French Guiana’s Education System: Current Challenges

Written by Juliana Campos.

France’s largest territory in South America, French Guiana, faces social and economic growth challenges still yet to be addressed by the French government, including difficulties in administering the Guianese education system.

Guianese population has doubled in the last 20 years and is now estimated at 301,099 inhabitants ⁱ. Recently, due to its status as an overseas department of France, the region has experienced a surge in immigration from neighbouring countries such as Brazil and Suriname. The uncontrolled immigration, along with inadequate infrastructure, poverty and elevated unemployment rates have significantly lowered the quality of life in French Guiana and the region faces several challenges which make access to basic services such as healthcare and education more difficult.

The issues which stem from social and economic inequality would greatly benefit from a bigger interest of the French government in improving and expanding education in French Guiana. Although substantial investments have been made in the last decade, money alone is not enough to ensure access to quality education.

The Guianese Education System

In French Guiana, education is free and mandatory from ages 6 to 16. Primary education lasts five years and, for that particular stage of school life, enrolment rates are as high as ever in bigger cities and are slowly improving in more remote areas where there aren’t as many resources, such as in Indigenous settlements. As it is the reality of other developing countries, high Primary School enrolment is contrasted by alarmingly high drop-out rates in Secondary School and High School.

One big contributing factor to this phenomenon is the fact that Primary school is usually cheaper for governments to provide and children in that age group are more likely to stay in school, as parents can’t yet leave them unattended at home while working. In Secondary education, however, many children are given extra tasks at home or in the growing informal market, some live too far from school, and others simply do not receive encouragement from family members to continue their studies.

Besides, it is worth mentioning that although all Guianese children have the right to attend school free of charge, studying is not free. Additional costs with transportation, clothes, food and school materials take a toll on low-income families and may affect students’ attendance rates.

To address this issue, the French government and Guianese authorities have come up with financial aid programmes that aim to motivate students and their families. The bonuses are given to scholarship holders, aiding 46.4% of all middle school and high school students in French Guiana.ⁱⁱ However, there is a lack of follow-up data on whether these measures are actually effective.

Teacher shortage and inequality

Another issue currently hindering quality education in French Guiana is the shortage of trained teachers. The number of licensed educators native to the region is insufficient compared to the number of students, a problem which resulted in overpacked classrooms as the Guianese population grew. This demand brought teachers from mainland France and adjacent countries in South America to work in French Guiana, causing new problems as these professionals are usually unaware of the region’s specificities.ⁱⁱⁱ

In fact, one of the biggest challenges faced by the French government when administering education in French Guiana is its extremely diverse and multicultural society. Though teachers are given freedom to adapt materials to their students’ realities, textbooks are usually made in mainland France and classes are administered in French, the official language.

By erasing French Guiana’s history, geography, languages and heritage from textbooks and national exams, French authorities perpetuate the colonialist idea that mainland France’s history and culture are somehow more relevant than that of its other territories. As a result, children may find school contents difficult to understand or hard to relate to and can grow up unaware of many of their local heroes and historic figures. Besides that, this erasure has a direct effect on students’ self-esteem and may discourage them from continuing their studies.

The adaptation of school contents by local teachers cannot derive much from the French curriculum, as French Guiana students are also subjected to standardized national exams such as the Brevet, the Lower Secondary School exam, and the Baccalauréat, the French academic qualification exam.

Considering the points previously mentioned, it is unsurprising that Guianese students do not reach the same results as mainland French students. According to GrowThinkTank and INSEE (2014), the year of the study in French Guiana, only 76% of students aged 15 to 19 were enrolled in school, whether as pupils, students or apprentices, compared to 89% in mainland France. Furthermore, more than one in two Guianese no longer attend school from the age of 19, compared to 72% in mainland France at the same age.

This stark difference surely doesn’t come from lack of resilience, lack of intelligence or any characteristic exclusive to French Guiana’s youth. It is simply a product of inequality and lack of opportunity. Not being in school or dropping out of school has long lasting effects on young people, not only for their professional future, but also for their individual growth as human beings and as citizens, as school is also the main place where children socialise.

Kids and a Teacher in a Classroom / Photo by Mehmet Turgut Kirkgoz via Pexels

Education of Indigenous People and other minorities

Indigenous peoples play a substantial role in Guianese society, preserving culturally valuable knowledge, fighting for structural change and demanding protection of their territories. The erasure perpetrated by the French school curriculum affects these populations even more strongly, starting by the lack of data available on them. The International Work Group for Indigenous Affairs (IWGIA) affirms that, according to estimates, Indigenous peoples represent some 4% of the Guianese population, or more than 12,000 individuals^iv, but there is no way to be sure, as the French Constitution prohibits the collection of race-based census data.

