1994 से, श्रीलंका सरकार ने बिना किसी भेदभाव के जनता के लिए एक मुफ्त शिक्षा प्रणाली शुरू की। राज्य प्राथमिक, माध्यमिक और विश्वविद्यालय स्तरों पर मुफ्त शिक्षा प्रदान करता है जो पांच से 16 वर्ष की आयु के बच्चों के लिए अनिवार्य है। इसने देश को साक्षरता दर, लिंग समानता, स्कूल नामांकन दर और मानव गुणवत्ता सूचकांक के मामले में दक्षिण एशियाई क्षेत्र में अग्रणी स्थिति में धकेल दिया था। हालाँकि, बदलती दुनिया से निपटने के लिए उत्तरोत्तर सुधार और विकास नहीं करने के लिए इसकी आलोचना की गई है।
श्रीलंका की संस्कृति उपभोग और मनोरंजन के बजाय उच्च शिक्षा उन्मुख है। नतीजतन, परिवार की आय का एक बड़ा हिस्सा माता-पिता द्वारा अपने बच्चों की शिक्षा पर खर्च किया जाता है। अधिकांश माता-पिता का अपने बच्चों को राज्य विश्वविद्यालय में भेजने का एक लंबा सपना रहा है। हालांकि, जनगणना और सांख्यिकी विभाग की रिपोर्ट के अनुसार लगभग 300,000 छात्र हैं जो सालाना उन्नत स्तर की परीक्षा में बैठते हैं और उनमें से लगभग 60% ही विश्वविद्यालय के प्रवेश के लिए योग्य हैं। फिर भी, इन योग्य छात्रों में से केवल 15% श्रीलंका के राज्य विश्वविद्यालयों में चुने गए हैं, बाकी लोगों (85%) ने राज्य विश्वविद्यालय शिक्षा में प्रवेश करने का अपना सपना खो दिया है।

मुफ्त शिक्षा आज एक महत्वपूर्ण भूमिका निभाती है लेकिन शिक्षा पर अपर्याप्त सरकारी खर्च के कारण देश में शैक्षिक मानकों में उल्लेखनीय गिरावट आई है। नतीजतन, अध्ययन के कुछ क्षेत्रों में निजी विश्वविद्यालयों की स्थापना के लिए एक उभरती मांग और सामाजिक दबाव है। निजी विश्वविद्यालयों की अवधारणा की राज्य विश्वविद्यालय के अधिकांश छात्रों के आंदोलनों और कुछ सामाजिक दबाव समूहों द्वारा कड़ी आलोचना और विरोध किया गया है। इसका एक समाधान यह हो सकता है कि विश्वविद्यालयों को समायोजित करने के लिए अतिरिक्त संसाधन आवंटित करते हुए वार्षिक विश्वविद्यालय प्रवेश संख्या में वृद्धि की जाए।
संसाधनों की कमी के कारण श्रीलंका में कुछ परीक्षाएं इतनी प्रतिस्पर्धी हो गई हैं। उदाहरण के लिए, एक छात्र की पहली सरकारी परीक्षा; ग्रेड पाँच छात्रवृत्ति अन्य परीक्षाओं की तुलना में अधिक प्रतिस्पर्धी हो गई है। ऐसा इसलिए है क्योंकि जो बेहतर अंक प्राप्त करते हैं वे एक अच्छे स्कूल और अच्छे धन के लिए भी पात्र होते हैं। इस प्रकार, अभिभावक छात्रों को इस परीक्षा के लिए कड़ी मेहनत करने के लिए मजबूर करते हैं। हालाँकि, बचपन से ही परीक्षा देने के इस दबाव का छात्रों की मानसिक स्थिरता पर बुरा प्रभाव पड़ता है।

मुफ्त शिक्षा प्रणाली का एक और नकारात्मक पक्ष यह तथ्य है कि श्रीलंका सरकार के पास पाठ्यक्रम, शिक्षण विधियों, पाठ्यक्रमों और कैरियर के रास्तों को अद्यतन करने के लिए हमेशा संसाधन नहीं होते हैं और मुफ्त और गुणवत्तापूर्ण शिक्षा के बीच का अंतर बड़ा और बड़ा होता जाता है। उचित योजना, बेहतर संसाधन आवंटन और अधिक धनराशि से निश्चित रूप से शिक्षा प्रणाली को लाभ होगा।

गुणवत्तापूर्ण शिक्षा तक पहुँच में विषमताएँ

हालाँकि श्रीलंका उच्च स्तर की साक्षरता प्राप्त करने में कामयाब रहा है, लेकिन यह छात्रों को उच्च गुणवत्ता वाली शैक्षिक सेवाएं प्रदान करने में असमर्थ रहा है। विज्ञान और गणित की शिक्षा और स्कूलों में इंटरनेट की पहुंच के मामले में श्रीलंका की स्थिति खराब है। श्रीलंका के प्रयास मुख्य रूप से बुनियादी शिक्षा (विशेष रूप से माध्यमिक) पर केंद्रित रहे हैं, जिसमें विश्वविद्यालयों जैसे उच्च स्तर की शिक्षा पर बहुत कम ध्यान दिया गया है। ज्ञान अर्थव्यवस्था में सफलतापूर्वक भाग लेने के लिए, देश को आईटी पहुंच, रचनात्मक और प्रभावी शिक्षण, बेहतर गणित और विज्ञान शिक्षा जैसे गुणवत्तापूर्ण निवेशों को बढ़ाना होगा, साथ ही साक्षरता के मौजूदा उच्च स्तरों को लगातार मजबूत करना होगा।
आई. सी. टी. तक बच्चों की पहुंच कम है। बहुत कम छात्र और उससे भी कम शिक्षक आईटी साक्षर हैं। यहां तक कि कुलीन पब्लिक स्कूलों में, कंप्यूटर सुविधाओं तक पहुंच, छात्र द्वारा कंप्यूटर अनुपात में परिभाषित 1:100 से अधिक है। छात्रों को कंप्यूटर का उपयोग करने के लिए आवश्यक व्यापक कौशल प्रदान करने के लिए अकेले कंप्यूटर पर्याप्त नहीं हैं। यह प्रशिक्षण सक्षम शिक्षकों द्वारा प्रदान किया जाना चाहिए जो न केवल छात्रों को उनका उपयोग करने के तरीके सिखाने में कुशल हैं, बल्कि दैनिक पाठों में स्वयं कंप्यूटर का उपयोग करने और उन्हें शिक्षण विधियों में शामिल करने में भी कुशल हैं।
एक अन्य मुद्दा श्रम बाजार की आवश्यकताओं के प्रति शिक्षा प्रणाली की प्रतिक्रिया की कमी है। परीक्षाओं पर ध्यान केंद्रित करते समय, इस शिक्षा प्रणाली के उत्पाद ज्ञान से परिपूर्ण होते हैं, लेकिन व्यावहारिक गतिविधियों पर कम। श्रीलंका की शिक्षा प्रणाली में यह एक बड़ी समस्या है। कई लोगों के पास सैद्धांतिक ज्ञान है, लेकिन वे अपने व्यवसायों में अच्छा प्रदर्शन नहीं कर सकते क्योंकि उनके पास नहीं है

कोविड-19 की प्रतिक्रिया

श्रीलंका में मुख्य रूप से अपने पर्यटन क्षेत्र के कारण वायरस के तेजी से फैलने का खतरा था। श्रीलंका में शैक्षिक क्षेत्र में कोविड उपायों की मुख्य चुनौतियों में से एक यह तथ्य था कि दूरस्थ शिक्षा के तौर-तरीकों को पूरे देश में समान रूप से लागू नहीं किया जा सकता था क्योंकि बच्चों के पास लैपटॉप, मोबाइल फोन, टीवी, रेडियो और व्यापक बुनियादी ढांचे तक पहुंच के विभिन्न स्तर हैं जो इन प्रणालियों का समर्थन करते हैं। उदाहरण के लिए, दूरदराज के क्षेत्रों में छात्रों की इंटरनेट और मोबाइल फोन/लैपटॉप तक पहुंच बहुत कम है। इसलिए, स्कूल बंद होने से सीखने तक पहुंच और भागीदारी में असमानता पैदा हुई है। श्रीलंका में शिक्षकों के लिए, दूरस्थ शिक्षा के तौर-तरीकों के माध्यम से पाठ्यक्रम देने में इसी तरह के संघर्ष थे।
यूनेस्को के केस स्टडी के लिए साक्षात्कार किए गए शिक्षकों ने दावा किया कि उन्होंने सूचना और संचार प्रौद्योगिकी (आईसीटी) या दूरस्थ शिक्षा पर कोई प्रशिक्षण प्राप्त नहीं किया है और अक्सर अपने छात्रों को पढ़ाते रहने के लिए खुद को पढ़ाना या अन्य रचनात्मक समाधान खोजना पड़ता था। यूनेस्को के शोध से पता चलता है कि शैक्षणिक क्षेत्र में एक बड़ी कमी, जो कोविड से पहले भी मौजूद थी, निगरानी प्रणालियों की कमी थी जो शिक्षा की प्रभावी प्रणाली को सुनिश्चित करने के लिए आवश्यक है। यूनेस्को ने अपनी रिपोर्ट में श्रीलंका को शिक्षा के क्षेत्र में एक प्रभावी निगरानी प्रणाली लागू करने की भी सिफारिश की।

निष्कर्ष

श्रीलंका में शिक्षा तक पहुंच निःशुल्क है और इसके परिणामस्वरूप देश की उच्च साक्षरता दर है। हालांकि, शिक्षा प्रणाली बेहद प्रतिस्पर्धी है और भारी काम के बोझ, प्रतिस्पर्धा और बेहतर परिणाम प्राप्त करने के लिए माता-पिता के दबाव के कारण स्कूली छात्रों का खराब शारीरिक और मानसिक स्वास्थ्य एक ऐसा मुद्दा है जिसकी नीति निर्माताओं द्वारा परवाह और चिंता नहीं की गई है। इसलिए श्रीलंका के लिए यह अनुशंसा की जाती है कि वह छात्रों के शारीरिक और मानसिक स्वास्थ्य पर कार्यभार के प्रभाव पर विचार करे और शिक्षा प्रणाली से श्रम बाजार की आवश्यकताओं के प्रति बेहतर प्रतिक्रिया पैदा करने के लिए कक्षा सीखने से गतिविधि-आधारित सीखने पर ध्यान केंद्रित करे। पूरी दुनिया बदल रही है और श्रीलंका को हमेशा सुविधाओं, प्रणालियों और प्रौद्योगिकियों सहित हर चीज के साथ समानांतर रूप से आगे बढ़ने का प्रयास करना चाहिए।

