Protecting Deceased Individuals and Their Remains

Presented by Alexia Kapsampeli

International humanitarian law has established important principles about dead and missing in armed conflict. These principles protecting dead persons are based on fundamental human values.
The requirements that the dead be treated with respect and dignity existed long before there were any attempts to identify and codify the legislation.¹ In Homer’s Iliad, horror and concern about the dead becoming “prey to dogs and vultures” exist.² According to the Greek Heroic Age standards, when Homer wrote the Iliad, “it is recognised custom for the victor after stripping his dead enemy to throw the body to the dogs and vultures”.³ Similarly, in the Classical period, Sophocles’ Antigone discusses the treatment of Polynice’s dead body. As the first Professor of Anthropology at the University of Oxford, Edward B. Tylor, emphasised in his book “Primitive Culture, ii”: “In classic antiquity… it was the most sacred of duties to give the body its funeral rites”.

The government of Israel claims that the Geneva Conventions do not apply to the occupied Palestinian territories. However, human rights law is still applied even in an armed conflict, as a part of international humanitarian law, according to the International Court of Justice and the United Nations Human Rights Committee 19. As for Hamas, it is not a party to the international conventions, but the customary rules of international humanitarian law apply to all parties in an armed conflict. On the other hand, Israel’s actions in the Occupied Palestinian Territories are limited by international humanitarian law and by the customary rules of human rights law.

In a July 2020 report, the United Nations rapporteur on human rights, Michael Lynk, of withholding bodies of killed Palestinians. According to the report, “UN Secretary Ban Ki-Moon observed in 2016 that the withholding of bodies amounts to collective punishment and is also inconsistent with Israel’s obligations as an occupying power under the Fourth Geneva Convention”. It is said collective punishment is a tool of control and domination that is antithetical to the modern rule of law and prohibited by all legal systems across the globe.¹³

18A-Input_for_report_on_protection_of_dead_persons

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Featured Image “Jerusalem, located on a plateau in the Judean Mountains between the Mediterranean and the Dead Sea, is one of the oldest cities in the world. ” by Northern Adventures on Flickr.


¹ Last Rights The Dead, the Missing and the Bereaved at Europe’s International Borders 2 Proposal for a Statement of the International legal obligations of States May 2017 https://www.ohchr.org/sites/default/files/Documents/Issues/Migration/36_42/TheLastRightsProject.pdf Last accessed on January 17, 2024
² Hrvoje Cvijanović “Death and the City: Political corpses and the specters of Antigone” University of Zagreb, 2019, https://hrcak.srce.hr/file/336271 Last accessed on January 19, 2024
³ Basset Samuel Elliot “Achilles’ Treatment of Hector’s Body” Transactions and Proceedings of the American Philological Association, p 41-65, 1933
⁴ Hrvoje Cvijanović “Death and the City: Political corpses and the specters of Antigone” University of Zagreb, 2019, https://hrcak.srce.hr/file/336271 Last accessed on January 19, 2024
⁵ Frank Tarbell “Greek Ideas as to the Effect of Burial on the Future of the Soul” Transactions of the American Philological Association (1869-1896) Vol 15, pp (36-45) https://www.jstor.org/stable/2935798?seq=1 Last accessed on January 19, 2024

¹³ Report of the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the Palestinian territories occupied since 1967, https://www.ohchr.org/sites/default/files/HRBodies/HRC/RegularSessions/Session44/Documents/A_HRC_44_60.pdf, 2020, Last accessed on January 21, 2024

The Gaza Conflict Dilemma: Academic Freedom and the Complex Tapestry of Free Speech in American Universities

By Samantha Orozco

In recent days, Harvard’s President, Claudine Gay, resigned amidst an antisemitism scandal. Contrary to expectations, her resignation was not prompted by allegations of antisemitism at the renowned institution but by accusations of plagiarism. While such accusations warrant the resignation and removal of an academic in such a pivotal role, it is crucial not to overlook the controversy surrounding her decision to step down and the pressure exerted by members of the US Congress and Harvard’s Jewish Community.

Gay, alongside other esteemed university presidents such as Liz Maguill of the University of Pennsylvania (who also resigned) and Sally Kornbluth of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, faced scrutiny following allegations of antisemitism and potential endorsement of university authorities. This situation preceded a hearing initiated by the US Congress Republican Party to investigate “their actions to curb and penalize antisemitism in their respective universities.” [1]

The inquiries and pressure directed at these university presidents are just the tip of the iceberg in the attempt to stifle freedom of speech in American universities. For instance, Columbia University prohibited participation in demonstrations supporting either Palestine or Israel. While this initially suppressed the two main student groups, the resolution backfired as students organized protests and formed over 40 student groups to continue expressing support for their causes.[2] Another example is the decision by Ron DeSantis, Governor of the State of Florida, to declare all pro-Palestinian groups in state universities illegal and compel their closure.[3]

The situation unfolding in American universities and the congressional approach to the matter threatens academic freedom and the right to freedom of speech. This is exacerbated by the fact that this precedent could set an example nationwide, where a pro-Palestinian liberation movement emerges without the intention of promoting hate speech but instead creating discomfort for those with differing views. On the other hand, the concern lies in the unequal treatment of hate speech incidents, mainly when directed against Palestinian or Muslim students.

“Anti-zionism is Antisemitism”?

The initial misstep in defining the boundaries of tolerance for expressions of support for the Palestinian movement occurred with the congressional resolution that equates anti-Zionism with antisemitism. [3] This sets a dangerous precedent, as many anti-Zionist movements advocate for a ceasefire in Gaza or criticize Israel’s military actions without promoting hatred or discrimination against Jews. Since October 7, several pro-Israel motions have been endorsed by Congress, reflecting widespread support for Israel among most US legislators during its offensive in Gaza, resulting in the tragic deaths of over 16,000 Palestinians.[4]

The conflation of anti-Zionism with antisemitism definitions has led to the interpretation of any form of support for Palestinians as acts of antisemitism. University presidents faced questioning on this matter, often relying on context to address inquiries. Their responses were often hesitant, not firmly stating whether certain behaviours are antisemitic or not, emphasizing the importance of context. In an environment where pro-Palestinian expressions are perceived as universally antisemitic, nuanced responses are challenging to provide, leading to the coerced cessation of pro-Palestine protests by university students.

Determining whether specific expressions may be considered antisemitic requires a case-by-case analysis, potentially placing such behaviours outside the protection scope of the right to freedom of speech. Article 19 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) asserts that everyone is entitled to freedom of speech, making expressions of support for Palestinians a fundamental exercise of this right. Striking a balance between freedom of speech and the prevention of hate speech is essential, though international human rights law lacks a formal definition of “hate speech.” Instead, most United Nations instruments refer to “incitement to discrimination, hostility, or violence.”[5]

Limitations on freedom of speech under international law aim to reconcile two fundamental principles. On one hand, the principle of equality and non-discrimination ensures the equal enjoyment of human rights, protection under the law, and dignity without discrimination. On the other hand, the right to freedom of opinion and expression safeguards the right to hold opinions without interference and to express, seek, receive, and impart information and ideas across all mediums and without borders. [6] Advocating for the implementation of drastic measures that quash any expression of support for Palestinians is a misguided approach in the pursuit of a shared objective, which ideally should be peace and the safeguarding of human dignity, irrespective of individual perspectives on the Gaza conflict.