For decades in French Guiana, as well as in many adjacent regions, education was only present in the form of Catholic Schools, residential institutions where Indigenous children were forcibly interned and required to replace their traditions and religions with the Catholic ideals. Their native languages were also prohibited and children were taught French instead.

This serves as an example of how school can be used as political tactic, as colonial France risked the disappearance of invaluable Indigenous knowledge in order to maintain its territory. To this day, the French government has not directly dealt with the cultural loss from French Guiana’s period as a colony, and the erasure of Indigenous minorities is still a very present issue, with their history, culture and languages often being ignored by the French education system.

Future Prospects

French Guiana suffers from social and economic inequalities that would greatly benefit from an education system that is better tailored to its extremely multicultural society. The French government has a responsibility to invest in French Guiana’s education by building new schools and preparing and hiring native teachers, as well as training foreign teachers on how to approach French Guiana’s diverse society. This would partially solve the issue of overpacked schools, while also stimulating the local economy.

In addition to these measures, the government should also include more about the history, cultures, geography, climate and religions present in French Guiana in textbooks and standardized exams, which could make school more relatable to students and have a direct effect on the current drop-out rates. A special effort should be made to ensure Indigenous peoples and other minorities have access to quality education which also respects their culture and heritage.

In order to effectively make these improvements, it is crucial that the French government monitors the developments of their investments, either by conducting their own research on the ground or relying on local leaders and Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs). It is particularly important to collect data on enrolment rates for both Primary and Secondary Education, but also to understand what can be done to make sure these children receive quality education and encouragement to finish their studies.

References:

Britannica, The Editors of Encyclopaedia. “Guiana Highlands”. Encyclopedia Britannica, 21 May. 2022, https://www.britannica.com/place/Guiana-Highlands. Accessed 26 October 2023.
FRANCE 24. (2017, April 22). French Guiana protests end with agreement. France 24. https://www.france24.com/en/20170422-french-guiana-protests-end-with-agreement-promise-aid
Jaouen, M. (2023, March 23). The indigenous world 2023: French Guiana. IWGIA. https://www.iwgia.org/en/french-guiana/5090-iw-2023-french-guiana.html
Jeudy, L. (2022, December 19). Poverty situations in French overseas regions 2018, by degree of poverty. Statista. https://www.statista.com/statistics/1230503/poverty-situations-french-overseas-regions-degree/
Nacher, M., Basurko, C., Douine, M., Lambert, Y., Hcini, N., Elenga, N., Le Turnier, P., Epelboin, L., Djossou, F., Couppié, P., de Toffol, B., Drak Alsibai, K., Sabbah, N., & Adenis, A. (2023). The Epidemiologic Transition in French Guiana: Secular Trends and Setbacks, and Comparisons with Continental France and South American Countries. Tropical medicine and infectious disease, 8(4), 219. https://doi.org/10.3390/tropicalmed8040219
United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. World Directory of Minorities and Indigenous Peoples – French Guiana. Refworld, 2007. Available at: https://www.refworld.org/docid/4954ce0d23.html
i Population estimates – All – French Guiana, 2023 Available at: https://www.insee.fr/en/statistiques/serie/001760178
ii Education policy issues in French Guyana. Grow Think Tank. Org. (2022, November 26). Available at: https://www.growthinktank.org/en/education-policy-issues-in-french-guyana/
iii Galvão, I., & Schaller, J.-J. (2007). The issue of diversity in the school experience of youngsters in the French Guiana. Educação E Pesquisa, 33(1), 95–116. https://doi.org/10.1590/S1517-97022007000100007
iv Jaouen, M. (2023, March 23). The indigenous world 2023: French Guiana. IWGIA. https://www.iwgia.org/en/french-guiana/5090-iw-2023-french-guiana.html

Educational Challenges in French Polynesia

French Polynesia/ Tahaa: School Bus via Flickr, photographer: Enrico Silva

Written by Luzi Maj Leonhardt for Broken Chalk

French Polynesia represents a French overseas collective and consists of 121 islands in the eastern South Pacific. The islands comprise the five archipelagos, Society Islands, Tuamotu Islands, Marquesas Islands, Gambier Islands, and Austral Islands. The island of Tahiti and the capital Papeete, represent the political and economic centre of the country. Together, the size of the overall territory can be compared to the size of Europe. French Polynesia has approximately 300,000 inhabitants.