संदर्भ

किंग्सले करुणारत्ने अलावतटेगामा, ‘फ्री एजुकेशन पॉलिसी एंड इट्स इमर्जिंग चैलेंजेस इन श्रीलंका’, श्री जयवर्धनेपुरा विश्वविद्यालय, https://files.eric.ed.gov/fulltext/EJ1250461.pdf
मैक्रोट्रेंड, ‘श्रीलंका साक्षरता दर 1981-2023’ अंतिम बार 22 अप्रैल 2023 को पहुँचा गया
रमीज एट अल, श्रीलंका में उच्च शिक्षा क्षेत्रों पर कोविड-19 का प्रभावः श्रीलंका के दक्षिण पूर्वी विश्वविद्यालय पर आधारित एक अध्ययन, जर्नल ऑफ एजुकेशनल एंड सोशल रिसर्च (volume 10, No 6, November 2020).
रेव मिनुवांगोडा ज्ञानवासा, ‘वर्तमान में श्रीलंका के सामने कुछ मान्यता प्राप्त शैक्षिक मुद्दों का अध्ययन’ (एपीसीएआर 2017) https://apiar.org.au/wp-content/uploads/ 2017/04/6 _ APCAR _ MAR _ 2017 _ BRR739 _ Education-35-42. pdf
सामाजिक सुरक्षा टूलबॉक्स, ‘श्रीलंका की सार्वभौमिक शिक्षा प्रणाली’ https://www.socialprotection-toolbox.org/practice/sri-lankas-universal-education-system
टीम नेक्स्ट ट्रैवल श्रीलंका, ‘ऑल अबाउट फ्री एजुकेशन इन श्रीलंका’ (2021) https://nexttravelsrilanka.com/free-education-in-sri-lanka /
यूनेस्को, श्रीलंकाः केस स्टडीः ‘एशिया में शिक्षा क्षेत्र पर कोविड-19 के प्रभावों और प्रतिक्रियाओं पर स्थिति विश्लेषण’ (2021)

Educational Challenges

Education Under Pressure: Global Challenges to Safety, Equity, and Access

Written by Panashe Mlambo

Introduction

Between 16 and 31 July 2025, education systems across the globe experienced a series of developments that highlight both persistent inequalities and emerging reform efforts. From infrastructure failures and violent conflict to economic pressures and gender inequality, the events of this period demonstrate the complex challenges shaping access to education worldwide.

At the same time, governments, international organisations, and local communities continue to introduce policies and initiatives aimed at strengthening education systems. Examining these developments together provides insight into the structural forces affecting global education today and the urgent need for coordinated responses to safeguard the right to education.

Safety Risks and Infrastructure Failures

Several incidents during this period exposed serious vulnerabilities in school safety and infrastructure. On 21 July 2025, a Bangladesh Air Force training jet crashed into the campus of Milestone School and College in Dhaka’s Uttara district shortly after take-off from Kurmitola Air Base. The crash killed at least 31 people, including 25 students, and injured more than 160 others (Reuters 2025). The tragedy triggered protests among students and community members who demanded accountability, compensation for victims’ families, and stricter regulations governing military training flights over populated areas.

Concerns about school safety also emerged in India, where the roof of a government school building in Rajasthan’s Jhalawar district collapsed during heavy monsoon rains, killing four children and injuring several others (Al Jazeera 2025). The incident renewed scrutiny of ageing school infrastructure, particularly in rural areas that frequently face extreme weather conditions.

In the United Kingdom, a school bus carrying children overturned on a rural road in Somerset on 17 July 2025, killing one child and injuring several others (Reuters 2025). The accident prompted renewed calls for stronger safety standards in school transport and clearer emergency protocols for school trips.

These incidents underscore the importance of consistent infrastructure maintenance, climate-resilient school construction, and effective safety protocols to protect students in educational environments.

Education in Contexts of Conflict and Displacement

Conflict and political instability continue to disrupt schooling for millions of children worldwide. In Haiti, escalating gang violence has forced schools such as Anténor Firmin in Hinche to serve as shelters for displaced families instead of functioning as learning spaces (United Nations News 2025). Teachers attempt to continue lessons through improvised classes, but shortages of food, sanitation, and educational materials make regular schooling nearly impossible.

Similarly, the growing number of Sudanese refugees in Libya has created an urgent education crisis. Many children living in Tripoli face homelessness and exploitation, while economic hardship and tuition costs have forced numerous students to drop out of school (Radio Dabanga 2025). Without sustained support, thousands of displaced children risk long-term educational loss.

Education access is even more restricted in Afghanistan, where girls remain banned from attending secondary schools and universities under Taliban policies. Many girls have therefore turned to religious madrassas, where the curriculum focuses primarily on religious instruction with limited exposure to modern subjects (Associated Press 2025). International organisations warn that millions of girls may permanently lose access to secondary education if these restrictions continue.

In Colombia, conflict and poverty continue to undermine education in regions such as Putumayo. The opening of a new branch of the Universidad de la Amazonia in Puerto Asís aims to provide young people with alternatives to illicit economies and armed group recruitment, although insecurity and economic hardship continue to threaten students’ ability to complete their studies (The New Humanitarian 2025).

These cases highlight how conflict and displacement not only interrupt schooling but also deepen long-term educational inequalities.

Gender Inequality and Social Barriers in Education

Gender inequality remains a major barrier to equitable education. In Canada, teachers have reported an increase in misogynistic attitudes among male students influenced by online content and social media personalities. Female teachers have described situations in which students refuse to acknowledge their authority, creating difficult classroom environments (CBC News 2025). Researchers argue that schools must actively address harmful gender stereotypes and promote healthier models of masculinity.

Gender disparities are also evident in Japan’s higher education system, where women remain underrepresented in academic positions and leadership roles despite decades of policy efforts to improve gender equality (Times Higher Education 2025). Experts argue that structural barriers continue to limit women’s participation and advancement within academia.

In Benin, health and sanitation challenges continue to affect girls’ ability to attend school. Menstrual poverty, combined with the absence of appropriate sanitation facilities in many schools, contributes to absenteeism and school dropout among girls. In response, the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and the West African Health Organisation (WAHO) distributed 5,000 reusable menstrual hygiene kits to schools as part of a regional initiative to address menstrual insecurity (News Ghana 2025). While the programme represents an important step, long-term solutions will require improved sanitation infrastructure and comprehensive menstrual health education.

These examples illustrate how social norms, gender inequality, and health-related challenges continue to shape educational experiences and access.

Economic Pressures and Structural Challenges

Financial pressures also influence education systems across the globe. In Portugal, the cost of student housing has risen sharply, with the national average rent for a private room exceeding €415 per month. The rising cost of living has made it increasingly difficult for students to afford higher education, particularly in major cities such as Lisbon and Porto (Euronews 2025).

In Egypt, overcrowded classrooms and teacher shortages continue to strain the public education system. Some classrooms reportedly accommodate more than forty students, and in extreme cases up to two hundred (Human Rights Watch 2025). Although the government has introduced pilot initiatives such as preschool programmes in mosques to expand educational capacity, education spending as a proportion of GDP remains below international benchmarks.

Policy debates in the United States also highlight concerns about education funding. Advocacy organisations warn that proposed changes to federal education programmes could affect services for vulnerable groups, including students with disabilities and adult learners.

These cases demonstrate how financial constraints and policy decisions influence both the accessibility and quality of education.

Reform Efforts and Educational Innovation

Despite these challenges, several countries are pursuing reforms aimed at strengthening education systems. In Sri Lanka, the government has proposed transitioning from an exam-centred education system to a module-based model beginning in 2026. The reform aims to encourage continuous assessment and more diverse learning methods.

Technological innovation is also shaping education policy. Rwanda’s Digital Acceleration Project, part of the Smart Rwanda Master Plan, has electrified hundreds of rural schools using off-grid solar power and expanded access to digital learning tools (The Borgen Project 2025). Similarly, Nigeria has approved solar hybrid power systems for several universities in an effort to stabilise electricity supply and support academic activities.

Early childhood education initiatives are also gaining attention. In Bosnia and Herzegovina, a new Early Childhood Development Centre has been established through cooperation between UNICEF, the European Union, and national authorities. The centre aims to identify developmental challenges early and coordinate support across the education, health, and social protection sectors (UNICEF 2025).

Community-driven initiatives are also emerging. In Malaysia, the proposed “Siswa Balik Sekolah” programme seeks to connect university students with rural primary schools, allowing them to mentor younger students in key subjects such as mathematics and science.

Together, these initiatives demonstrate the diverse strategies countries are adopting to improve access to education and strengthen learning outcomes.

Conclusion

The developments observed between 16 and 31 July 2025 reveal a global education landscape marked by both urgent challenges and ongoing reform efforts. Safety incidents in Bangladesh, India, and the United Kingdom highlight the need for stronger infrastructure and protection measures. Meanwhile, conflict and displacement continue to undermine education access in Haiti, Libya, Afghanistan, and Colombia.

At the same time, structural challenges—including gender inequality, economic pressures, and teacher shortages—affect education systems across both developed and developing countries. Nevertheless, reforms such as Sri Lanka’s curriculum changes, Rwanda’s digital infrastructure expansion, and early childhood initiatives in Bosnia and Herzegovina demonstrate that progress remains possible through sustained investment and policy innovation.

Ensuring that every child has access to safe, inclusive, and quality education will require long-term commitment from governments, international organisations, and civil society. Addressing both immediate crises and structural inequalities is essential to safeguarding the right to education worldwide.

Endnotes

Reuters. “Students protest in Bangladesh after air force jet crash kills 31, mostly children.” 2025.
Reuters. “One child killed in UK school bus crash.” 2025.
Al Jazeera. “At least four children dead in school roof collapse in India.” 2025.
United Nations News. “Schools in Haiti shelter displaced families amid violence.” 2025.
Radio Dabanga. “Sudanese children on the streets of Tripoli face homelessness and exploitation.” 2025.
Associated Press. “Afghanistan girls turn to madrassas amid education ban.” 2025.
CBC News. “Misogyny and online influencers affecting boys in classrooms.” 2025.
Times Higher Education. “Gender equality challenges in Japan’s higher education sector.” 2025.
News Ghana. “ECOWAS distributes reusable sanitary kits to Benin schools.” 2025.
Euronews. “Rising rents: Which is the cheapest city in Portugal for students to live in.” 2025.
The New Humanitarian. “Colombia’s new university aims to break the cycle of conflict.” 2025.
The Borgen Project. “The impacts of the Smart Rwanda Master Plan.” 2025.
UNICEF. “Early childhood development centre opened in Doboj.” 2025.