American citizens pro-Palestinian protest in front of Israel Consulate – by Hossam el-Hamalawy on Flickr

The challenge for academy and university students

An intriguing aspect to ponder is the state of academia when contentious issues arise, potentially jeopardizing even professional positions. Will contributions to the analysis of the Conflict in Gaza, particularly from academics at renowned American universities, be tainted and stifled by the fear of being branded as antisemitic?

While advocating for the punishment of hate speech, incitement to Violence, or genocide against any involved groups in the conflict is commendable, the challenge lies in striking a balance that preserves academic freedom. This concept, rooted in medieval European universities,[6] encompasses the freedom of teachers and students to engage in teaching, studying, and research without undue interference or constraints from law, institutional regulations, or public pressures. Its fundamental tenets include teachers’ freedom to explore subjects of intellectual concern, present findings without censorship, and teach in a professionally appropriate manner.

Students can study relevant subjects, form conclusions independently, and express their opinions. Advocates argue that the justification for academic freedom is not solely for the comfort of educators and students but for societal benefits.[7] A society thrives when the educational process fosters knowledge advancement, and such progress is best achieved when inquiry remains free from state, institutional, or special-interest group restraints. In that sense, more than trying to suppress opinions, universities should promote healthy discussions among different perspectives and encourage students to participate in other academic spaces.

Ironically, being a college president may be one of the least desirable positions in American universities. The removal of a university president should ideally result from internal deliberations among board members and academic personnel, not from political pressures emanating from the Capitol. Universities must remain immune to political coercion, and authorities should distinguish between this and exercising freedom of speech and promoting academic freedom. At the moment, actions appear to favour a specific narrative, undermining the potential for diverse and healthy approaches and discussions in a nation where no voices should be silenced.

Notes:

[1]Blinder, Alan & Others for The New York Times. (12 December 2023) Universities Face Congressional Inquiry and Angry Donors Over Handling of Antisemitism. https://www.nytimes.com/2023/12/07/us/university-of-pennsylvania-mit-harvard-antisemitism.html

[2]Stack, Liam, for The New York Times. (November 2023) Columbia Closes Campus as Israel-Hamas protests erupts. https://www.nytimes.com/2023/10/12/nyregion/columbia-university-israel-hamas-protests.html

[3]Hay, Andrew for Reuters. Florida´s De Santis bans Pro-Palestinian Student Group. https://www.reuters.com/world/us/floridas-desantis-bans-pro-palestinian-student-group-2023-10-25/

[4]Mohamed, Edna, and others for Al Jazeera. Israel-Hamas war updates: More than 16,200 dead in Gaza from Israeli Attacks. https://www.aljazeera.com/news/liveblog/2023/12/5/israel-hamas-war-live-israeli-attacks-on-southern-gaza-reach-new-depths

[5]United Nations Human Rights Commission, Hate speech and incitement to hatred or Violence. Special Rapporteur on Freedom of Religion or Belief https://www.ohchr.org/en/special-procedures/sr-religion-or-belief/hate-speech-and-incitement-hatred-or-violence#:~:text=As%20a%20matter%20of%20principle,peaceful%2C%20inclusive%20and%20just%20societies.; The International Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Racial Discrimination (CERD), adopted by the UN General Assembly in 1965, prohibits “propaganda” and “dissemination of ideas” about racial superiority and The Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide (art. 4).1948, The Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court was adopted in 1998  (art. 25).

[6]Simpson, R. M. (2020). The relation between academic freedom and free speech. Ethics, 130(3), 287-319.

[7]Hinchey, P. H. (2010). Finding freedom in the classroom: A practical introduction to critical theory (Vol. 24). Peter Lang; Barrow, C. W. (2017). Realpolitik in the American University: Charles A. Beard and the problem of academic repression. In Neoliberalizing the University: Implications for American Democracy (pp. 26-46). Routledge.

Press Release: Breaking Barriers. Broken Chalk’s Call for an Immediate Ceasefire and Self-Determination on this year’s International Day of Solidarity for Palestinians

As we reflect on this historic November 29th, marking 76 years since the UN partition plan, the world must stand united in solidarity with the Palestinian people, recognising their inherent right to resist occupation and achieve self-determination. On this heartbreaking International Day of Solidarity for Palestinians, Broken Chalk not only amplifies its voice but passionately advocates for the union of the Palestinian people under one sovereign territory and for a harmonious resolution to the enduring 75-year Israeli-Palestinian conflict.On this day in 1947, the UN adopted the partition plan, carving out a vision for a Jewish state and a Palestinian state, with Jerusalem as an international zone “corpus separatum.” This historic decision laid the groundwork for a two-state solution based on the principles of equal rights and self-determination under the UN Charter in Article 1 (2).1

In the wake of recent events, Broken Chalk echoes UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres’ assertion that the October 7th attacks by Hamas “did not occur in a vacuum” and are intertwined with the 75-year struggle for self-determination and the resistance to Israeli occupation.2 Since Hamas’ recent attack on October 7th 2023, there have been over 12,000 civilians killed in the Gaza Strip, with over 5000 being children.3 “Gaza has become a graveyard for children”, speaks the UN Secretary-General Guterres.4

Broken Chalk asserts the importance of fostering political bipartisan dialogue in pursuing a lasting solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Recognising the urgency of a two-state solution, we emphasise that the path to genuine self-determination for Palestinians must begin at the grassroots level. It is imperative that civil society be granted full autonomy to shape and forge its own states, free from external impositions. As we contemplate the long-term aspirations for Palestinian self-determination, it becomes clear that a pivotal step forward is the acknowledgement that Palestinians possess the agency to construct a model for their own state independently, free from external constraints imposed by Israel or the international community.

On this day, the 29th of November, it is imperative to passionately reassert the immediate need to uphold the commitment to a two-state solution, fostering an environment where both Palestinians and Israelis thrive with unbridled autonomy and sovereignty. A reunion of Palestinians residing in both the West Bank and Gaza must transcend mere consideration; it demands recognition as an enduring solution embedded within Israel’s policy commitments and the collective conscience of the international community. The existing division among Palestinians in these two territories not only hampers the realisation of Palestinian self-determination but also perpetuates the challenges posed by unlawful settlements in the West Bank and the apparent stagnation of the Palestinian Authority (PA).

While acknowledging Israel’s legitimate right to defend itself against a terrorist organisation wholly committed to dismantling the Jewish state, Broken Chalk emphasises the utmost importance of unwavering adherence to international law, with a specific focus on maintaining proportionality in response to security threats.5 In condemning the universally deplorable attack by Hamas, it is crucial to highlight the disparity in Israel’s approach. Palestinians in Gaza are experiencing collective punishment for the actions of Hamas, raising questions about the proportionality of Israel’s response. The methods employed by the Israeli Defense Forces appear incongruent with the target objectives, as the alarming ratio of casualties reveals a stark imbalance – for every Israeli civilian lost, 10 Palestinians have paid a devastating price.6 As we navigate this complex landscape, Broken Chalk advocates for a measured and proportionate approach that respects the principles of international law while safeguarding the rights and lives of all those affected by the conflict.