French Polynesia was colonized by France in 1880 and became a French overseas territory in 1949. Since then, France granted more and more autonomy to local authorities, while the 2004 ‘Organic Law’ played a significant role in the country’s self-government. Consequently, since 2013, French Polynesia has been officially listed as a self-governing territory by the United Nations.

The political system present in French Polynesia is a parliamentary democracy, with a 57-seat assembly and parliamentary elections in five-year terms. The current president is Moetai Brotherson, who won elections in May 2023 and, for the first time since 2004, belongs to a pro-independence party. However, according to local experts, this will most likely not result in a political referendum, but the high voter turnouts are due to dissatisfaction with the previous government during Covid 19.

In general, the president of the French Republic is also the head of state of French Polynesia, which reveals the strong influence France remains to have on the economic and political development.

French influence in French Polynesia

Historically, for many people, the French administration in French Polynesia is strongly connected to the 193 nuclear tests conducted by the French state between 1966 and 1996. These areal and underground tests had severe consequences for the environment, health, and economy, and victims struggle to obtain compensation and recognition until today. Even though, in 2021, compensation procedures reached new importance in the Macron administration, the French government still denied their minimalization of the impacts of contaminations during the project.

Nowadays, the economy of French Polynesia is rooted in tourism; approximately 68% of Polynesians work in the service sector. Therefore, the Covid-19 crisis and lockdown had severe consequences for the economy. Additionally, the country relies on the cultivation of black pearls and subsidies. The latter is mainly based on financial support by France to their overseas territory, which makes up 30% of the country’s GDP. These spending are distributed equally on the jurisdictions of the territorial government and French state-based responsibilities. French Polynesia reached autonomy in most local affairs and regional relations over time. However, France retains responsibilities in competencies such as law enforcement, defence, and education.

The educational system in French Polynesia

The French Polynesian educational system is regulated by local authorities and the French government. The state finances public education and subsidizes private institutions, operated by the church. Thereby, France holds key responsibilities in budget management and organization of state exams, such as teacher certifications and high-school finals.

The general school system is similar to the system in place in France, complying with French standards, including the curriculum. However, since the 2004 ‘Organic Law’, local authorities have gained more say and autonomy in the educational sector. This led to slight changes in the curriculum to match local needs and take historical, geographical, cultural, and social realities into account.

In French Polynesia, education is compulsory until age sixteen, whereby primary education falls between the ages of five and twelve, while secondary education finishes at age seventeen. However, many children fail to comply due to language barriers, economic struggles, and cultural differences. As a form of higher education, the ‘Université de la Polynésie française’ was founded in 1987 in Outumaoro, Punaauia, Tahiti. The university is a non-profit higher education institution and has displayed a significant increase in students since 1999. In 2019, the number of students rose to 2898. Additionally, several technical schools offer special programs such as hotel business, service, and teaching. There are also different adult educational programs.

The language of instruction in formal educational institutions is French. However, with new efforts of local adjustments and accessibility, the incorporation of the Tahitian language as a language of instruction makes up on average one in seven courses.

Language barrier in the educational system

French Polynesia has always been a multilingual country, with five different local languages in the archipelagos. Tahitian is the language of the islands, however, its recognition as an official language alongside French only took place in the 1980s. The formal recognition of indigenous languages has long been neglected and still plays a role in the contemporary educational system.

Since the beginning of French influence, the language in the educational system has been French. This also means that until French became more popular in society, children started their academic careers in a foreign language. Especially on smaller islands, people mainly spoke Polynesian as their everyday language of socialization. The former educational system was not very tolerant towards indigenous languages and even formally banned Tahitian in schools for some time. However, in the early 2000s, France extended their early childhood and foreign language promotion as part of the EU’s multilingual education movement. This led to meaningful changes in language learning policies in French Polynesia. The program aimed to provide culturally responsive education and meant the inclusion of the Tahitian language in schools.

Nevertheless, Tahitian only makes up a couple of hours per week, so nationalist groups proceed to fight for the equal incorporation of indigenous languages in the educational sector. Even though, the literacy rate on Tahiti is 98%, many smaller islands struggle with the educational system provided by the French administration, leading to high dropout rates. Education is compulsory until age sixteen, but only 20% of the students in French Polynesia, mainly from outer islands, finish elementary school. One reason for this is language difficulties, which lower the accessibility to the educational system.