Reference List

Al Jazeera. (2025). At least four children dead in school roof collapse in India. https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2025/7/25/at-least-four-children-dead-in-school-roof-collapse-in-india

Associated Press. (2025). Afghanistan girls turn to madrassas amid education ban. https://apnews.com/article/afghanistan-taliban-education-girls-madrassa-7cdaf68896e8ccfda2abd71a07a02b99

CBC News. (2025). Misogyny and online influencers affecting boys in classrooms. https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/nova-scotia/misogyny-online-influencers-boys-classrooms-1.7587571

Euronews. (2025). Rising rents: Which is the cheapest city in Portugal for students to live in. https://www.euronews.com/business/2025/07/29/rising-rents-which-is-the-cheapest-city-in-portugal-for-students-to-live-in

News Ghana. (2025). ECOWAS distributes reusable sanitary kits to Benin schools. https://www.newsghana.com.gh/ecowas-distributes-reusable-sanitary-kits-to-benin-schools

Radio Dabanga. (2025). Sudanese children on the streets of Tripoli face homelessness and exploitation. https://www.dabangasudan.org/en/all-news/article/sudanese-children-on-the-streets-of-tripoli-face-homelessness-and-exploitation

Reuters. (2025). Students protest in Bangladesh after air force jet crash kills 31. https://www.reuters.com

Reuters. (2025). One child killed in UK school bus crash. https://www.reuters.com

The Borgen Project. (2025). The impacts of the Smart Rwanda Master Plan. https://borgenproject.org

The New Humanitarian. (2025). Colombia’s new university aims to break the cycle of conflict. https://www.thenewhumanitarian.org

Times Higher Education. (2025). Gender equality challenges in Japan’s higher education sector. https://www.timeshighereducation.com

UNICEF. (2025). Early childhood development centre opened in Doboj. https://www.unicef.org

United Nations News. (2025). Schools in Haiti shelter displaced families amid violence. https://news.un.org/en/story/2025/07/1165414

current issues

Learning Under Army Rule: The Militarization of Education in Myanmar

Written By: Liina Knirsch

On February 1st, 2021, the military in Myanmar seized political power in a coup, abruptly ending a fragile decade of democratic progress. This coup has severely disrupted the social and political life of the people in Myanmar, leading to many fleeing the country and seeking asylum. For those who remain, engaging in conflict is inevitable. Myanmar has had a longstanding history of insurgency groups which have engaged in fighting against the national army (Maizland, 2022). Following the coup, oppositional parties have formed a shadow government, which has led to the mobilization of many different armed groups across the country. The fighting between these groups and the military junta has been increasing, amounting to a civil war (Maizland, 2022). According to UNHCR (2024), over 3.5 million people are now internally displaced in Myanmar, and many have fled to neighboring Thailand. Further, the historically vulnerable and repressed Rohingya population are increasingly attempting to cross over into Bangladesh to escape violence and ethnic segregation after they have been caught in the crossfire between the army and the armed Arakan Army (UN News, 2025).

As a result of this civil war, many young people have been brought into this conflict. The military junta has enforced mandatory conscription for all men between the ages of 18-35 and all women between 18-27 (Human Rights Myanmar, 2025). Failure to comply with this rule can be punishable by up to five years in prison. As a result, more young people have fled the country or been driven to join the insurgency.

Historically, young people in Myanmar have been crucial in democratic movements, with schools and universities serving as grounds for discussion and organization against military rule. Consequently, the army views such institutions as a threat to their power, enforcing harsh measures to prevent such movements from forming again. Schools are now being used as sites for control and military recruitment (Human Rights Myanmar, 2025).

Censorship on Education

The military junta has been particularly adamant in its efforts to censor freedom of speech. The organization Freedom House has marked Myanmar with a “not free” status (Freedom House, 2024). Such censorship is also present in the national curriculum. Teachers are forced to exclude sensitive and political topics, such as the ethnic history of the country or education on democracy. Any deviation from the military junta approved subjects serves as grounds for imprisonment. Moreover, schools are now used to glorify the military regime and serve as recruitment grounds for the military (Brown, 2024).

In light of this censorship, many teachers have quit or have started teaching at underground schools. Following the coup, 230.000 teachers went on strike (Dejsupa, 2023). Many have left the capital, Yangon, to teach in rebel-controlled areas. Others have tried to teach alternative curricula online; however, this means having to bypass the extreme censorship placed on the internet. This means that there is a high number of Non-Formal Education (NFE) programs in the country, which can present further challenges when it comes to accreditation especially when moving on to higher education (Voices Team, 2025). This means many students cannot convert their learning into officially recognized diplomas, sit for national exams, or attend university under the junta if they have received NFE education.

Detainment of Teachers and Students

Following the coup, 125.000 teachers in Myanmar were suspended for joining civil disobedience movements, comprising of more than ¼ of the entire teacher workforce. Over 500 teachers have also been arrested (Human Rights Myanmar, 2025) since the coup, and several have received harsh prison sentences for their alleged involvement in anti-government activities. In 2023, Ei Shwe Sin Myint, who was head teacher at an anti-government school, was sentenced to 20 years in prison under anti-terrorism law (RFA Burmese, 2023).

Students are also facing grave consequences for their involvement in anti-governmental activities. Arrests against young people in Myanmar have been widespread. Sometimes a clear motive is given, such as the possession of textbooks. Other times such arrests are simply aimed at inciting fear (Human Rights Myanmar, 2025).

University student unions have been particularly scrutinized by the military junta. This is significant as student unions have historically played a major role in the struggle for democracy and resistance in the country, having had a prominent role in the 1962 and 1988 anti-military protests (Frontier, 2022). Student unions across universities have been forced to disband and have been replaced by student associations which are believed to be supported by the State Administration Council. Leaders of such unions also believe that the hostility they face today stems from their role in the mass strikes known as the Civil Disobedience Movement. Student Unions boycotted classes which embarrassed the military junta and have continued to result in low university enrollment rates of less than 10 percent today (Frontier, 2022).

Attacks on Schools

Particularly in areas in which the resistance has a strong influence, attacks on the education sector are widespread. On the 12^th of May 2025, a military airstrike targeted a school run by the oppositional National Unity Government in the Sagaing region, killing 20 students and two teachers (Peck, 2025). While the military generally denies involvement, such airstrikes are justified by claims that resistance fighters were sheltering in the attacked areas. Attacks against schools are a violation of international law as such institutions are granted special status and protection. Reports show that over 200 schools have been targeted by military airstrikes since 2021 with 146 being destroyed, 64 people killed, and 106 injured (RFA Burmese, 2024)[1]. This shows that the attacks are deliberate and targeted, reflecting the broader efforts to undermine education in the country.

Conclusion

The military junta’s systematic repression of education in Myanmar highlights how schools and universities are seen not only as centers of learning but also as potential sites of resistance. The efforts of the military junta to undermine the freedom of education are an attempt to control the young generation and rewrite history favorably towards them. Educational institutions are viewed as grounds for undermining dissent and places of active recruitment for the military. Through censorship, arrests, and airstrikes, the military is sending a clear message to young people and educators in the country: that dissent will be punished.

Yet, the resistance within society also demonstrates the resilience of educators and students, who, in the face of repression, are creating alternative education systems to protect the freedom of expression and speech in the country. However, the low school and university enrollment rates also paint a worrying picture about the future of the youth in Myanmar. With many educated young people leaving the country, rebuilding the education sector will become increasingly difficult in a future Myanmar that may struggle with a lasting brain drain and generational learning gaps.

Looking forward, many challenges will persist in the educational sector. However, more needs to be done internationally to exert pressure on the military junta to stop attacks on schools and the censorship of education. Further, initiatives which support Non-Formal Education will continue to be crucial in guaranteeing education for the youth. Organizations such as UNICEF, the World Bank, and the British Council are supporting these programs financially and with educational training. For the long-term future of education in Myanmar, it is pivotal that these alternative systems can endure the pressure they are placed under. Whether the country can eventually transition back to democratic governance is currently unpredictable, but the resistance and endurance of students and educators demonstrate a commitment to a better and more free future.

Bibliography

Brown, Martha. “Higher Education in Myanmar: Coup, Conflict, and Educational Crisis.” In Higher Education in Southeast Asia, edited by L. Pe Symaco, 67–89. Leeds: Emerald Publishing Limited, 2024. https://doi.org/10.1108/S1479-367920240000049006.

Dejsupa, Thanyarat. “Myanmar’s Education System Goes Underground.” NHK WORLD, March 30, 2023. https://www3.nhk.or.jp/nhkworld/en/news/backstories/1939/.

Freedom House. Freedom in the World 2024: Myanmar. 2024. https://freedomhouse.org/country/myanmar/freedom-world/2024.

Frontier. “Inside the Junta’s War on Student Unions.” Frontier Myanmar, May 24, 2022. https://www.frontiermyanmar.net/en/inside-the-juntas-war-on-student-unions/.

Human Rights Myanmar. “2025 Annual Report.” Human Rights Myanmar, 2025. https://humanrightsmyanmar.org/myanmars-militarisation-of-education/

Maizland, Lindsay. “Myanmar’s Troubled History: Coups, Military Rule, and Ethnic Conflict.” Council on Foreign Relations, January 31, 2022. https://www.cfr.org/backgrounder/myanmar-history-coup-military-rule-ethnic-conflict-rohingya.

Peck, Grant. “An Airstrike in Central Myanmar Kills up to 22 People at a Bombed School, Reports Say.” AP News, May 12, 2025. https://apnews.com/article/myanmar-airstrike-school-saigaing-resistance-military-00bcff30abb05c1210514b6adc5c6a7f.

Radio Free Asia Burmese. “Nearly 200 Schools in Myanmar Hit by Junta Air Strikes since Military Coup.” RFA Burmese, November 4, 2024. https://www.rfa.org/english/myanmar/2024/11/04/myanmar-schools-air-strikes/.

Radio Free Asia Burmese. “Teacher Sentenced to 20 Years in Prison under Anti-Terror Law.” RFA Burmese, 2023. https://www.rfa.org/english/news/myanmar/mandalay-teacher-sentenced-07202023035551.html

Reuters. “More than 125,000 Myanmar Teachers Suspended for Opposing Coup.” Reuters, May 23, 2021. https://www.reuters.com/world/asia-pacific/more-than-125000-myanmar-teachers-suspended-opposing-coup-2021-05-23/.

UNHCR. Myanmar Emergency. 2024. https://www.unhcr.org/emergencies/myanmar-emergency.

UN News. “Myanmar on the ‘Path to Self-Destruction’ if Violence Does Not End.” UN News, June 11, 2025. https://news.un.org/en/story/2025/06/1164231.

Voices Team. “Examining NFE in Myanmar: Challenges and Insights.” British Council, 2025. https://www.britishcouncil.org/voices-magazine/research-under-fire-%E2%80%93-finding-out-about-nfe-troubled-myanmar.

[1] Radio Free Asia Burmese. “Nearly 200 Schools in Myanmar Hit by Junta Air Strikes since Military Coup.” RFA Burmese, November 4, 2024. https://www.rfa.org/english/myanmar/2024/11/04/myanmar-schools-air-strikes/.