The recent attacks have dealt a significant blow to the prospects of a two-state solution, with reports suggesting Palestinians in Gaza facing displacement into Sinai, Egypt, amid ongoing negotiations.7 It is crucial to shed light on the challenges Gaza faces, where limited control over its territory, borders, and economy impedes its ability to exercise full autonomy. Broken Chalk condemns the reported relocation of Palestinians to Southern Gaza and urges all parties involved to prioritise the preservation of human rights and international law.8

In alignment with Broken Chalk’s mission to make education universal, we find the cataclysmic attack on the al-Fakhoora school, operated by the UNRWA, extremely deplorable. 9 Targeting educational institutions undermines the fundamental right to education for all and hampers the prospects for a brighter future for Palestinians. As children are the future of our world, the international community must do whatever is necessary to prevent attacks on refugee camps and schools and to prevent the further loss of life of innocent men, women, and children. We call for a prospective collaboration with other NGOs to make a fundraising campaign as an emergency aid for those affected in Gaza.

As we stand together in solidarity with Palestinians on this significant day, Broken Chalk calls on the international community to renew its commitment to a just and lasting resolution that respects the rights and aspirations of both Palestinians and Israelis. We call for an immediate ceasefire and a revision of the UN partition plan in which both sides uphold the right to self-determination.

Broken Chalk announces it to the public with due respect.

Signed,

Broken Chalk


References

1 https://www.un.org/securitycouncil/content/purposes-and-principles-un-chapter-i-un-charter#rel1

2 https://www.politico.eu/article/israel-united-nations-antonio-guterres-hamas-attack-vacuum-comments/

3 https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2023/11/18/israeli-air-strikes-kill-28-palestinians-in-southern-gaza#:~:text=Since October 7, more than,to about 2.3 million people.

4 https://www.dci-palestine.org/4237_palestinian_children_killed_as_gaza_becomes_graveyard_for_children

5 https://guide-humanitarian-law.org/content/article/3/proportionality/

6 https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9jsJYHuGPms

7 https://www.timesofisrael.com/intelligence-ministry-concept-paper-proposes-transferring-gazans-to-egypts-sinai/

8 https://edition.cnn.com/2023/11/08/world/palestinians-fleeing-south-gaza-city-unbearable-situation/index.html

9 https://www.wionews.com/world/at-least-50-killed-in-israeli-airstrikes-on-al-fakhoora-school-in-gazas-jabalia-refugee-camp-660179

Press Release: Broken Chalk Calls on the Immediate Ceasefire by Israel and the International Community Following the Latest Crisis at Al-Ahli Baptist Hospital

18th October 2023

On October 7th, Hamas launched a significant attack on Israeli territory during a festival just outside the walls surrounding the Gaza Strip. This event resulted in the tragic loss of over 250 Israeli civilians’ lives, with many others kidnapped and held captive in the enclave. In response, Israel initiated a full-scale conflict with Hamas, leading to airstrikes on Gaza and a comprehensive border siege. The conflict has had devastating consequences, with an estimated 3,000 Palestinian casualties attributed to Hamas’ initial attack, alongside the loss of over 1,300 Israeli civilian lives. It has triggered a tragic humanitarian crisis for over 2 million Palestinians in the world’s most densely populated city. 

Reflecting on the human cost, it is heartbreaking to note that over 1,000 children have died in Gaza since the start of the conflict, as estimated by the Gaza Health Ministry.  As half of Gaza’s 2.3 million population is under 18, the United Nations and the international community must redouble their efforts to encourage an immediate ceasefire and scrutinise both sides on their adherence to the rules of international law. UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres has called for an immediate humanitarian ceasefire, stating that “Hamas attacks cannot justify the collective punishment of the Palestinian people.”

The challenges of recent ongoing discussions in progress involving the United States, the European Union, Israel, and Egypt are deeply concerning. The primary goal of these discussions is to facilitate the entry of critical humanitarian aid from Egypt to Gaza by opening the Rafah crossing; regrettably, these negotiations have faced significant obstacles, as Israel has targeted the Rafah crossing with airstrikes on four occasions since the onset of the conflict on October 7th.  Hundreds of Egyptian humanitarian trucks are stuck at the Rafah crossing, with the Egyptian government pressuring Israel and the US to hold a ceasefire so that unrestricted humanitarian aid may reach many wounded men, women, and children.

On October 17th, a massive blast rocked Al-Ahli Baptist Hospital in Gaza, where doctors and nurses were tending to injured Palestinians, including women and children, and other Palestinians still were seeking shelter. This incident became the site of the highest death toll of any single event since the start of the current conflict, claiming the lives of 500 people, as reported by the Palestinian health authorities.  Both main military actors in the conflict, Hamas and the Israeli Defense Force, claim that the other side was responsible for the incident.

As this conflict has brought about an unprecedented humanitarian crisis, with almost 2.2 million Palestinians left without access to introductory provisions such as food, water, and electricity, Broken Chalk raises its voice to call for immediate action to stop ongoing extreme human rights violations to bring stability within the region and for all humanity. We call on the Israeli government and the international community to urgently hold a ceasefire and allow humanitarian aid to pass through the Rafah border, providing for many displaced and affected Palestinians. We call on the Israeli government to strictly abide by the rules of international law concerning protecting hospitals, journalists, and civilians. We believe that it is contingent that the international community exercise more scrutiny on Israel’s government to ensure that human rights are upheld. It is urgent that Israel lift the siege on Gaza to allow for water, food, electricity and fuel to reach Palestinian hospitals.

Broken Chalk announces it to the public with due respect.

Signed by

Broken Chalk

Silencing Education: Israel’s Demolition of EU-Funded Schools in Palestine Stirs Outcry and Undermines Human Rights

Written by Frida Brekk

Recent events in Palestine have raised concerns and sparked outrage as Israel demolishes EU-funded schools, drawing widespread criticism from international bodies. These demolitions have intensified regional tensions and highlighted the ongoing Israeli-Palestinian conflict.

This article aims to provide an overview of the situation, exploring the reasons behind the demolitions, the reactions from various stakeholders, and the implications for education in Palestine.

A Palestinian school demolished by Israeli Occupation Forces in Hebron, occupied Palestine. Photo by Falastin-48.

On May 7, 2023, Israel demolished a Palestinian school funded by the European Union, prompting condemnation from the international community and eliciting strong criticism from the global community. The school, located in a Palestinian village in the West Bank, was part of a broader initiative to support and bolster educational opportunities in the region. This demolition has emerged as a pivotal moment within the highly volatile context, exacerbating the anger and frustration among Palestinians and their supporters. This incident has intensified the already heightened emotions surrounding the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, adding to the grievances and discontent within the affected communities.

The Israeli authorities have put forth several justifications for the destruction. They have highlighted the lack of proper permits and non-compliance with building regulations as primary reasons for their actions. Israeli officials argue these structures were erected without authorization and pose potential security risks. However, critics of these demolitions raise significant concerns about the complexity and restrictiveness of the Israeli permit process. They argue that Palestinians face numerous obstacles in obtaining the necessary permits, creating a cycle wherein unauthorized construction becomes the only viable option. Consequently, the demolitions become an unfortunate consequence of the limitations imposed by the Israeli permit system, perpetuating a cycle of illegal construction and subsequent destruction of vital educational infrastructure in Palestinian communities. This cycle disrupts Palestinian students’ lives and undermines the prospects of stability and development in the region.