Additionally, English has become increasingly important over the last decade, especially in the tourism sector. Therefore, it was integrated into the elementary school curriculum in 2010 as a foreign language after a pilot project of five years. Unfortunately, this policy change faced severe difficulties due to a lack of teachers with sufficient language competencies.

Although the educational system in French Polynesia mirrors the French educational system, statistical data conducted in elementary schools reveals a deficiency in the academic success of French Polynesian students. Experts connect this deficiency directly to the socio-linguistic context and emphasize the dependency of further professional opportunities for the students on educational success.

Unemployment

French Polynesia faces growing challenges of social and economic inequalities, including differences in wealth. About ¼ of the population lives below the poverty line, while most of the wealth lies with the rich elite, mainly French civil servants. The reason for this involves the absence of redistribution measures in the tax system, namely an income tax. One-half of the citizens live in rural areas due to poverty and a lack of opportunities for young people in urban areas, which leads to the creation of ‘shanty towns’ or slums surrounding bigger cities.

Demographically, French Polynesia is a young country; Approximately ¼ of the population is under 14 years old, and 35% is under 20 years old. However, due to the economic difficulties of the families and the already mentioned language limitations, many children drop out of school before the compulsory age of sixteen, narrowing their prospects for future employment. Consequently, 50% of the under twenty-five-year-olds are unemployed, and a big part of the young population struggles with underemployment.

Conclusion

In conclusion, the educational approach in French Polynesia based on the French system and curriculum, is stable and provides a basis for substantial education. The foundations of education do not face severe challenges. However, by transferring the foreign French system to the academic sector in French Polynesia, the French administration failed to consider local societal and political circumstances. This is reflected in the clash over the language used in schools. Given that language poses the main challenge in French Polynesia, other issues, like the increase in unemployment, are connected to it. So, it’s crucial to focus on making improvements in this area.

Research on child learning suggests significant advantages of bilingual and multilingual education. Including the children’s native language by linking socialization and education will improve cognitive skills, leading to positive development of language ability and educational success.

Even though academic policies in French Polynesia started to open up to indigenous languages, the dimension of Tahitian in schools compared to French is still minimal. Therefore, it is necessary to expand on the further development of multilingual programs in schools and universities.

Additionally, enhancing the dialogue and direct cooperation in originally French political responsibilities, such as education, will improve the legitimation of the system, standing against critical voices in the political sphere, such as nationalist parties.

The decision-makers on education in French Polynesia set a new goal for evaluating multilingual education. To successfully attain this objective, the implementation of innovative policies to reinforce resolutions, coupled with financial support aimed at equipping teachers with the necessary competencies, is imperative.

References:

Evanelia Tahiti, Education in French Polynesia, Evanelia Tahiti, January 2022.
Gabillon, Zehra, & Ailincai, Rodica, Multilingual primary education initiative in French Polynesia, International Conference on New Horizons in Education (INTE), pp. 3595-3602, June 2014.
Childrens Villages, General information on French Polynesia, Childrens Villages.
Milhiet, Paco, French Polynesia’s new pro-independence leadership, The Diplomat, May 2023.
French Polynesia’s SDG monitoring report, Sustainable Development Goals in French Polynesia, “SDG indicators” working group, 2021.
International Work Group for Indigenous Affairs, The Indigenous World 2023: French Polynesia, International Work Group for Indigenous Affairs, June 2017.

and Austral Islands Educational Challenges French Polynesia Gambier Islands language learning Marquesas Islands Society Islands Tuamotu Islands

Appointment of Gabriel Attal as Head of the French Government: the upcoming “Civic Rearmament” of Education

Elisabeth Borne handed over her office to Gabriel Attal at an official ceremony in Paris © Ludovic MARIN / POOL/AFP

By Camille BOBLET-LEDOYEN

ON 9th of January 2024, Gabriel Attal took over from the resigned Prime Minister Elisabeth Borne, becoming the youngest Prime Minister in modern French political history at the age of 34. His political journey includes roles such as Secretary of State for the Minister of National Education and Youth, Government Spokesperson, Minister Delegate for Public Accounts, and Minister of National Education and Youth. Known for his steadfast loyalty to President Emmanuel Macron, Attal’s ascent began during Macron’s first presidential campaign in 2017. Prior to his government position, he served as the spokesperson for the presidential party ‘La République en Marche’ from 2016 to 2018. Despite this, Attal’s background as a technocrat reveals a departure from France’s previous educational policies.