Mental Distress and Systematic Destruction: Gazan Schooling during Belligerent Invasions

By Valeria Romano

Introduction

As the Palestinian genocide unfolds in front of our eyes, Palestinian people, scholars and journalists around the world reflect on the future of the nation. Israeli troops destroyed civilians’ houses, healthcare buildings, cultural centers, and educational institutions. In October 2024, Palestinian schools- which are now operating as bomb shelters- suffered from 64 raids[i] (Lister, Ibrahim, and Michaelis, 2024). Israeli troops killed more than 38,000 Palestinians since October 7th and the number is most likely higher, given the corpses still under the rubble and the indirectly death causes specifically, people killed by the harsh living conditions created by the attacks[ii] (Al Jazeera, 2024). Of the verified deaths, 44% are school-aged kids, which adds to the 2199 kids killed by Israeli raids between 2000 and 2021[iii](Farajallah, 2022, p. 113). Moreover, at least 17,000 Palestinian kids are living separated from their parents, and more than ten children a day lose their limbs[iv] (Child Rights Committee, 2024). Israeli authorities attack the future of Palestine by aiming at its schools -the core of education, thus of societies and cultures- and its children, who are forced to live through constant warfare. Experiencing war-related traumas highly impacts children’s prospects. This paper will delve into the consequences of chronic warfare on children’s mental health and a country’s academic infrastructure.

The article will start by presenting a brief historical background on the Occupied Palestinian Territories; then, it will unveil the mental health effects of experiencing constant conflict-related stress, connecting it to the case of Gaza -and education. Both Palestinians living in Gaza and Palestinian refugees will be focused upon

Background

Palestine, officially the Occupied Palestinian Territories (OPT) is a country in the Levantine. It encompasses the Gaza Strip and the West Bank.

From the Bronze Age to the Middle Ages, various populations came and conquered the region, including Assyrians, Babylonians, Persians, and Mamluks, just to name a few. In 1516, Palestine became part of the Ottoman Empire. The Ottomans ruled the region until the end of the First World War and Palestinian cities became pivotal commercial sites[v] (The Institute For Palestine Studies, 2016). As the Ottoman Empire was defeated in the war and its land split, the British got a mandate from the League of Nations to establish their administration in the Palestinian region. Such mandate was made on the promise of “the establishment in Palestine of a national home for the Jewish people.”[vi] (Britannica, 2018). The start of British rule correlates with the tensing up of the relationships between different religious groups that during the Ottoman Empire lived together peacefully. The hostilities peaked in 1947, when Palestine was divided into two States: Israel, for Jewish people, and Palestine, for Arab natives. Despite the premises, the partition did not fulfill the peaceful prospects, as already in 1948 Israel started experiencing disputes with nearby territories. The Nakba ended with various armistices, de-facto Israeli borders, and Palestinian displacement, as 400, or more, Palestinian-Arab towns were destroyed[vii] (Britannica, 2024). Since then, people in the OPT experienced one raid after another, and rebelled against them: the Six Days War (1967), the First Intifada (1987–1993), the Al-Aqsa Intifada (2000–2005), the Operation Cast Lead (December 2008 –January 2009), the Operation Pillar of Defense (November 2012), the Operation Protective Edge (July–August 2014), the Unity Intifada (May 2021)[viii] (Farajallah, 2022, p. 113 ).

War Trauma and Gazan kids

In recent years, scholars have carried out several research projects on the effects of chronic warfare on the mental state of young people. Such consequences depend on various factors: the violence one witnessed, the duration of the conflict, and the socio-cultural meaning of [mental] health. The most common psychological disorder affecting young kids is PTSD – Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder-[ix] (Catani, 2018, pp. 104-105), whereas, in later childhood, externalization of behavioral symptoms is more common, such as conduct defiant disorder[x] (Frounfelker et al, 2019) . Other consequences include sleep problems, panic attacks, attention deficit hyperactivity disorder, and depression[xi] (idem.). Moreover, war-related trauma also manifests in family and peer interactions, and stigma, especially in post-conflict and post-migration settings. Experiencing chronic warfare causes epigenetic changes leading to potential long-term health and development alterations as living through armed conflict activates unique DNA methylation changes[xii] (Neuroscience News, 2024).

In the case of Palestinian children, researchers have examined the mental aftermath of the Second Intifada and found an increase in aggressiveness of parents towards their children, and vice versa, more frequent nightmares in school-aged kids, and worse grades[xiii] (Farajallah, 2022, p. 114). Children in Gaza witnessed at least three war-related traumatic events and 95% percent of them live in fear, constant grief- and depression, high emotional distress, and more than half have contemplated suicide[xiv] (Ghazy, 2022). The disorders mentioned above relate to impairments in daily functions[xv] (Schöler et al., 2024).

Chronic warfare is a multidimensional situation that deteriorates one’s mental health. Studies carried out in Western countries argue for a correlation between the disintegration of one’s psychological sphere and academic achievements. Lower depression and positive psychological well-being relate to better educational performance[xvi] (Duncan et al., 2021). Suffering from PSTD lowers the chances of completing educational milestones, including finishing compulsory education[xvii] ((Vilaplana-Pérez et al., 2020). Children with higher social skills are more likely to graduate[xviii] (Idem.). Moreover, externalizing symptoms correlates to lower academic achievements, and having attention disorders predicts lower reading development and mathematical skills

Chronic warfare also impacts the structure and the “behind-the-scenes” of schooling. In traditional literature, conflict means fewer financial resources are meant for education improvements and that families cannot afford education-related expenses[xx] (UNICEF, 2016). Teachers may flee, and students stop attending lessons as schools become unsafe sites[xxi] (Idem.). However, these issues do not fully represent the situation in Gaza where nearly 90% of educational buildings have been destroyed or permanently damaged[xxii] (Inger et al., 2024). The attacks continue and Gazan students experience gaps and discontinuity in their education as schools closed in October 2023. Some volunteers have organized basic lessons in tents, but school-aged children are more worried about their next meal but spending their time selling objects in the street and searching for water with their parents[xxiii] (Stack & Shbair, 2024).

Palestinian refugees and education

The ongoing Israeli attacks on Palestinian territories have forced people to leave their homes, flee to other countries, and become refugees. This precarious status of becoming refugees leads to physical and mental health struggles, which are reflected in the education realm.

Scholars Livia Hazer and Gustaf Gredebäck (2023) identify three distinct stages of mental distress related to the status of refugees[xxiv]. The first one is premigration which it relates to living through war, thus, not having basic conditions met and the disintegration of family ties[xxv] (Idem, 3). The second one, perimigration, arises from the trauma of displacement[xxvi] (Ibid.). Displacement is associated with social and structural trauma(i.e. prolonged bureaucratic migration processes and multiple relocations) interpersonal trauma(i.e. exploitation and discrimination). Moreover, children suffer from the interruption of education. Palestinian refugee kids displaced to the Gaza Strip, the West Bank, Lebanon, Syria, and Jordan attend schools provided by UNRWA. In the West Bank, such educative institutions represent a “safe haven” for kids where they study and play with their friends. However, UNRWA-run schools do not provide shelter from Israeli violence when the two are close[xxvii] (UNRWA, 2023). For example, pupils attending the school in Jalazone Palestine refugee camp do not feel safe due to its proximity to an illegal Israeli settlement- people living in the refugee camp, including children, have been detained and injured with tear gas and plastic bullets[xxviii] (UNRWA, 2021). Another problem lies in overcrowding, as UNRWA schools are small and resources are insufficient to provide good-quality education to all kids needing it[xxix] (Ibid.). Moreover, refugee kids and their families tackle additional problems regarding finance and documentation which prevent them from accessing higher studies[xxx] (United Nations). This point is particularly burning for Palestinian refugees as the absence of recognized statehood, and, consequently, citizenship rights, complicate the matter. Palestinians do not receive protection from international law when residing outside UNRWA’s operating zones. As a result, they live through a liminality, compromised of legal ambiguity and invisibility, which affect education, their right to get an education, and the challenges they face while trying to get an education[xxxi] (Ahmed, 2023). Since October 2023, 100 000 Gazans have escaped to Egypt and reside there without holding the “refugee status”. Thus, they are excluded from receiving humanitarian aid and legal documents and permits necessary for public school enrollment[xxxii] (Guergues, 2024). It is important to note that fleeing, as of November 2024, is incredibly hard and expensive, as the main border crossings are closed, and the few private companies assisting with trespassing demand high sums of money. Students awarded scholarships stumbled in bureaucratic, time-consuming mazes which made evacuation and pursuing education abroad impossible[xxxiii] (Ramadan, 2024).

Conclusion

Experts have accused Israel of committing a “scholasticide,” eliminating academic buildings, students, and teachers. The intense and violent raids attack Gazan schooling on two fronts: on the supply side and the demand side. Israeli forces have permanently destroyed most educational buildings, including universities. Furthermore, chronic warfare has tremendous consequences for the survivors, both physical and mental. Emotional distress and psychological disorders impact the daily and future lives of Gazan kids, including their education prospects. Belligerent attacks unleash a vicious cycle of destruction that manifests through the discontinuity of education impacting the next generations. While education appears to be an ancillary problem in a region, where people are struggling to secure water, medicine, and daily nutrition, it remains critical. The topic cannot be erased from international discourses as its neglect will exacerbate Gaza’s long-term challenges and hinder the prospects of its people.

Reference List

A day in the life of a Palestine refugee student in the West Bank. (2021). UNRWA. https://www.unrwa.org/newsroom/features/day-life-palestine-refugee-student-west-bank

Al Jazeera. (2024). Gaza toll could exceed 186,000, Lancet study says. Al Jazeera. https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2024/7/8/gaza-toll-could-exceed-186000-lancet-study-says

Britannica. (2024). 1948 Arab-Israeli War | Summary, Outcome, Casualties, & Timeline | Britannica. https://www.britannica.com/event/1948-Arab-Israeli-War

Britannica. (2018). Balfour Declaration | History & Impact. Encyclopædia Britannica. https://www.britannica.com/event/Balfour-Declaration

Catani, C. (2018). Mental health of children living in war zones: a risk and protection perspective. World Psychiatry, 17(1), 104–105. https://doi.org/10.1002/wps.20496

Child Rights Committee statement on children in Gaza. (2024). OHCHR. https://www.ohchr.org/en/statements/2024/02/child-rights-committee-statement-children-gaza

Duncan, M. J., Patte, K. A., & Leatherdale, S. T. (2021). Mental Health Associations with Academic Performance and Education Behaviors in Canadian Secondary School Students. Canadian Journal of School Psychology, 36(4), 082957352199731. https://doi.org/10.1177/0829573521997311

Farajallah, I. (2022). Continuous Traumatic Stress in Palestine: The Psychological Effects of the Occupation and Chronic Warfare on Palestinian Children. World Social Psychiatry, 4(2), 112. https://doi.org/10.4103/wsp.wsp_26_22

Frounfelker, R. (2019). Living through war: Mental health of children and youth in conflict-affected areas. International Review of the Red Cross. https://international-review.icrc.org/articles/living-through-war-mental-health-children-and-youth-conflict-affected-areas#footnote7_4a64345