Israel’s demolition of EU-funded schools in Palestine has ignited significant international condemnation, with the European Union emerging as a prominent voice of criticism. The EU has vehemently expressed its profound apprehension regarding destroying educational infrastructure, considering it a clear violation of international law. The incident has strained the relationship between Israel and the European Union, leading to deliberations on potential ramifications and diplomatic consequences.

The condemnation from the EU underscores the gravity of the situation and emphasizes the urgency for a resolution to address the demolition of these vital educational facilities. School demolitions have far-reaching implications for education in the region. Beyond the immediate destruction of physical infrastructure, these demolitions infringe upon Palestinian children’s fundamental right to education. Access to quality education is vital for the holistic development of children, encompassing their social, intellectual, and emotional growth. By demolishing schools, the academic progress of Palestinian students is disrupted, depriving them of a fundamental human right.

Moreover, the demolitions undermine international efforts to improve educational opportunities in Palestine. The European Union and other international entities have been actively supporting and funding initiatives to enhance education in the region. These efforts aim to provide Palestinian children with quality education, equipping them with the knowledge and skills necessary for their future. However, the destruction of EU-funded schools undermines these collective endeavours, hindering progress towards achieving educational development goals. The denial of education impacts individual students and has broader consequences for the entire Palestinian society. Education plays a crucial role in shaping the future of communities, fostering social cohesion, and empowering individuals to contribute positively to their institutions. The demolition of schools obstructs these transformative processes, perpetuating a cycle of inequality and limited opportunities for Palestinian children. Addressing the implications of the destruction of education in Palestine requires collective action and international cooperation. Efforts must be made to rebuild and rehabilitate educational infrastructure, ensuring Palestinian children access safe and conducive learning environments. Additionally, advocacy for protecting the right to education, as enshrined in international human rights instruments, is crucial.

Human rights organizations and proponents of Palestinian rights have strongly emphasized the need for accountability and cessation of the demolitions of EU-funded schools in Palestine. These advocates assert that Israel must be held responsible for destroying educational infrastructure, considering it a violation of the right to education enshrined in international human rights frameworks. The call for accountability resonates with the broader aim of ensuring that all parties involved in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict are held to the standards of international law. It emphasizes the significance of safeguarding the right to education as a fundamental human right, especially for vulnerable populations such as Palestinian children.

Additionally, these organizations and advocates urge international bodies to take tangible and proactive measures to protect and promote the right to education in Palestine, including monitoring and reporting on violations, engaging in diplomatic efforts to halt the demolitions, and supporting the reconstruction and rehabilitation of educational infrastructure.

The involvement of international entities in safeguarding the right to education is essential to create a conducive and secure environment for Palestinian students to access quality education. By advocating for accountability and appealing to international bodies, human rights organizations and advocates for Palestinian rights aim to bring attention to the violations of educational rights in Palestine. Their efforts seek to ensure that all children in the region have equal opportunities for education and the chance to develop their potential, contributing to a more just and equitable future.

The demolition has unleashed a powerful surge of criticism and alarm, casting a glaring spotlight on the enduring Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The obliteration of educational infrastructure stands as a formidable barrier to the aspirations of Palestinian children, impeding their path to quality education and hindering their overall development. In response, the international community, including influential players such as the European Union, has united in a resounding call for accountability and a relentless pursuit of resolution. These collective efforts aim to prevent further human rights violations, particularly the right to education, and ensure that every child in Palestine has an unimpeded opportunity to flourish academically, fostering a future of dignity and equality.

Sources:

[https://twitter.com/rihamjafari/status/1655188652316581889?s=46&t=rRZ3C1VSbq2cHxaJpAPYLg](https://twitter.com/rihamjafari/status/1655188652316581889?s=46&t=rRZ3C1VSbq2cHxaJpAPYLg “smartCard-inline”)

[https://twitter.com/rihamjafari/status/1655188652316581889?s=46&t=rRZ3C1VSbq2cHxaJpAPYLg](https://twitter.com/rihamjafari/status/1655188652316581889?s=46&t=rRZ3C1VSbq2cHxaJpAPYLg “smartCard-inline”)

[https://www.lemonde.fr/en/international/article/2023/05/07/israel-demolishes-eu-funded-palestinian-school-drawing-criticism_6025795_4.html](https://www.lemonde.fr/en/international/article/2023/05/07/israel-demolishes-eu-funded-palestinian-school-drawing-criticism_6025795_4.html “smartCard-inline”)

[https://www.france24.com/en/live-news/20230507-israel-demolishes-palestinian-school-drawing-eu-rebuke](https://www.france24.com/en/live-news/20230507-israel-demolishes-palestinian-school-drawing-eu-rebuke “smartCard-inline”)

Photo link: https://www.reddit.com/r/pics/comments/zazw81/a_palestinian_school_demolished_by_israeli/

Educational Challenges in Israel

 

By Johanna Farkas

 

Over 20 years, Israel has seen some significant developments connected to its education system. These advancements, by 2019, led to Israel becoming one of the highest spenders on primary, secondary, and post-secondary non-tertiary education as a share of GDP amongst OECD countries (Israel: 6.7%, OECD average: 4.9%),[i] with more than half of the population holding tertiary attainment between age 25 and 64.[ii] Furthermore, Israel’s fast technological developments put the country on the list of the top 20 most innovative countries in the world.[iii]

Despite all successes, Israel is still behind in ensuring some basic human rights regarding access to education for all its citizens and residents. Following brief overview of Israel’s ethnic composition and education system, this article highlights some of the most urgent issues in the country’s education sector by looking at educational differences along ethnic groups and socioeconomic classes, analysing the consequences of the COVID-19 pandemic, as well as investigating what is going on in Area C of the occupied territories of the West Bank.

 

The Composition and Historical context of Ethnic Groups in Israel

Israel is a multi-ethnic, multinational, and multicultural state; 74% of the population is Jewish, 21% is Arab, 1.5% is Ethiopian, and the remaining 3.5% are identified as “others”. The composition of the Arabic-speaking population can be further categorised according to religious beliefs: 85% of them are Muslim, 7.5% are Christian, and the remaining 7.5% are Druze.

The ethnic composition of the Israeli population is crucial to discussing issues in the country since many problems stem from discrimination and clashes among ethnic groups, and the Israeli education system reflects these issues too. Conflict among these ethnic (and religious) groups frequently have deep historical roots, particularly in the case of clashes between the Jewish and the Arabic groups. Their conflict dates back to the very creation of Israel as a state, and the several wars throughout the 20th century, such as the 1948 Arab-Israel War, the Six-Day War of 1967, and the Yom Kippur War of 1973, further complicated the relationship of the two sides.