In his inaugural speech, Attal emphasized the pivotal role of education in his governance: “I bring the cause of education with me here to Matignon (the seat of the French government). I reaffirm education as the cornerstone of our priorities, committing to provide all necessary means for its success as Prime Minister.” In France, government actions closely align with the President’s directives, and Macron’s New Year wishes had hinted at a 2024 educational policy focused on restoring student levels, teacher authority, and the strength of secular and republican teaching. Macron called for a “civic rearmament” (réarmement civique) emphasizing the importance of France’s culture, History, language, and universal values from an early age. This sets the stage for a new educational policy led by Gabriel Attal, marked by a conservative and reactionary approach, departing from the tradition of intellectual emancipation.

Education holds a central place in French politics, reflected in its substantial budget allocation. The significance given to education is tied to the construction of French republican identity. While historically, French teachers held influential positions, Attal’s vision shifts towards a didactic model, prioritizing basic skills over intellectual emancipation. His appointment signifies a conservative and reactionary offensive, aiming to instill notions of order and authority in a perceived insolent and uncultured youth. The crisis in the French education system, driven by budgetary constraints and a shortage of resources, is met with a call for order, discipline, and a quasi-military approach.

In France, the issue of education and national education is a central political question, making it one of the most significant and powerful non-sovereign ministries due to the budget allocated to educational policies. The importance given to education in the country is closely linked to the construction of French republican identity. French teachers historically held influential positions in the cities where they taught. The school is seen as a place of intellectual emancipation, where the valeurs de la République (literally the “values of the Republic”) are learned, and citizenship and secularism are taught. The modern French Nation-State has historically centered around the school, with the teacher playing a crucial role in shaping the republican French identity. By the end of the 19th century, when education in France became widespread, free, and mandatory, teachers were officially tasked with promoting intellectual emancipation and instilling values aligned with the republican regime. The principles of liberty, equality, and fraternity were made possible through national education and the efforts of teachers. The appointment of Gabriel Attal, a young technocrat in his thirties who has previously held significant positions in the Ministry of National Education, symbolizes much for Emmanuel Macron. This nomination reveals the president’s intent to reshape the history of education in France and discipline French schoolchildren. Macron aims to replace the values of freedom (of speech, thought), equality (the right to emancipation), and fraternity (collective work) with notions of order and discipline based solely on individual merit. This reflects the belief that not all individuals are entitled to the same level of emancipation. The new government aims not to encourage intellectual emancipation but rather the learning of basic skills (i.e., reading, writing, counting, respecting others); a school of order and respect rather than a school that teaches critical thinking.

Therefore, Gabriel Attal’s appointment as the Head of the Government represents a conservative and reactionary offensive, aiming to instill notions of order and authority in a youth perceived as insolent, uncultured, and incapable. The crisis facing the French school system is a reality due to budgetary constraints, lack of infrastructure, and a shortage of teaching staff. However, the new government responds to this crisis with calls for order, blind obedience, and strict, almost military, discipline. Gabriel Attal advocates a reactionary vision of society, where youth should be tamed rather than emancipated. Independent thinking is considered dangerous by a reactionary power. As Secretary of State for the Minister of National Education and Youth, he supported the militarization of youth with the creation of the Universal National Service, reminiscent of both scouting and military service. The Universal National Service he championed ended up combining the least appealing elements of scouting and military service for schoolchildren: arbitrary discipline, flag-raising rituals, and cross-country running in the woods. As Minister of National Education and Youth, he prohibited the wearing of abbayas and qamis in educational institutions. He used the argument of secularism (in France, schools must be secular, and the wearing of conspicuous religious symbols is prohibited) to deliberately and disproportionately target female Muslim students. He gained attention for emphasizing announcements, such as solemnly announcing the reinstatement of mathematics courses in high schools, even though it was his predecessor, whom he had advised, who had removed them. When the 2022 PISA rankings were released, he praised the so-called “Singaporean” learning method and aimed to extend it to all educational institutions in France, despite its existing presence. This pedagogical approach, based on the “Concrete-Imaginary-Abstract” method, is not unfamiliar to French teachers. However, its widespread implementation requires substantial financial resources and, more importantly, significantly higher teacher training than is currently provided. As a minister, Attal only implemented the promotion of textbooks favoring the “concrete-imaginary-abstract” method and lowered the entry level for teaching exams to a bachelor’s degree instead of a master’s degree. While he was minister, teacher job cuts persisted, and on average, it takes 27.6 days to fill a teaching position out of the 3,100 vacancies – a timeframe unseen since the early 2000s. Nevertheless, Minister Attal persisted in grandstanding, advocating for a “shock of knowledge” (chocs des savoirs) and asserting that all absent teachers would be systematically replaced. Attal’s announcements were mere rhetoric, and no concrete measures were ultimately implemented to genuinely improve the performance of French students. The most noteworthy and concerning aspect is the establishment of academic-level-based working groups at the secondary school level. Initiating work groups based on academic levels not only reinforces but also worsens school segregation. Sorting students into groups according to their academic performance essentially means sidelining those who are less academically proficient. Although this reform has been announced but not yet put into practice, with Gabriel Attal now serving as Prime Minister, the implementation of school segregation seems inevitable.