Ghazy Randa. (2022). After 15 years of blockade, four out of five children in Gaza say they are living with depression, grief and fear. Save the Children International. https://www.savethechildren.net/news/after-15-years-blockade-four-out-five-children-gaza-say-they-are-living-depression-grief-and

Guergues, Azza. (2024). How Are Palestinians in Gaza Fleeing to Egypt? Foreign Policy; Foreign Policy. https://foreignpolicy.com/2024/08/15/gaza-palestinians-fleeing-egypt-refugees-rafah-crossing-israel-war/

Hazer, L., & Gredebäck, G. (2023). The effects of war, displacement, and trauma on child development. Humanities and Social Sciences Communications, 10(1), 1–19. https://doi.org/10.1057/s41599-023-02438-8

Inger, I., Sherif, Y., & Egeland, J. (2024). Education under attack in Gaza, with nearly 90% of school buildings damaged or destroyed. Save the Children International. https://www.savethechildren.net/blog/education-under-attack-gaza-nearly-90-school-buildings-damaged-or-destroyed

Investing In The Future Through Education of Palestine Refugees: UNRWA Marks International Day of Education. (2023). UNRWA. https://www.unrwa.org/newsroom/news-releases/investing-future-through-education-palestine-refugees

Ahmed, Nasim. (2023). Trapped in a legal black hole, Palestinian refugees in Turkiye dream of going home. Middle East Monitor. https://www.middleeastmonitor.com/20230830-trapped-in-a-legal-black-hole-palestinian-refugees-in-turkiye-dream-of-going-home/

Ottoman Palestine. (2016, March 2). The Institute for Palestine Studies. https://digitalprojects.palestine-studies.org/resources/special-focus/ottoman-palestine

Ramadan, A. (2024, November 22). In Gaza dreams die, but hope remains. Al Jazeera. https://www.aljazeera.com/opinions/2024/11/22/in-gaza-dreams-die-but-hope-remains

Schöler, N., Gal, G., Wissow, L. S., & Akihiro Seita. (2024). Stress and Trauma Symptoms in Young Palestine Refugee Children Following the May 2021 Escalation in Gaza. JAACAP Open. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jaacop.2024.06.003

Stack, L., & Shbair, B. (2024). With Schools in Ruins, Education in Gaza Will Be Hobbled for Years. The New York Times. https://www.nytimes.com/2024/05/06/world/middleeast/gaza-schools-damaged-destroyed.html

Unicef. (2016). Violent Conflict and Educational Inequality Literature Review FHI 360 Education Policy and Data Center. https://www.epdc.org/sites/default/files/documents/Conflict%20and%20Inequality%20Literature%20Review%20FINAL.pdf

United Nations. Refugee education in crisis: More than half of the world’s school-age refugee children do not get an education. United Nations. https://www.un.org/en/academic-impact/refugee-education-crisis-more-half-worlds-school-age-refugee-children-do-not-get

Vilaplana-Pérez, A., Sidorchuk, A., Pérez-Vigil, A., Brander, G., Isoumura, K., Hesselmark, E., Sevilla-Cermeño, L., Valdimarsdóttir, U. A., Song, H., Jangmo, A., Kuja-Halkola, R., D’Onofrio, B. M., Larsson, H., Garcia-Soriano, G., Mataix-Cols, D., & Fernández de la Cruz, L. (2020). Assessment of Posttraumatic Stress Disorder and Educational Achievement in Sweden. JAMA Network Open, 3(12), e2028477. https://doi.org/10.1001/jamanetworkopen.2020.28477

War Impacts Child Development, Alters DNA – Neuroscience News. (2024). Neuroscience News. https://neurosciencenews.com/neurodevelopment-genetics-war-28091/

[i] Lister Tim, Dahman Ibrahim, and Tamar Michaelis. Around 70% of deaths in Gaza are women and children, says UN. 2024. https://edition.cnn.com/2024/11/09/middleeast/un-warnings-gaza-humanitarian-conditions-intl/index.html

[ii] Gaza toll could exceed 186,000, Lancet study says. 2024. https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2024/7/8/gaza-toll-could-exceed-186000-lancet-study-says

[iii] Farajallah, Iman. Continuous Traumatic Stress in Palestine: The Psychological Effects of the Occupation and Chronic Warfare on Palestinian Children. World Social Psychiatry. 2022

[iv] Child Rights Committee statement on children in Gaza. 2024. https://www.ohchr.org/en/statements/2024/02/child-rights-committee-statement-children-gaza

[v] Ottoman Palestine. Digital Projects-Institute for Palestine Studies. https://digitalprojects.palestine-studies.org/resources/special-focus/ottoman-palestine

[vi] Balfour Declaration. Britannica. https://www.britannica.com/event/Balfour-Declaration

[vii] 1948 Arab-Israeli War. Britannica. https://www.britannica.com/event/1948-Arab-Israeli-War

[viii] Farajallah, Iman. Continuous Traumatic Stress in Palestine: The Psychological Effects of the Occupation and Chronic Warfare on Palestinian Children. World Social Psychiatry. 2022:113. https://www.academia.edu/85404245/Continuous_Traumatic_Stress_in_Palestine_The_Psychological_Effects_of_the_Occupation_and_Chronic_Warfare_on_Palestinian_Children

[ix] Catani, Claudia. Mental health of children living in war zones: a risk and protection perspective. World Psychiatry 17, 1: 104-105. https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC5775132/

[x] Frounfelker, Rochelle L. et al. Living through war: Mental health of children and youth in conflict-affected areas. International Review of the Red Cross. 2019. https://international-review.icrc.org/articles/living-through-war-mental-health-children-and-youth-conflict-affected-areas#footnote7_4a64345

[xi] Idem.

[xii] War Impacts Child Development, Alters DNA. Neuroscience News. 2024. https://neurosciencenews.com/neurodevelopment-genetics-war-28091/

[xiii] Farajallah, Iman. Continuous Traumatic Stress in Palestine: The Psychological Effects of the Occupation and Chronic Warfare on Palestinian Children. World Social Psychiatry. 2022: 114. https://www.academia.edu/85404245/Continuous_Traumatic_Stress_in_Palestine_The_Psychological_Effects_of_the_Occupation_and_Chronic_Warfare_on_Palestinian_Children

[xiv] Gazhy, Randa. After 15 years of blockade, four out of five children in Gaza say they are living with depression, grief and fear. Save the Children. 2022.

[xv] Schöler, Nina, Gilad Gal, Lawrence S. Wissow, and Akihiro Seit. Stress and Trauma Symptoms in Young Palestine Refugee Children Following the May 2021 Escalation in Gaza. JAACAP Open. 2024: 3. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jaacop.2024.06.003

[xvi] Duncan, Markus, Karen Patte A., & Scott Leatherdale. Mental Health Associations with Academic Performance and Education Behaviors in Canadian Secondary School Students. Canadian Journal of School Psychology 36, 4: 335-357. 2021. https://doi.org/10.1177/0829573521997311

[xvii] Vilaplana-Pérez, Alba et al. Assessment of Posttraumatic Stress Disorder and Educational Achievement in Sweden. JAMA Network Open 23, 2. 2020. https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/33289847/

[xviii] Ibid.

[xix] Ibid.

[xx] Violent Conflict and Educational Inequality. UNICEF. 2016. https://www.epdc.org/sites/default/files/documents/Conflict%20and%20Inequality%20Literature%20Review%20FINAL.pdf

[xxi] Ibid.

[xxii] Ashing Inger, Yasmine Sherif, and Jan Egeland. Education under attack in Gaza, with nearly 90% of school buildings damaged or destroyed. Save the Children. 2024. https://www.savethechildren.net/blog/education-under-attack-gaza-nearly-90-school-buildings-damaged-or-destroyed

[xxiii] Stack, Liam and Bilal Shbair. With Schools in Ruins, Education in Gaza Will Be Hobbled for Years. New York Times. 2024. https://www.nytimes.com/2024/05/06/world/middleeast/gaza-schools-damaged-destroyed.html

[xxiv] Hazer, Livia and Gustaf Gredebäck. The effects of war, displacement, and trauma on child development. Humanities and Social Sciences Communications 10, 909. 2023.

[xxv] Idem., 3.

[xxvi] Ibid.

[xxvii] Investing In The Future Through Education of Palestine Refugees: UNRWA Marks International Day of Education.

UNRWA. 2023. https://www.unrwa.org/newsroom/news-releases/investing-future-through-education-palestine-refugees

[xxviii] A day in the life of a Palestine refugee student in the West Bank. UNRWA. 2021. https://www.unrwa.org/newsroom/features/day-life-palestine-refugee-student-west-bank

[xxix] Ibid.

[xxx] Refugee education in crisis: More than half of the world’s school-age refugee children do not get an education. United Nations. https://www.un.org/en/academic-impact/refugee-education-crisis-more-half-worlds-school-age-refugee-children-do-not-get

[xxxi] Ahmed, Nasim. Trapped in a legal black hole, Palestinian refugees in Turkiye dream of going home. Middle East Monitor. 2023. https://www.middleeastmonitor.com/20230830-trapped-in-a-legal-black-hole-palestinian-refugees-in-turkiye-dream-of-going-home/

[xxxii] Guergues, Azza. How 100,000 Palestinians Are Surviving in Egypt Without Refugee Status. Foreign Policy. 2024. https://foreignpolicy.com/2024/08/15/gaza-palestinians-fleeing-egypt-refugees-rafah-crossing-israel-war/

[xxxiii] Ramadan, Abdallah. In Gaza dreams die, but hope remains. Al Jazeera. 2024. https://www.aljazeera.com/opinions/2024/11/22/in-gaza-dreams-die-but-hope-remains

Saudi Arabia opens doors: expatriates on dependent visas now eligible to work in the education and health sector

Written by Iasmina Stoian

Introduction

Saudi Arabia has reached a milestone in its ongoing economic and social development plan. A new policy has been adopted allowing expatriates on dependent visas to work in the education and health sectors under specific conditions. In the past, during the Saudi Nationalization Program that emerged in 1985, also known as the Nitaqat program, the expatriates were largely restricted from the labour market, as employment for nationals was prioritized. Moreover, in 2017, it was imposed an Expat Dependent fee, requiring expatriated employed in the country to pay a supplementary tax for their dependents or companions. Thus, the life of expats was heavily impacted by this new change of policies.

Moreover, in Saudi Vision 2030, another governmental program launched in 2016, which will be further explained below, this new policy reflects a strategic move towards addressing the labour shortages, improving the quality of education in the country, and helping the better integration of expatriates in Saudi society and culture.

This new policy not only helps the labour shortages and fill the empty vacancies but also helps create a more inclusive and competitive labour market, especially in critical sectors, one example being the education sector, thus aligning perfectly with the targets enshrined in the Saudi Vision 2030.