The Arabic-speaking minorities’ national identity rarely associate with Israel, whose political leadership stresses the state’s Jewish character, while refusing to recognise Arab or Palestinian national identities. Moreover, Israel frequently applies discriminatory practices towards these ethnic groups (also in the education sector) because state authorities frequently perceive them as a security threat due to the historical Arab-Israel conflicts.[iv]

 

The Younger the Better – The Israeli Education System

From its very foundation in 1948, the State of Israel has been closely monitoring and regulating its education system because they have been considering education as a way to ensure social mobility. The 1949 Compulsory Education Act was the first official legal action taken in Israel to enforce compulsory education which ensured free school attendance for children for 9 years from age 5.[v] Later amendments further expanded the Act, and, by 2009, compulsory education was extended until grade 12, while, by 2016, compulsory school entrance age was lowered to age 3.[vi] The successes of the Israeli education system are further reflected in the fact that despite compulsory education starting at age 3, 47% of children are already enrolled in an educational institution before age 2.[vii] Furthermore, 99% of the child population between age 3 and 5 was enrolled in an educational institution in 2019.[viii]

State-funded Israeli general education works along a four-stream system to satisfy all cultural, religious, and ethnic demands of its population. Consequently, the state provides secular, religious, and ultra-orthodox (Haredi) educational institutions for Jewish Israelis, while Arab schools serve the needs of Arab, Bedouin, Christian Arab, and Druze Israeli minorities.[ix] Along these ethnic and cultural lines, Hebrew-speaking schools are managed by Jewish principals while schools teaching in Arabic are coordinated by Arab principals. However, all principals are subjugated to centralised Israeli administration, funding, and curriculum which ensure similar requirements and control teacher-salaries.[x]

 

‘Some are More Equal Than Others’[xi] – Ethnic Discrimination in Education

Although the four-stream school system seemingly satisfies different types of cultural and religious demands, the curricula of Arab schools are largely organized by a Zionist narrative which omit Arab historical, geographical, and cultural perspectives.[xii] Arabs are underrepresented in governmental educational decision-making bodies, as well as in educational planning and supervision positions, which prevents the interest of the Arabic-speaking community from being asserted both on national and on local levels.[xiii] Thus, despite the wide-range of official responsibilities of the Arab schools’ leaders, they have little influence on decisions concerning their institutions as most educational policies are top-down determined.[xiv]

Inequality is also prominent between Jewish and Arab schools when it comes to budget allocation for advance learning programmes, and to provide programmes supporting students who have fallen behind or children with disabilities.[xv] Moreover, an approximately 30% smaller budget is allocated to the Arab school system in population ratio. Differences in school budgets are tightly connected to inequality of opportunity and quality issues, as Arab schools often have ‘fewer classrooms, libraries, laboratories, and qualified teachers’.[xvi] These factors also result larger classes which hinder the learning of students because they have less individual attention from their teachers. In addition, Arabic-speaking students are required to learn Hebrew too, which is an additional subject for Arab students on top of all other compulsory subjects, yet schools do not receive extra funding to support their learning. [xvii]

The abovementioned factors negatively influence the learning outcomes of Arabic-speaking students which is indicated by the average lower achievement of Arab pupils and students on both national and international exams.[xviii] Arab students are 30% less likely to receive a matriculation certificate (Bagrut) which is needed to enter higher education and certain courses or even jobs.[xix]

Ethiopian students also experience significant discrimination. Although most of them attend Jewish religious schools, particularly the Orthodox Jewish community in particular questions the legitimacy of the minority’s Jewish identity due to their relatively recent presence in Israel and often also because of their darker skin colour.[xx] Racial discrimination, sometimes even by teachers, combined with low socioeconomic background widens the educational gap between Jewish and Ethiopian Israelis and results a considerably large dropout rate (10.5% official dropout and 23% hidden dropout) among Ethiopian students.[xxi] The issues Ethiopian students face are so severe that only ‘30% of twelfth-grade Ethiopian students earn the Bagrut at the level required for university entrance, compared to 65% of the general Jewish student population’ which further hinders Israeli Ethiopeans’ social mobility.[xxii]File:Reuven Rivlin speaks at the state memorial service in memory of Ethiopian Jews who perished on their way to Israel, May 2021 (GPOHA1 6061).jpg

Haim Zach / Government Press Office, CC BY-SA 3.0 <https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/3.0>, via Wikimedia Commons

Innovation But Not Equal Distribution –Socioeconomic Obstacles in Education

In Israel, socioeconomic inequalities majorly exist along ethnic and religious lines: Arabs and Haredi Jews together constitute approximately 30% of the Israeli population but make up 60% of the poor in the country.[xxiii] The reason behind this overrepresentation varies for the two groups.

As mentioned before, historical hostility between Arabs and Jewish Israelis are still prominent and often result in discrimination towards Arabs. Haredi Jews, on the other hand, are stuck in lower socioeconomic positions because of their strictly orthodox religious lifestyle in which men dedicate their life for reading the Torah and the community lives in relative segregation.[xxiv]

Figure 2 Israel Sci-Tech Schools. “Haredi Schools and Villages.” Friends of Israel Sci-Tech Schools. https://www.israel-scitech-schools.com/pioneering-models/haredi-schools-and-villages/. (Accessed: 15 October 2022).

While Jewish Israelis usually receive quality education for years and live in families where both parents work, Arab and Haredi communities frequently lack quality education, have lower paid jobs, and live in families where either one or both parents are unemployed.[xxv] Low socioeconomic background is generally in negative correlation with dropout rates, while the parents’ level of education is also a significant factor; the higher the number of years the parents attended school, the lower their children’s chances to drop out.[xxvi] This shows a vicious circle of social immobility which widens the educational and socioeconomic gap between the ethnic and religious groups in Israel.

However, not only are parents’ financial and educational statuses determinant in dropout rates. Since funding for general education institutions is allocated by local governments, schools in less affluent areas are frequently underfunded and cannot always provide quality education. This means that funding for Arab schools in Arab neighbourhoods can be 10 or even 20 times lower than in wealthier areas.[xxvii] Moreover, the population of Arab areas is increasing, which means a significant rise in student numbers in Arab schools.

In light of the above, the redistribution and reconsideration of funding allocation is becoming urgent to ensure quality education to all students in these areas.[xxviii] Financial issues affect the quality of Arab schools negatively, which can have a demotivating effect on Arabic-speaking student to continue or finish their studies. It gives some hope, however, that dropout rates have significantly declined since 2003 among Arabic-speaking students and fallen from 15.8% to 8.1% thanks to some reforms targeting the Arab education sector.[xxix]

When it comes to the Haredi community, boys from age 14 often transfer to yeshiva schools which are not supervised by the Israeli Ministry of Education. These schools follow a specific curriculum which rather focuses on religious studies and gives little space to regular school subjects. This means that Haredi students usually perform worse than other Jewish Israelis on international exams neither do they attain the Bagrut, which prevents them from entering higher education.[xxx]

However, recently the Israeli government has shown some admirable efforts in assisting yeshiva schools to ensure more regular subjects being taught, and thus increasing the chances of young Haredi Jews to pursue higher education and higher paid jobs. The state offered to cover 100% of the funding with an additional stipend for each student at every Haredi school that adopts core subjects in its curriculum, like mathematics or English.[xxxi]

 

Lacking Technology in the 15th Most Innovative Country – Issues During the Pandemic

The COVID-19 pandemic further widened the educational gap along socioeconomic lines. Israel has closed its educational institutions due to the pandemic in March 2020 and continued providing education through remote teaching.