Attal’s background, hailing from an affluent segment of French society, attending a private school, and lacking direct experience in public schools, raises questions about his suitability for leading educational policy. Attal comes from one of the wealthiest segments of the French population, growing up in the upscale 6th arrondissement of Paris, in an affluent family of notables, becoming a millionaire at the age of twenty upon his father’s death. Attal attended the highly selective Ecole Alsacienne, a private school where he completed his entire education. He served as Secretary to the Minister of National Education and Youth and later as Minister of National Education without ever setting foot in a public school. Now, as the head of the government, he prioritizes education. While receiving a private education does not preclude one from working at the Ministry of Public Education, never having shown interest in the subject before and lacking any competence in educational policy is undeniably a handicap, if not a problem. Attal has never truly worked; he only completed a six-month internship at the prestigious Villa Médicis – the French School of Rome – after earning a lackluster master’s degree through remedial exams before joining ministerial cabinets and Macron’s campaign. He is primarily a technocrat without talent, except for his innate and real abilities to court the powerful. Macron’s priority was to replace his Prime Minister with a shallow and unremarkable technocrat, essentially someone who would not overshadow him. Attal is infinitely loyal to President Macron; to whom he owes his entire political career.

As the youngest Prime Minister in contemporary French history, Gabriel Attal’s appointment strengthens Macron’s influence on the government. Macron’s authoritarian approach aims to accelerate a “civic rearmament”, reinforcing discipline and order in schools. Attal’s role as Prime Minister signals a continuation of his superficial measures and an educational policy that leans towards a more conservative and authoritarian direction. The France envisioned by Macron and shaped by Attal prioritizes a workforce of educated yet docile individuals, rather than fostering intellectual emancipation. Attal’s goals are to shape disciplined workers, not strikers; precarious workers, not emancipated ones. To shape a class that remains docile.

Emmanuel Macron Gabriel Attal

France has recently banned Abayas in French schools

Written by Yehia Murad and Kamye Boblet-Ledoyen

The Problem

On September 7th 2023, the Conseil d’Etat, France’s highest court of administrative law, affirmed the Ministry of National Education and Youth’s decision to prohibit the wearing of abayas and qamis apparel: “Pupils typically wear these garments in compliance with legislative provisions, with the accompanying dialogue often featuring a discourse on religious practice, influenced by arguments shared on social media platforms.” (Conseil d’Etat, 2023). For the highest administrative court of France, the wearing of abayas and qamis is considered to be in contradiction with the 2004 law that forbids ostentatious religious sign: “While students attending public schools are permitted to wear subtle religious symbols, it is prohibited to wear any clothing or signs that explicitly demonstrate a religious affiliation, such as a hijab, kippah, or oversized cross. Additionally, it is also prohibited to wear clothing or symbols that only demonstrate a religious affiliation on the basis of the student’s behaviour.” [1]. The ruling of the Conseil d’Etat is legally valid; the rationale of the Ministry of Education, and the French government in general, behind this ban is more ambiguous.

Background

Photo by Spielvogel on Wikimedia Commons.