Labour regulations, Saudization and Saudi Vision 2030

In the past, Saudi Arabia had strict regulations concerning expatriates living on their spouse’s visa and their dependents. Traditionally, they were not permitted to work in the country, as under the Saudization program, also known as Nitaqat, the focus was on giving the chance on job opportunities to Saudi nationals. This program was trying to reduce the dependency on foreign labour by incentivizing the employment of Saudi nationals in different sectors, firstly in private sectors, and later to others. Thus, in 2011 the Ministry of Labor introduced a resolution requiring all private companies in Saudi Arabia to meet specific quotas for employing Saudi nationals, with a compliance deadline set for 2013. However, by 2014, a significant number of expatriates had left the country, and over 200,000 private firms were shut down for failing to adhere to the Saudization or Nitaqat regulations. At the moment, two-thirds of country’s population comprises of Saudi nationals, while one-third comprises of expatriates (Javed 2024).

On the other hand, in 2016 Vision 2030 was launched, a plan that aimed at the diversification of Saudi Arabia economically, socially and culturally, and reduction of its dependency on oil. This project also aimed to address the labour shortage issue, through attracting more internationals to fill those vacancies. This newly adopted policy that allows expatriate dependents to work in the education and health systems is therefore a reflection of this ambitious vision.

Policy details – eligibility, application process and specific requirements

The new policy allowing expatriate dependents to work in country-specific sectors has strict eligibility criteria and steps that need to be followed for a successful application. To be eligible, dependents must fulfil certain age and qualification requirements, depending on the field, and must also possess a valid residency permit or visa. For example, expatriates over 18 years old who have a valid visa and are either a spouse, a relative of the spouse, or a legal guardian can start an application. The required educational accreditations depend on the position that is filled, and can be, for example, positions for teachers or administrative positions. Those professional accreditations must also be recognized by the Saudi authorities.

Applications for obtaining a work permit are processed through Ajeer, an electronic system for controlling temporary employment for expatriates. To this end, employers are allowed to issue work permits through the Ajeer platform provided that all legal requirements are fulfilled and the nature of employment falls within the goals of the Saudization program. This process further ensures that the dependent does not occupy jobs that need to be reserved for Saudi nationals, for which the regulations of Nitaqat will be applied.

As already mentioned, some posts in the education sector require that employees, depending on the post they would fill, should pass certain qualification examinations or become members of related professional bodies. These measures will ensure that expatriate dependents entering into the workforce are indeed qualified to contribute positively to the sector and maintain the standards expected in Saudi Arabian educational institutions. It is a very considered balance of inclusion and regulation, reflective of the broader efforts of the Kingdom to modernize its workforce while still prioritizing opportunities for its citizens.

Impacts on the education sector

This new policy has a significant impact on the country’s educational landscape. By addressing labour shortages, this policy aims to alleviate the strain on these crucial sectors, which have long struggled with staffing gaps. The influx of skilled expatriate teachers can enhance the quality of education by bringing diverse perspectives and expertise, enriching the learning environment for students.

However, cultural integration can impose a challenge. Cultural integration remains a concern, as expatriates must navigate and adapt to Saudi cultural norms while delivering education. Additionally, there may be competition with local workers, potentially leading to tensions over job opportunities and resources. The balance between leveraging the benefits of a diverse workforce and ensuring fair opportunities for Saudi nationals will be crucial. Effective management of these dynamics will be essential to maximize the positive impact on the education sector while addressing any potential issues that arise from this policy shift.

Impacts on the social and economic sectors

Apart from the educational landscape, there is also the broader economic and social consequence of granting expatriates who enter on a dependent visa the green light for working in the education and health sectors. This extends to enabling the larger family income of expatriate families by increasing the core budget they have at home, which then increases consumer spending and continues to help jolt the local economy forward.

Additionally, allowing dependents to work helps promote the better integration of expatriate families within the local community socially, improving a sense of belonging and increasing their participation in social and community activities. The result can be more mileage in cultural interaction and understanding between the expatriates and Saudi nationals. Opening such doors to expatriates shows that, in many ways, Saudi Arabia is moving in the right direction as far as economic and social development in the region.

Conclusions

In conclusion, the new policy in Saudi Arabia became the cornerstone towards addressing labour shortages and improving the quality of these two important sectors. This big step has also aligned with the broader objectives of Saudi Vision 2030 in bringing diversity into the economy, ensuring social integration, and fostering cultural exchange between expatriates and Saudi nationals. Though there are also challenges, such as cultural adaptation and competition with local workers, careful management and regulation will be needed to maximize the benefits. Overall, the policy underlines Saudi Arabia’s determination to modernize its workforce and create an inclusive, dynamic labour market.

1165 words

Keywords: Vision 2030, Nitaqat, expatriates, visa, education, labour market, health, Saudi Arabia, culture

References:

Rights, Migrant. 2024. “Saudi Arabia Allows Migrants on Family Visas to Work in the Health and Education Sectors.” Migrant Rights. https://www.migrant-rights.org/2024/08/saudi-arabia-allows-migrants-on-family-visas-to-work-in-the-health-and-education-sectors/.
Staff, and Staff. 2024. “Expatriates on ‘Dependent Visas’ Can Now Work in Saudi Education Sector – Education Middle East.” Education Middle East –. https://educationmiddleeast.com/news/expatriates-on-dependent-visas-can-now-work-in-saudi-education-sector/.
“Saudi Arabia Allows Employment of Expatriate Dependents in Health and Education Sectors.” 2024. Saudigazette. https://saudigazette.com.sa/article/644547.
2024. “Saudi Employment Law Update: KSA Allows Employment of Expatriate Dependents in Health and Education Sectors.” Tasheel Law Firm. https://tasheellawfirm.com/saudi-employment-law-update-ksa-allows-employment-of-expatriate-dependents-in-health-and-education-sectors/.
“The Education System in Saudi Arabia | Expatica.” 2024. Expatica Saudi Arabia. https://www.expatica.com/sa/education/children-education/education-system-in-saudi-arabia-73178/.
Javed, Anam. 2024. “What Is Saudization? Guide to Saudization And The Nitaqat Program.” Qureos Hiring Guide. https://www.qureos.com/hiring-guide/guide-to-saudization-nitaqat-program.

Too Hot to Learn: How Climate Extremes Are Disrupting Education in India

Written by Shennara Lisapaly

Schools Close as Temperatures Continues to Rise

In April 2025, as the summer season barely began, over 20 cities across North India reported temperatures above 42°C. For example, Delhi experienced a high of 38.2°C in April 2025, which is 3.1 degrees above the norm. Other states such as Uttar Pradesh, Rajasthan, and Bihar all faced similar scorching temperatures. Yet the India Meteorological Department (IMD) warned that the worst was yet to come (ET Online, 2025). The extreme heat, humidity, and poor air quality foster an unsafe and uncomfortable environment for students to learn and participate in. This extreme weather condition spreading across India ultimately forced many schools to shut down for the safety of the students and staff.

However, this isn’t a one-off emergency. It’s part of a growing crisis. This widespread school shutdown did not only happen this year, but it also occurred in previous years, 2024 and 2023. With climate extremes, such as heatwaves, floods, pollution, and cyclones, it is clear that climate change is no longer a future concern—it is already disrupting learning for millions of students in South Asia alone.

Climate and Education Are Deeply Connected

According to a 2024 UNICEF report, over 128 million students in South Asia risk facing educational disruptions due to climate extremes. India had the highest number of students affected by climate-related school disruptions in 2024, at a staggering 54,784,029 students (UNICEF, 2024).

The effects of climate change go beyond temporary school closures. The Hindustan Times reported that even when schools remain open, extreme weather lowers attendance and weakens learning capacities (Tulsyan, 2025). When floods occur, travel becomes more difficult, especially in rural and low-lying areas. On especially hot or polluted days, students struggle to focus. This results in a drop in academic performance and growing learning losses.

Heatwaves Are Jeopardising Student Health

This summer, India faces another scorching season. According to a Republic World article from May 2025, the government announced widespread school closures across multiple states as temperatures soared (Chanotra, 2025). The Indian Meteorological Department (IMD) predicted intense heatwave conditions in regions including Punjab, Haryana, Rajasthan, and many others. In response, states implemented early or extended summer vacations, with reopening dates ranging from mid-June to early July, depending on the weather conditions.

In Rajasthan and Uttar Pradesh, the temperature often exceeded 45°C, creating an insufferable and unsafe environment for students to learn in (Siddeeq, 2025). Teachers also reported that many students experienced heat-related illnesses, such as heat stroke and heat exhaustion. A teacher from the Rajasthan Barmer district had even said that the indoor temperature of his school at one point reached 47°C. School infrastructure, especially in rural areas, struggled to cope. Many buildings lack proper ventilation, reliable cooling systems, and access to clean drinking water. The loss of school days due to extreme heat and poor infrastructure not only disrupts students’ education but also hits marginalised communities the hardest. Especially children who depend on schools for daily meals and a safe, stable environment (OWSA, 2025).

Floods and Rains Wash Away Learning Opportunities

It’s not just the heat. Heavy monsoon rains in 2025 also caused widespread school closures (Jolly, 2025). In Delhi-NCR, schools were shut due to severe waterlogging. In Uttarakhand and Himachal Pradesh, the risk of floods and landslides forced district administrations to cancel classes. In Jharkhand’s Jamshedpur, authorities closed schools until July 10 after heavy rains flooded low-lying areas and advised a shift to online classes. However, in certain communities, this is not possible since digital access is limited or nonexistent.

Climate Impact on the Most Vulnerable

While the climate crisis affects all children, its impact is far from equal. According to One World South Asia (OWSA), adolescent girls are particularly vulnerable. They reported that more interruptions to education lead to higher dropout rates, lower academic performance, and child marriage and/or labor rates, which disproportionately affect girls (OWSA, 2025). OWSA cites that the UNICEF report warns us that the climate-related disruption to learning is undoing the years of progress made in promoting girls’ education.

What Needs to Change

Experts say India must climate-proof its education system to improve learning outcomes and to aid long-term development. The Hindustan Times outlined five key steps governments can take to drive meaningful and impactful change.

Data collection. Schools and state departments need to track how climate shocks affect learning. This will help design targeted policies.
Invest in heat- and flood-resilient infrastructure—cool roofs, solar fans, ventilation, and water access.

Plan for learning continuity. Schools should have flexible calendars, online options, and community-based learning hubs during climate emergencies.

Include climate education in the curriculum. Students must understand climate risks and be prepared to adapt and lead to change.
The government, civil society, and the private sector must work together to make education climate resilient.

These recommendations offer a roadmap for creating a more robust, inclusive, and productive education system. One that can withstand the pressures of an increasingly unpredictable and hostile climate. Of course, implementing such changes will not come without challenges and obstacles, but they are essential. Without action, students in vulnerable regions across India will continue to face school closures, unsafe conditions, and disrupted learning.