However, many households lacked basic facilities needed for online education (computers, internet access, or even electricity) and even if they had access to them, families often could not afford multiple devices and facilities to support the learning of all their children.[xxxii]

The seriousness of these issues is exacerbated by the fact that students with low socioeconomic statuses are more likely to need assistance or extra attention from teachers which they rarely had the chance to get through online teaching, especially that some teachers also had difficulties adapting to remote teaching.[xxxiii] While some only struggled with getting used to the online platforms, others simply did not have access to appropriate facilities necessary for remote teaching.

In addition, online teaching was problematic in the Haredi Jewish community also because they traditionally avoid using internet, and although the number of internet users in the community is increasing, it is still not without obstacles for some children to participate in online education. A few Haredi schools simply refused to stop in-person teaching.[xxxiv]

 

Troubled Territories – Area C

Eventually, it is important to take a look at the West Bank territories (the majority of Palestine’s territory) occupied by Israel with almost only Arab residents. Legal, administrative, and governmental (and so many other) statuses of this region are complex and cluttered, but it is clear that Israel have significant influence over the region in every aspect.

The occupied West Bank territories were divided into three administrative regions in 1995, Area A, B and C.[xxxv] To put it simply, Area A is majorly governed by the Palestinian Authority (PA), while in Area B the PA has similar responsibilities, except for the security of the area which is managed by Israeli authorities. Area C, which means roughly 60% of the West Bank’s territories, is under Israeli control apart from certain civilian issues such as education and healthcare.

 

Figure 3 Welcome to Palestine. “Everything You Need to Know about Areas A, B and C.” Welcome To Palestine, July 21, 2017. https://www.welcometopalestine.com/article/areas-a-b-c-explained-west-bank-israel-gaza-palestine/. (Accessed: 15 October 2022).
Figure 4 Kadman, Noga. “Acting the Landlord: Israel’s Policy in Area C, the West Bank.” B’TSELEM. June 2013. https://www.btselem.org/publications/summaries/201306_acting_the_landlord. (Accessed: 19 September 2022).

Despite it seems that Israel does not have much to do with education in the West Bank, they do have a tremendous amount of indirect influence over these civilian sectors just by controlling land or constructions in Area C. Besides, international law also identifies some responsibilities for Israel as it states that territorial occupants need to ensure human rights and dignified living conditions for people subjected to occupation.[xxxvi]

The education sector in Area A and B are affected by the overwhelming control of Israeli authorities in Area C, since the isolated regions with no airport or bay can only get supplies through Area C. However, this article primarily focuses on Area C as the education sector faces the most severe problems there.

Area C of the occupied West Bank territories hosts approximately 325 thousand Jewish Israelis, 180 thousand Palestinians, and 20 thousand Bedouin and other shepherding Israelis.[xxxvii] Israeli control limits non-Israeli settlement and certain activities, such as construction and infrastructural matters. These measures often leave non-Jewish villages without basic utilities and services, such as water, electricity, healthcare, education, or appropriate public transportation and roads.[xxxviii] Moreover, Israeli authorities have the right to demolish Palestinian and Bedouin settlements along Israeli interest and relocate their population.[xxxix] Some Bedouin villages are demolished simply because the Israeli authorities do not acknowledge them as official settlements. [xl]

Despite the lack of direct Israeli influence on education, these conditions prevent mostly Palestinian and Bedouin children from attending school among appropriate conditions, or even from attending at all. The demolition of settlements endangers educational institutions as well, while new schools can rarely be built due to the restriction of non-Jewish construction. This leaves entire villages without any form of educational services. In 2012 alone, 37 schools were facing demolition because they were built without a permit from Israeli authorities.[xli]

The lack of infrastructure is also challenging for non-Jewish children to physically get to school, as public transportation and school buses are limited in the area.[xlii]  189 out of 532 settlements do not even have a primary school at all,[xliii] which means that many children have to walk up to two hours each way to get to school.[xliv] This often becomes impossible when weather conditions are hostile.[xlv]

In addition, it is often unsafe for small children to travel alone to school due to frequent atrocities targeting Palestinian and Bedouin children, some of which is committed at military checkpoints where children often need to cross to get to school.[xlvi] During school raids, the Israeli military frequently arrests several students and confiscate school equipment. These dangers discourage parents to send their children to school, especially their daughters. [xlvii]

Girls’ education is particularly endangered as some traditional societal norms prohibit them to travel alone and when no male family member can accompany them on the way, they cannot attend school.[xlviii] In addition, early marriage, or the need for them to stay home to help take care of their grandparents or disabled siblings, for instance, also results in many girls never attending or failing to finish their education. [xlix] However, it is not genuine to girls to potentially drop out or miss school to help out their parents.[l] As the socioeconomic gap widens between Jewish Israelis and non-Jewish citizens and residents, some families become unable to afford school equipment, basic needs like shoes,[li] or public transportation, thus they cannot send their children to school despite education itself is free.[lii]

These circumstances negatively influence the quality of education which results in common disinterest in education among children in Area C which can result in children leaving school, while the ones who can continue with their studies often do this in poor-equipped educational institutions.[liii] Dropout rates are particularly high among Bedouin children: only 32% of them get a matriculation certificate compared to 68% of the Israeli population (excluding the Haredi community). [liv] These issues were exacerbated by schools shifting to online teaching during COVID-19, as Bedouins frequently live in tents without any electricity, internet access, and computers.[lv] ‘About 100,000 Bedouin students and about 2,000 Bedouin college students from the Negev’ had severe difficulties to attend school during the pandemic. [lvi]

Finally, it is also important to highlight that education in Area C lacks the adequate financial resources. Most financial support arrive from international organisations, such as the USAID, UNRWA, and the Middle East Quartet.[lvii] However, both these organisations and the PA need to complete prolonged bureaucratic procedures to finance projects and receive permit from Israeli authorities. The difficulties frequently result in organisations abandoning their projects or lead to subsequent delays in project implementation.[lviii]

 

Final Remarks

Israel inarguably has some admirable achievements regarding its education sector. However, policymaking and policy implementation face severe difficulties not only in terms of creating effective and inclusive policies for its ethnically and religiously diverse population, but also because of (unresolved) historical conflicts among the country’s ethnic groups. These clashes are reflected in Israel’s education system where the disadvantage of, for example, Arab or Ethiopian Israeli students is significant compared to Jewish Israeli students. These inequalities are partly indicated by the generally worse performance of Arab or Ethiopian students on both international and domestic exams.

Tackling educational inequalities (or any discriminatory practices embedded into a social, political, or economic system) is a multi-generational project. However tedious, slow, or impossible it seems sometimes to carry on with such an initiative, the current state of the Israeli education will lead to further damage if inequality issues are left unresolved. The vicious circle of poverty, closely intertwined with ethnic lines, cannot break without mutual cooperation, understanding, and the recognition of each other’s grievances. The Israeli government in cooperation with civil society actors must bridge societal gaps and the wide-spread disconnection between ethnic groups and between socioeconomic classes, to build an empathetic and harmonious society.

Of course, issues are more complex than simply setting up a few educational programmes or giving some extra funding for Arabic-speaking schools, for instance. But change must start somewhere, and maybe it has already in the six Hand in Hand Arabic-Jewish schools.[lix] The bilingual privately funded schools work with a multicultural curriculum that aims to advance inclusion and equality in the Israeli society. Hand in Hand does not only initiate productive discussion between ethnic groups but also facilitate their harmonious cohabitation and cooperation to build a healthier society and a peaceful future.