The use of prominent religious symbols, especially those of the Muslim faith, has been the topic of intense political discussion since the late 1980s. The denial of class attendance to young veiled pupils by a school principal in 1989 sparked controversy among politicians in the country and beyond. This occurrence, which transpired in Creil, a middle-range town situated in the north-west suburbs of Paris, became known as the affaire de Creil (“Creil affair”). In 2010, the French government implemented a law prohibiting the wearing of burqas in public spaces such as schools, streets, and transportation. France has a lengthy history of anti-clericalism and secularism. The 1905 law establishing the separation of Church and State is viewed as an inventive compromise that assures both the liberty to worship and the non-interference of spiritual matters in temporal affairs. The politicisation of the abaya affair by politicians is lamentable, whereas the very idea of the 1905 law was to avoid any political controversy over religion. The exploitation of the principle of secularism via the prohibition of abayas and qamis is highly concerning. It is apparent that the French government, notably Education Minister Gabriel Attal, does not prioritise the promotion of secularism amongst younger generations.

This decision is merely political and not related to any supposed fight against Islamism. Gabriel Attal, the Education Minister appointed this summer, is primarily known for his political opportunism. Mr. Attal comes from the Parisian bourgeoisie, having been educated in one of the most prestigious private schools in the heart of the French capital, L’Alsacienne. He has been associated with both the Socialist Party and the conservative right in the past, but later became a staunch supporter of Emmanuel Macron. Despite having only completed an internship at Villa Médicis during his master’s degree, which he obtained after repeating a year with the help of a university arrangement, he managed to join the ministerial offices at a young age of 23.[2] During his past positions as Minister Delegate for Youth, Government Spokesman, and Minister for the Budget and Public Accounts, Mr. Attal has proved to be a consistent advocate of Emmanuel Macron’s policies.

What is at Stake

The ban is closely linked to the decline of the national education system in the country. Although the inadequate state of schools in France is not unique, the exploitation of Republican principles, which underpin French citizenship, distinguishes the country as a particular case. Article 1 of the French Constitution stipulates that “France is an indivisible, secular, democratic and social Republic”, setting the status of secularism as a supreme norm. Nevertheless, the far right has exploited this principle to promote their platforms that rely solely on emotional appeals, such as the fear of migration, the fear of Islam, and the fear of replacement. The rhetoric of being replaced, commonly found in European conservative and far-right parties, is fueled by a clear cause: decades of economic marginalisation resulting from neoliberalism. The National Education budget, which totals €59 billion in 2023 and accounts for the largest share of public spending, is inadequate. The salaries of French teachers are considerably lower than those in neighbouring countries, and the lack of support staff for students with disabilities, including carers, school nurses and doctors, presents a daily challenge for teaching staff. School performance is deemed deficient, as stated in the newest report (September 2023) published by the Scientific Council of National Education. It asserts that French proficiency has worsened while in mathematics, only half of the pupils are aware of the length of a quarter past three quarters of an hour. Consequently, discussing the abaya is diverting from the deep-seated issues that impede the national education system.

Yet, the French school required everything, except for another debate on the Islamic veil. As the topic is highly sensitive in France, a country that has suffered from numerous Islamist attacks since 2015. The killings of a history-geography teacher in 2020 and a literature teacher in October 2023 had a profound impact on public consciousness and caused trauma among the population. However, instead of implementing specific political measures, the French government capitalised on the emotions stirred by these attacks.

It is in fact in the preparatory work for the 1905 law on the separation of church and state that the proper measure is to be found: “Imposing the obligation on ministers of worship to modify the cut of their clothes, in light of a law aiming to establish a regime of religious freedom, would result in more than just problematic backlash… it risks exposing them not only to intolerance, but also to ridicule and potentially serious danger.” The state need not concern itself with the attire of its citizens; rather, it should strive to educate them and raise awareness of their rights. The Republican school’s responsibility is to use logical argument rather than emotional persuasion to advocate for the benefits of secularism. The legislators in 1905 were aware of the pitfall of banning a religious garment, which the French government ultimately fell into. They noted that “the combined ingenuity of priests and tailors would soon have created a new garment, which would no longer be the cassock, but would still be quite different from the jacket and the frock coat to allow the passer-by to distinguish at first glance a priest from any other citizen.” [3]

The French government is promoting the expansion of the Service National Universel (Universal National Service), a less intensive version of military service, as a means of toughening up its education policy, rather than facing up to reality. Following his re-election in May 2022, Emmanuel Macron expressed concern over his political legacy. For sure, he will leave this political legacy of the unprecedented extreme right-wing of society. Ultimately, if one imitates the far-right’s behaviour and rhetoric, one becomes aligned with far-right ideologies. It would have been worth it to beat Marine Le Pen twice…

Looking ahead…

The implementation of the banning of hijabs in the French education system is synonymous with right-wing politics, which explicitly rejects various forms of globalisation, particularly migration. Such an implementation of a policy that excludes a certain segment of civil society subverts the inclusive political institutions of the European Union, which need to maintain the virtuous circle of democracies [4; 5].