A Call to Action

India’s classrooms are on the frontlines of the climate crisis. Every year, more children are losing days, weeks, or months of school due to extreme weather. The risks are growing, and so are the inequalities. Protecting education must be a core part of India’s climate strategy. That means more than building roads and floodwalls. It means building schools that can withstand the storms ahead.

If the classroom becomes unsafe, the future becomes uncertain. India must adapt to the current climate crisis and climate-proof its schools before it’s too late. This requires urgent political will, sustained investment, and a long-term vision. Rather than having the education system remain a victim of the climate crisis, these changes can transform it into a powerful tool for resilience.

Reference List:

Chanotra, Nimakshi. 2025. “Heatwave Forces Early School Closures across India: A State-By-State Breakdown.” Republic World. May 19, 2025. https://www.republicworld.com/education/schools-closed-in-multiple-states-across-india-check-the-list.

ET Online. 2025. “Heatwave Grips India: 20+ Cities Cross 42°c in First Week of April, Experts Warn of Worse Ahead.” The Economic Times. Economic Times. April 7, 2025. https://economictimes.indiatimes.com/news/new-updates/heatwave-grips-india-20-cities-cross-42c-in-first-week-of-april-experts-warn-of-worse-ahead/articleshow/120051541.cms.

Jolly, Akshita. 2025. “Schools Closed: Heavy Monsoon Rain Disrupts Life across India, Schools Shut in Several States.” Jagranjosh.com. Jagran Josh. July 10, 2025. https://www.jagranjosh.com/articles/schools-closed-due-to-heavy-rainfall-list-of-states-affected-1800000865-1.

OWSA Staff. 2025. “Climate Hazards Disrupt Education for Millions in South Asia, UNICEF Report Reveals Stark Situation in India – OneWorld SouthAsia.” OneWorld SouthAsia. January 27, 2025. https://owsa.in/climate-hazards-disrupt-education-for-millions-in-south-asia-unicef-report-reveals-stark-situation-in-india/.

Siddeeq, Sara. 2025. “How Extreme Heat in India Is Disrupting Education.” Climate Impacts Tracker Asia. April 8, 2025. https://www.climateimpactstracker.com/how-extreme-heat-in-india-is-disrupting-education/.

Tulsyan, Arpan. 2025. “Heatwaves, Floods, and Smog: Unprepared Education System Is Leading to Learning Losses – Hindustan Times.” Hindustan Times. April 21, 2025. https://www.hindustantimes.com/ht-insight/climate-change/heatwaves-floods-and-smog-unprepared-education-system-is-leading-to-learning-losses-101745226192022.html.

UNICEF. The Climate Crisis Is a Child Rights Crisis: South Asia Spotlight. New York: United

Nations Children’s Fund, 2024. https://www.unicef.org/media/170626/file/Global-snapshot-climate-related-school-disruptions-2024.pdf.

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Educational Challenges In Indonesia (Hindi)

एक टिप्पणी छोड़ें

इंडोनेशिया में शैक्षिक चुनौतियाँ
लेखिका: लेटिसिया कॉक्स

इंडोनेशिया की एक-तिहाई आबादी बच्चे हैं – लगभग 85 मिलियन, जो किसी भी देश में चौथी सबसे बड़ी संख्या है।
शिक्षा मानवता को जानकारी, ज्ञान, कौशल और नैतिकता प्रदान करती है ताकि हम समाज, परिवारों और राष्ट्र के प्रति अपने कर्तव्यों को जान सकें, समझ सकें और उनका सम्मान कर सकें, और हमें आगे बढ़ने में मदद करती है।
शिक्षा जीवन जीने का एक तरीका है, जिसमें व्यक्ति ज्ञान प्राप्त कर सकता है और दूसरों के साथ इसे साझा कर सकता है। “शिक्षा व्यक्तिगत विकास का महान साधन है। यह शिक्षा के माध्यम से ही है कि एक किसान की बेटी डॉक्टर बन सकती है, एक खदान श्रमिक का बेटा खदान का प्रमुख बन सकता है, और खेत में काम करने वाले श्रमिक का बच्चा एक महान राष्ट्र का राष्ट्रपति बन सकता है,” पूर्व दक्षिण अफ्रीकी राष्ट्रपति नेल्सन मंडेला ने कहा था।

इंडोनेशिया में, दुनिया के अधिकांश हिस्सों की तरह, बच्चों को बारह साल की अनिवार्य शिक्षा प्राप्त करनी होती है, जिसमें प्राथमिक (कक्षा 1–6), जूनियर माध्यमिक (कक्षा 7–9), सीनियर माध्यमिक (कक्षा 10–12) और उच्च शिक्षा शामिल हैं।
युवा राष्ट्रीय शिक्षा मंत्रालय (Kemdiknas) द्वारा संचालित गैर-सांप्रदायिक सरकारी स्कूलों या धार्मिक (इस्लामिक, ईसाई, कैथोलिक और बौद्ध) निजी या अर्ध-निजी स्कूलों के बीच चयन कर सकते हैं, जिन्हें धार्मिक मामलों के मंत्रालय द्वारा प्रबंधित और वित्तपोषित किया जाता है।

कोविड-19 महामारी के दो साल बाद भी, इंडोनेशिया और दुनिया भर के छात्र और शिक्षक एक बड़े शिक्षा संकट से जूझ रहे हैं। जून 2022 की एक रिपोर्ट, जिसे यूनिसेफ, यूनेस्को, विश्व बैंक और अन्य संगठनों द्वारा जारी किया गया, यह बताती है कि वैश्विक स्तर पर अनुमानित 70 प्रतिशत 10 साल के बच्चे एक साधारण लिखित पाठ को समझने में असमर्थ हैं, जबकि महामारी से पहले यह संख्या 57 प्रतिशत थी।

अनस्प्लैश पर एड अस द्वारा फोटो

कोविड-19 के बाद का प्रभाव

इंडोनेशिया में शिक्षा का स्तर पहले से ही पाठ्यक्रम की अपेक्षाओं से कम था, और इसमें लिंग, क्षेत्र, विकलांगता और अन्य हाशिए पर आने वाले वर्गों के बीच भारी असमानताएँ थीं। अधिकांश छात्रों का प्रदर्शन उनकी कक्षा के स्तर से दो ग्रेड कम था। उदाहरण के लिए, कक्षा 5 के छात्र औसतन कक्षा 3 के स्तर पर पढ़ रहे थे।

क्षेत्र में किए गए शोध और सर्वेक्षणों के अनुसार, इसका एक कारण यह था कि शिक्षण गतिविधियों से पहले स्पष्ट शैक्षिक लक्ष्यों की अनुपस्थिति थी, जिसके कारण छात्रों और शिक्षकों को यह पता नहीं था कि ‘लक्ष्य’ क्या होने चाहिए। इस वजह से शैक्षिक प्रक्रिया में उनके पास कोई स्पष्ट दृष्टिकोण नहीं था। देश के कुछ क्षेत्रों में यह भी पाया गया कि प्रारंभिक कक्षाओं के छात्रों में पढ़ने की अक्षमता का प्रतिशत बढ़ा है।

कोविड-19 के कारण बड़े पैमाने पर स्कूलों का बंद होना और नौकरियों का खोना स्थिति को और खराब कर चुका है। कमजोर परिस्थितियों में रहने वाले बच्चों, जैसे निम्न-आय वाले परिवारों के बच्चे, विकलांग बच्चे और देश के पिछड़े हिस्सों में रहने वाले बच्चों के लिए यह प्रदर्शन और भी गंभीर हो गया है, जो स्कूल से बाहर होने के सबसे अधिक जोखिम में हैं।

महामारी से पहले भी कुछ गरीब क्षेत्रों में बाल विवाह एक समस्या थी। प्रमाण बताते हैं कि महामारी के दौरान बाल विवाहों में वृद्धि हुई है क्योंकि निम्न-आय वाले परिवार अपने आर्थिक बोझ को कम करने के लिए ऐसा कर रहे हैं।

अब बाल श्रम के घर में होने या घर की आजीविका (जैसे खेती और मछली पकड़ने) में मदद करने की संभावना बढ़ गई है, क्योंकि लॉकडाउन उपायों ने रोजगार के अवसरों को सीमित कर दिया है।

इंडोनेशियाई विकलांग बच्चों को काफी चुनौतियों का सामना करना पड़ता है। शोध से पता चला है कि बच्चों और माता-पिता दोनों की विकलांगता उनके सीखने और स्कूल लौटने की संभावना को प्रभावित कर रही है।

खराब शैक्षणिक सुविधाएं और बुनियादी ढांचा

खराब स्कूल सुविधाएं और बुनियादी ढांचे की गुणवत्ता भी इंडोनेशिया की शिक्षा चुनौतियों का हिस्सा हैं। इंडोनेशिया के पचहत्तर प्रतिशत स्कूल आपदा जोखिम वाले क्षेत्रों में हैं; लगभग 800,000 वर्ग मील का देश बड़े भूकंप, सुनामी, तेज हवाओं, ज्वालामुखी, भूस्खलन और बाढ़ के संपर्क में है।

इंटरनेट तक असमान पहुंच, और शिक्षक योग्यता और शिक्षा की गुणवत्ता में विसंगति, दूरस्थ शिक्षा को लागू करने में सबसे बड़ी चुनौतियों के रूप में दिखाई दी। छोटे बच्चों के लिए दूरस्थ शिक्षा और देश के डिजिटल पहुंच स्तरों की विविधता हाशिए पर पड़े बच्चों के लिए और असमानताओं का कारण बनती है।

शिक्षकों की निम्न गुणवत्ता

इंडोनेशिया में शिक्षा की खराब गुणवत्ता के मुख्य कारणों में से एक शिक्षक भर्ती प्रक्रिया के कारण शिक्षकों की निम्न गुणवत्ता है, जो पेशेवर शिक्षा कर्मियों के चयन पर ध्यान केंद्रित नहीं करती है, बल्कि सिविल सेवकों की मांगों को पूरा करने पर केंद्रित है।

अधिकांश शिक्षकों के पास अपने कर्तव्यों को निभाने के लिए पर्याप्त व्यावसायिकता नहीं है जैसा कि कानून संख्या 39 के अनुच्छेद में कहा गया है। 2003 का 20, अर्थात् पाठों की योजना बनाना, पाठों को लागू करना, सीखने के परिणामों का आकलन करना, मार्गदर्शन करना, प्रशिक्षण आयोजित करना, अनुसंधान करना और सामुदायिक सेवा करना।

सिविल सेवक भर्ती प्रक्रिया के हिस्से के रूप में, शिक्षक भर्ती प्रक्रिया आम तौर पर एक पेशेवर शिक्षक के लिए आवश्यक कार्य कौशल पर ध्यान नहीं देती है।

हाल के एक सर्वेक्षण में, पढ़ाए जाने वाले विषयों को सीखने और समझने में योग्यता को मापने वाली शिक्षक योग्यता परीक्षा (यूकेजी) देने वाले शिक्षा प्रणाली के शिक्षक न्यूनतम अंकों को भी पूरा नहीं कर पाए।