 

 

 

Sources;

[i] OECD. “Education at a Glance.” OECD, 2019. https://www.oecd.org/education/education-at-a-glance/EAG2019_CN_ISR.pdf (Accessed 20 September 2022).

[ii] OECD. “Education GPS – Israel – Overview of the Education System (EAG 2019).” gpseducation.oecd.org, 2021. https://gpseducation.oecd.org/CountryProfile?primaryCountry=ISR&treshold=10&topic=EO (Accessed 20 September 2022).

[iii] The Global Economy. “Innovation Index by Country, around the World | TheGlobalEconomy.com.” TheGlobalEconomy.com, 2021. https://www.theglobaleconomy.com/rankings/GII_Index/ (Accessed 20 September 2022).

[iv] Ibid: 189.

[v] Krief, Tomer. “The Compulsory Education Law in Israel and Liquidity Constrains.” Israel Economic Review 7, no. 1 (2009): 79.

[vi] Center for Israel Education. “Compulsory Education Law Is Implemented.” CIE, September 18, 2022. https://israeled.org/compulsory-education-law/#:~:text=The%20Compulsory%20Education%20Law%20which. (Accessed 19 September 2022).

[vii] OECD. “Education Policy Outlook: Israel.” OECD. OECD, 2016. https://www.oecd.org/israel/Education-Policy-Outlook-Country-Profile-Israel.pdf. (Accessed 19 September 2022); 4.

[viii] OECD. “Education GPS – Israel – Overview of the Education System (EAG 2019).” gpseducation.oecd.org, 2021. https://gpseducation.oecd.org/CountryProfile?primaryCountry=ISR&treshold=10&topic=EO (Accessed 20 September 2022).

[ix] Ibid.

[x] Da’as, Rima’a, and Alexander Zibenberg. “Conflict, control and culture: implications for implicit followership and leadership theories.” Educational Review 73, no.2 (2021): 199.

[xi] Orwell, George. Animal Farm. 1945. Reprint, Boston ; New York: Houghton Mifflin Harcourt, Corp, 1945.

[xii] Reingold, Roni, and Lea Baratz. “Arab School Principals in Israel – between Conformity and Moral Courage.” Intercultural Education 31, no. 1 (November 20, 2019): 88.

[xiii] Da’as, Rima’a  and Alexander Zibenberg. “Conflict, control and culture: implications for implicit followership and leadership theories.” Educational Review 73, no.2 (2021): 189.

[xiv] Reingold, Roni, and Lea Baratz. “Arab School Principals in Israel – between Conformity and Moral Courage.” Intercultural Education 31, no. 1 (November 20, 2019): 89.

[xv] Da’as, Rima’a  and Alexander Zibenberg. “Conflict, control and culture: implications for implicit followership and leadership theories.” Educational Review 73, no.2 (2021): 199.

[xvi] Zeedan, Rami, and Rachel Elizabeth Hogan. “The Correlation between Budgets and Matriculation Exams: The Case of Jewish and Arab Schools in Israel.” Education Sciences, 12, no.554 (2022): 2.

[xvii] Resh, Nura, and Nachum Blass. “Israel: Gaps in Educational Outcomes in a Changing Multi- Ethnic Society.” In The Palgrave Handbook of Race and Ethnic Inequalities in Education, edited by Peter A. J. Dworkin and A. Gary Stevens, 631–94. Palgrave Macmillan, 2019; 671.

[xviii] Da’as, Rima’a  and Alexander Zibenberg. “Conflict, control and culture: implications for implicit followership and leadership theories.” Educational Review 73, no.2 (2021): 199.

[xix] Zeedan, Rami, and Rachel Elizabeth Hogan. “The Correlation between Budgets and Matriculation Exams: The Case of Jewish and Arab Schools in Israel.” Education Sciences, 12, no.554 (2022): 2.

[xx] Resh, Nura, and Nachum Blass. “Israel: Gaps in Educational Outcomes in a Changing Multi- Ethnic Society.” In The Palgrave Handbook of Race and Ethnic Inequalities in Education, edited by Peter A. J. Dworkin and A. Gary Stevens, 631–94. Palgrave Macmillan, 2019; 659.

[xxi] Ibid; 658

[xxii] Ibid; 660.

[xxiii] OECD. “Israel: A Divided Society – Results of a Review of Labour-Market and Social Policy.” OECD. OECD, 2010. https://www.oecd.org/els/44394444.pdf (Accessed 20 September 2022).

[xxiv] Black, Shlomo, Itschak Trachtengot, and Gabriel Horenczyk. “Community Post-Traumatic Growth: Israeli Ultra-Orthodox Coping with Coronavirus.” Contemporary Jewry 42, no. 1 (March 2022): 86, 90.

[xxv] OECD. “Israel: A Divided Society – Results of a Review of Labour-Market and Social Policy.” OECD. OECD, 2010. https://www.oecd.org/els/44394444.pdf (Accessed 20 September 2022).

[xxvi] Yanay, Guy, Hadas Fuchs, and Nachum Blass. “Staying in School Longer, Dropping out Less: Trends in the High School Dropout Phenomenon.” Taub Center for Social Policy Studies in Israel, 2019; 19.

[xxvii] OECD. “Education Policy Outlook: Israel.” OECD. OECD, 2016. https://www.oecd.org/israel/Education-Policy-Outlook-Country-Profile-Israel.pdf. (Accessed 19 September 2022); 16.

[xxviii] Ibid; 16.

[xxix] Yanay, Guy, Hadas Fuchs, and Nachum Blass. “Staying in School Longer, Dropping out Less: Trends in the High School Dropout Phenomenon.” Taub Center for Social Policy Studies in Israel, 2019; 9, 11-12.

[xxx] European Training Foundation. “National Qualifications Framework – Israel.” European Training Foundation. European Training Foundation, 2021. https://www.etf.europa.eu/sites/default/files/document/Israel_0.pdf. (Accessed: 28 September 2022): 4.

[xxxi] Shain, Yossi. “Régóta esedékes változás következik a Haredi iskolarendszerben – Vélemény.” The Jerusalem Post | JPost.com, 2022. július 2. https://www.jpost.com/opinion/article-711008. (Accessed: 28 September 2022).

[xxxii] Setton, Keren. “Pandemic Exposes Weaknesses of Israel’s Already Battered Education System.” The Media Line, January 6, 2022. https://themedialine.org/life-lines/pandemic-exposes-weaknesses-of-israels-already-battered-education-system/. (Accessed 28 September, 2022).

[xxxiii] Sabag, Ziba, and Shirly Cohen. “The Influence of the COVID-19 Epidemic on Teaching Methods in Higher Education Institutions in Israel”. Journal of Research in Higher Education 1 (2020):44-71.

[xxxiv] Ibid.

[xxxv] Welcome to Palestine. “Everything You Need to Know about Areas A,B and C.” Welcome To Palestine, July 21, 2017. https://www.welcometopalestine.com/article/areas-a-b-c-explained-west-bank-israel-gaza-palestine/ (Accessed: 30 September 2022).

[xxxvi] Ibid; 99.

[xxxvii] Kadman, Noga. “Acting the Landlord: Israel’s Policy in Area C, the West Bank.” Edited by Yael Stein. B’TSELEM. The Israeli Information Centre for Human Rights in the Occupied Territories, June 2013. https://www.btselem.org/publications/summaries/201306_acting_the_landlord. (Accessed: 19 September 2022); 12-13.