सर्वेक्षण से यह भी पता चलता है कि जो शिक्षक सरकार द्वारा निर्धारित मानक से नीचे शिक्षित हैं, वे जूनियर हाई स्कूल के लिए 64.09%, हाई स्कूल के लिए 61.5% और व्यावसायिक स्कूल के लिए 10.14% हैं।

शिक्षण पेशे के लिए जटिल कार्य कौशल की आवश्यकता होती है। शिक्षकों को प्रभावी ढंग से पढ़ाने में सक्षम होना चाहिए और अपने छात्रों को शिक्षित करने के लिए उच्च प्रतिबद्धता और प्रेरणा होनी चाहिए।
इस बीच, सिविल सेवक भर्ती प्रणाली में शिक्षक भर्ती आम तौर पर राष्ट्रवाद और सामान्य ज्ञान को प्राथमिकता देती है न कि शिक्षण क्षमता को।

आवश्यक योग्यता चयन पर उच्चतम अंकों वाले संभावित शिक्षक एक लिखित खंड में भाग लेंगे जो उनके सीखने के प्रबंधन कौशल और उनके द्वारा पढ़ाए जाने वाले विषयों के ज्ञान की जांच करता है। लिखित सामान्य ज्ञान परीक्षा के माध्यम से एक पेशेवर शिक्षक की क्षमता को जानने का कोई तरीका नहीं है।
सामान्य तौर पर, सिविल सेवक प्रक्रिया में शिक्षकों की भर्ती सर्वोत्तम भावी शिक्षकों का चयन नहीं कर सकती है-प्रणाली राष्ट्रवाद और सामान्य ज्ञान को प्राथमिकता देती है, न कि शिक्षण को।

शिक्षा में, एक शिक्षक बनने के लिए “आह्वान” या जुनून आवश्यक है क्योंकि यह छात्रों को पढ़ाए जाने वाले ज्ञान के प्रति उनके प्यार और छात्रों की क्षमता का पता लगाने के उनके उत्साह से निकटता से संबंधित है। एक अच्छा शिक्षक होना चुनौतीपूर्ण है यदि यह आपका काम नहीं है।

लेटिसिया कॉक्स द्वारा लिखित

संदर्भ

https://ijble.com/index.php/journal/article/view/ 64/71
https://www.unicef.org/eap/media/9326/file/Sit An – Indonesia case study.pdf
https://www.unicef.org/indonesia/education-and-adolescents
https://www.intechopen.com/chapters/81594
https://jakartaglobe.id/news/pur-quality-of-education-casts-shado-on-indonesias-future-job-market https://jakartaglobe.id/news/pur-quality-of-education-casts-shado-on-indonesias-future-job-market
अनस्प्लैश पर हुस्निआती सलमा द्वारा कवर फोटो

The Hengshui Model: Educational Alienation in the Context of Involution

Source: File:Mingzhi Building.JPG - Wikimedia Commons

Written By: Bowen Qi

Introduction of the Hengshui Model

The Hengshui Model, originally from Hengshui High School in Hebei Province, China, refers to an exam-oriented education system designed specifically for China’s college entrance examination (gaokao). The gaokao is one of China’s most critical selection examinations, largely determining whether students can enter university and shaping their future path, thus having enormous influence on individual destinies.

Within this system, schools function essentially as “examination factories,” while students become machines constantly operating to produce good scores, losing creativity amid drill-and-kill methods and examination preparation environments. This education model gradually became popular nationwide due to its ability to significantly improve students’ exam scores and university admission rates, especially in economically underdeveloped and heavily populated provinces and regions. According to China Newsweek, as of 2021, at least 21 branch schools across the country had been named “Hengshui High School”, spread across more than ten provinces in central and western China, demonstrating the rapid replication and dissemination of this model nationwide (Xu, 2021).

The most notable features of the Hengshui Model are its military-style management, indoctrination-like propaganda, and mechanical repetitive training. For instance, Hengshui-style schools schedule students’ days precisely to the minute, from rising at 5:30 a.m. to lights-out at 10:30 p.m., leaving virtually no time for free activities. Even mealtimes are compressed to merely fifteen minutes outside of lessons and homework. Additionally, teaching buildings are typically adorned with numerous motivational slogans, and during extracurricular periods, students are required to participate in collective mobilisation and oath-taking ceremonies to reinforce their sense of obedience (Song, 2012). The direct purpose of these two approaches is to control students’ time and energy entirely for repetitive practice of examination questions, thus achieving the core objective of producing good scores through standardised examination preparation.

Nature of the Hengshui model: Educational Alienation in the Context of Involution

The concept of “involution” originates from anthropologist Clifford Geertz, who initially used it to describe the process in Indonesian agriculture where, under external expansion constraints, production was maintained through increased labour input, pointing to a form of “growth without development”—a stagnant complexification (Geertz, 1963, p70). The Hengshui Model represents precisely such an educational involution mechanism: developed to cope with population pressure in a context where social evaluation standards, educational resource distribution, and socioeconomic structures resist short-term change, it employs highly concentrated study time and standardised training to enhance students’ examination performance.

Although the number of newborns in China fluctuated between 2000 and 2010, it remained relatively high and later peaked in 2016 following the introduction of the universal two-child policy, bringing about a dramatic increase in student numbers from the generation known as the “demographic dividend” (National Bureau of Statistics of China, 2017). However, this ‘demographic dividend’ has not conferred advantages on the generation itself but rather caused a sharp increase in peer pressure and competitive stress. In the subsequent decade, this population trend significantly elevated the number of students in China’s basic and higher education, intensifying competition for university admission and employment. Against this backdrop, gaokao scores and undergraduate qualifications became critical thresholds measuring opportunities for individual social mobility, and the Hengshui Model—capable of achieving score improvements through extreme management methods in a short period—emerged in response.

Despite its effectiveness in raising test scores, the Hengshui Model embodies another crucial aspect of involution: the absence of increased output relative to input. While students invest substantially more time and energy in academic preparation, this intensification rarely brings proportional gains in innovative thinking, practical problem-solving abilities, or diverse talent development—qualities essential for broader social progress. Instead, the system primarily optimizes for narrow examination metrics, creating what might be termed ‘educational involution’: an increasingly complex and demanding learning environment that produces diminishing returns in terms of genuine educational outcomes and societal advancement.

The Hengshui model’s harm to education

In addition to the extremely low incremental output resulting from high investment mentioned above, another serious harm of the Hengshui model is the negative impact on the physical and mental health development of adolescents. In 2021, China’s Ministry of Education clearly pointed out in the “Double Reduction” policy that in compulsory education, “excessive academic burden and emphasis on exam-oriented education seriously affect students’ physical and mental health development and overall development (Zhao, 2022). This statement reflects the national-level concern about the negative consequences brought by high-pressure learning environments like the Hengshui model.

These concerns are not unfounded. In 2014 and 2015, two consecutive incidents of student suicide by jumping occurred at one of the high schools in Hengshui. Both students were in their senior year of high school and died despite rescue effort (Sina Education, 2015). The two tragedies happened less than six months apart, triggering widespread public questioning about whether the “Hengshui-style education” was overwhelming students’ psychological resilience. Afterward, the school installed iron railings in the corridors of teaching buildings to prevent further jumping incidents, a measure that also sparked heated discussion online. Many believed this further deepened the impression of a “prison-like school.” These real cases profoundly reveal the potential cost when an education system places “scores” above the physical and mental well-being of individual students.

This highly institutionalized design reflects a deeper mechanism of psychological control: the systematic suppression of the need for “recognition.” Under the educational framework of the Hengshui model, students are cut off from pathways to gain validation through interpersonal relationships, individual expression, or even self-reflection. The school strictly restricts normal emotional interactions such as friendships and romantic relationships, while uniform dress codes and behavioural requirements further compress the space for individuals to demonstrate differences and independence. In this environment, learning performance becomes almost the only value source that students are allowed to pursue—they can only obtain affirmation from teachers, parents, and the system itself through high scores. Over time, scores are no longer just tools for advancement to higher education but become the sole pillar supporting students’ self-esteem and emotional legitimacy. Once this single pillar is shaken or collapses, extreme behaviours such as suicide may become an emotional outlet, reflecting the deep erosion of adolescents’ psychological resilience in an extreme exam-oriented environment.

Prospects for change

Despite the heavy criticism of the Hengshui model’s exam-oriented approach and highly disciplined management, its existence is not accidental but rather a product of structural factors in contemporary Chinese society. Against a backdrop of increasingly fierce competition for academic credentials, highly unequal distribution of educational resources, and gradually solidifying social stratification, “high producing” systems like Hengshui Middle School provide many families with a limited yet realistic channel for upward mobility (Wang Ji & Wang Yue, 2021). Therefore, simply restricting or criticizing this type of school model may not fundamentally resolve the distortion in the educational ecosystem.

Truly effective transformation requires institutional-level changes. This includes building a more equitable educational resource distribution system, promoting diversification of educational evaluation standards, establishing ability-oriented rather than credential-oriented employment mechanisms in society, and providing diversified development paths for different types of students. Only in this way can the educational alienation embodied by the Hengshui model possibly be redirected back to “nurturing people” itself, opening new possibilities for the future of basic education in China.

Reference：

Geertz, C. (1963). Agricultural involution: The processes of ecological change in Indonesia. University of California Press.

National Bureau of Statistics of China. (2017). China Statistical Yearbook 2017. China Statistics Press. Retrieved from China Statistical Yearbook-2017

Song, S. (2012, June 9). Hengshui High School: “Prison-style education” and “Gaokao factory.” Beijing News. Retrieved from https://www.bjnews.com.cn/news/2012/06/09/203697.html

Sina Education. (2015, April 4). Alarm bells: Two student suicides at Hengshui No. 2 High School within six months. Retrieved from https://top.sina.cn/edu/2015-04-04/tnews-iawzuney2430511.d.html

Wang, J., & Wang, Y. (2021). Reflections on the Hengshui High School education model. Chinese Journal of Education, (5), 36–40.

Wikipedia contributors. (n.d.). Hengshui model. In *Wikipedia*. Retrieved April 20, 2025, fromhttps://zh.wikipedia.org/wiki/%E8%A1%A1%E6%B0%B4%E6%A8%A1%E5%BC%8F

Xu, T. (2021, September 6). The Capitalization Path of the Hengshui Model. China Newsweek, Issue No. 1011. 20多所分校，谁在从衡水中学的资本版图获利？ -中新网

Zhao, B. (2022, January 12). Data interpretation: Achievements in the implementation of the “Double Reduction” policy in 2021. Ministry of Education of the People’s Republic of China. Retrieved from http://www.moe.gov.cn/jyb_xwfb/moe_2082/2021/2021_zl53/tsj/202201/t20220112_593913.html

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