[xxxviii] Ibid; 5.

[xxxix] Ibid; 20, 44.

[xl] Ibid; 11.

[xli] Ibid; 22.

[xlii] Kadman, Noga. “Acting the Landlord: Israel’s Policy in Area C, the West Bank.” Edited by Yael Stein. B’TSELEM. The Israeli Information Centre for Human Rights in the Occupied Territories, June 2013. https://www.btselem.org/publications/summaries/201306_acting_the_landlord. (Accessed 19 September 2022); 55.

[xliii] OHCHR. “United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs – Occupied Palestinian Territory | Access to Education in Area c of the West Bank.” United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs – occupied Palestinian territory, July 4, 2017. https://www.ochaopt.org/content/access-education-area-c-west-bank. (Accessed 20 September 2022).

[xliv] Kadman, Noga. “Acting the Landlord: Israel’s Policy in Area C, the West Bank.” Edited by Yael Stein. B’TSELEM. The Israeli Information Centre for Human Rights in the Occupied Territories, June 2013. https://www.btselem.org/publications/summaries/201306_acting_the_landlord. (Accessed 19 September 2022); 28.

[xlv] Ibid; 55.

[xlvi] OHCHR. “United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs – Occupied Palestinian Territory | Access to Education in Area c of the West Bank.” United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs – occupied Palestinian territory, July 4, 2017. https://www.ochaopt.org/content/access-education-area-c-west-bank. (Accessed 20 September 2022).

[xlvii] Ibid.

[xlviii] Kadman, Noga. “Acting the Landlord: Israel’s Policy in Area C, the West Bank.” Edited by Yael Stein. B’TSELEM. The Israeli Information Centre for Human Rights in the Occupied Territories, June 2013. https://www.btselem.org/publications/summaries/201306_acting_the_landlord. (Accessed 19 September 2022); 55.

[xlix] European Institute of the Mediterranean. “Field Diagnosis: Girls’ Access to Education in Six ‘’Area C”” Localities in Bethlehem and al Khalil.” IEMED, October 18, 2018. https://www.iemed.org/publication/field-diagnosis-girls-access-to-education-in-six-area-c-localities-in-bethlehem-and-al-khalil/#section-main-findings-and-analysis-of-the-situation-of-girls-education-and-dropout-levels-GG9aD. (Accessed 20 September 2022).

[l] Ibid.

[li] Ibid.

[lii] Kadman, Noga. “Acting the Landlord: Israel’s Policy in Area C, the West Bank.” Edited by Yael Stein. B’TSELEM. The Israeli Information Centre for Human Rights in the Occupied Territories, June 2013. https://www.btselem.org/publications/summaries/201306_acting_the_landlord. (Accessed 19 September 2022); 52.

[liii] UNICEF. “State of Palestine: Country Report on Out-of-School Children.” UNICEF, July 2018, 3.; Kadman, Noga. “Acting the Landlord: Israel’s Policy in Area C, the West Bank.” Edited by Yael Stein. B’TSELEM. The Israeli Information Centre for Human Rights in the Occupied Territories, June 2013. https://www.btselem.org/publications/summaries/201306_acting_the_landlord. (Accessed 19 September 2022); 82.

[liv] Zaken, Danny. “Israeli-Bedouin Students Left behind over Coronavirus – Al-Monitor: The Pulse of the Middle East.” www.al-monitor.com, April 2, 2020. https://www.al-monitor.com/originals/2020/04/israel-arab-bedouin-education-ministry-coronavirus-computer.html. (Accessed 19 September 2022).

[lv] Ibid.

[lvi] Ibid.

[lvii] Kadman, Noga. “Acting the Landlord: Israel’s Policy in Area C, the West Bank.” Edited by Yael Stein. B’TSELEM. The Israeli Information Centre for Human Rights in the Occupied Territories, June 2013. https://www.btselem.org/publications/summaries/201306_acting_the_landlord. (Accessed 19 September 2022); 23.

[lviii] Ibid.

[lix] Hand in Hand. “About Us.” Hand in Hand. 2022. https://www.handinhandk12.org/. (Accessed 21 October 2022).

Cover Photo by Taylor Brandon on Unsplash 

Universal Periodic Review of Israel

The Israeli education system

  • The 1949 Compulsory Education Act was the first official legal action taken in Israel to enforce compulsory education, ensuring free school attendance for children, for 9 years, from age 5. In 2009, compulsory education was extended until grade 12, and in 2016 compulsory school enrolment was lowered to age 3.
  • State-funded Israeli general education works along a four-stream system, which provides secular, religious, and ultra-Orthodox (Haredi) educational institutions for Jewish Israelis. There are Arabic schools for the Arab, Bedouin, Christian Arab, and Druze Israeli minorities.
  • Hebrew-speaking schools are managed by Jewish principals while schools teaching in Arabic are coordinated by Arab principals. However, all principals are subjugated to a centralised Israeli administration, funding, and curriculum which ensures similar requirements and teacher-salaries.
  • Despite compulsory education starting at age 3, 47% of children are already enrolled in an educational institution before age 2. 99% of children between 3 and 5 was enrolled in an educational institution in 2019. 
  • It is commendable that more than half of the population, between 25 and 64 years-old, held tertiary attainment in 2019.
  • Broken Chalk is pleased to note that Israel spends 6.7% of its GDP on education which is above the 4.9% OECD average.
  • Between 2003 and 2017 dropout rates have fallen from 9.9% to 7.6% which is particularly remarkable since it ‘occurred primarily among the weakest students in the system’.
  • Despite all the investments and successes, the Israeli educational sector does show severe issues. Problems in the system are often related to the inequalities of the four-stream educational system, socioeconomic inequalities, and discrimination based on ethnicity.
  • For instance, Israel has one of the highest gaps in achievement, based on the best and worst performing students in PISA, among OECD countries.
  • Furthermore, enrolment numbers decline as studies proceed: enrolment amounted to 96.5% between age 6 to 14, while it was of 66.1% between age 15 to 19, in 2019.
  • As Israel has ratified the Convention on the Rights of the Child [CRC] in 2005, the state must commit to carry out its duties and obligations which include the insurance of free compulsory education and equal opportunity for all children. Thus, Broken Chalk urges Israel to address all issues which prevent the realisation of the rights enshrined in the CRC. 

Overview of the previous UN UPR cycle

  • In its national report prepared for the 2018 UN UPR, Israel particularly emphasized its efforts to ensure human rights in its territories, including access to education. Israel promised to work for closing educational gaps, and for the integration of minorities into the Israeli society, also through education. Efforts are reflected in the Resolution project from 2014-2017 targeting Druze communities to improve their education, and in the efforts to provide state funded higher education for the Arab communities through the CHE academic colleges.
  • Israel took further steps in expanding the number of years spent in education by lowering the obligatory school entrance age to age 3 and expanding after-school day-care services in 2017.
  • In the previous UPR cycle, Israel received 5 recommendations regarding the right to education, focusing on narrowing the inequality gap among different ethnicities. Israel supported 3 of these recommendations, however it rejected 2 which regarded the issues existing in Area C of the occupied territories in West Bank (see section IV.).

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