Such an issue lies in a discourse that leans heavily to the right, marginalising individuals based on their belief systems. As stated, it is important that the French state’s protect its continued vision of secularism and égalité (equality) and design the education system as an equal level playing field for its diverse civil society. The education system, as a key component in shaping the values of future generations, should prioritise fostering an environment of acceptance and understanding. Instead, this policy sends a distressing message, reinforcing polarising narratives and perpetuating stereotypes. It is imperative to recognize that a diverse and inclusive educational experience is not just a right but a cornerstone of a thriving democracy.

It is necessary for the EU to play a proactive role in scrutinising and repudiating member states that threaten such democratic and inclusive principles that they stand for. The EU should vocally condemn any action that leads to a democratic backslide within its borders. Free-speech should not be selective to benefit the popular segment of civil society, as the ban is not merely a dress code issue, but rather a threat to the core values of democracy and inclusive education. As advocates for human rights, it is our responsibility to shed light on these marginalising policies and call for a united stand against any measure that undermines the principles that cements a democratic society. We, Broken Chalk, advocate for equal opportunities in education for all minority ethnicities and commit to addressing the lack of inclusive institutions for all. We castigate the decision taken by the Conseil d’Etat, France’s highest court of administrative law, and call for the necessary interventions by the appropriate bodies, such as the EU. Lastly, we urge the French courts to revise the decision taken by the Ministry of National Education and Youth and to find a common ground; between France’s universal values of secularism and the consideration of minority groups in the pursuit of education.

References

[1] Légifrance. 2004. “LOI n° 2004-228 du 15 mars 2004 encadrant, en application du principe de laïcité, le port de signes ou de tenues manifestant une appartenance religieuse dans les écoles, collèges et lycées publics (1).” Légifrance. https://www.legifrance.gouv.fr/jorf/id/JORFTEXT000000417977.

[2] Branco, Juan. 2019. Crépuscule. 1st ed. Vauvert: Au diable vauvert.

Conseil d’Etat. 2023. “Base de jurisprudence.” Conseil d’Etat. https://www.conseil-etat.fr/fr/arianeweb/CE/decision/2023-09-07/487891.

[3] Aristide Briand. 1905. “Délibérations sur le projet et les propositions de loi concernant la séparation des Eglises et de l’Etat.” Les Classiques des sciences sociales. http://classiques.uqac.ca/collection_documents/assemblee_nationale/separation_Eglises_Etat/seance_43/debat_43_1905.pdf.

[4] Acemoglu, D. Robinson, J. A. (2012) Why Nations Fail: The Origins of Power, Prosperity, and Poverty, Crown Business.

[5] Acemoglu, D., & Robinson, J. A. (2019). The Narrow Corridor: States, Societies, and the Fate of Liberty. Penguin Press.

Abayas ban current issues France muslim faith qamis religious signs

Universal Periodic Review of France

This report is a contribution by Brokenchalk to the fourth Universal Periodic Review (UPR) of France. Broken Chalk is an Amsterdam-based NGO established in 2020 and focused on raising awareness and minimizing human rights violations in the educational field. Our goal is to work together with global partners to remove barriers to access to education and to take concrete steps to ensure universal access to education. Therefore, this report will focus on human rights violations in regards to education in France.

Introduction

Broken Chalk is a non-profit organisation that focuses on developing each country’s educational system to improve the level of human rights on the global level. Therefore, this report will focus on education. By drafting this report, Broken Chalk intends to assist with France’s 4^th Universal Periodic Review [UPR]. First, the report will analyse the most important issues that France faces regarding the Right to Education. Then, it will shed light on some issues that should be solved by the French government. Finally, Broken Chalk will provide a few recommendations to France to further improve education.
In the last review of France of 2017, the Republic of France received 89 recommendations and observations from 7 different human rights mechanisms, that focused on education and other issues such as gender gap, discrimination and human trafficking, which affect education’s access, outputs, and outcomes.
The French educational system is based on the principles of the 1789 revolution. Indeed, the structure of the French educational system can be traced back to Napoleon’s First Empire (1804-1815)[i]. The educational system is divided into three stages: primary education, secondary education, and higher education. In France, most of its elementary and secondary schools, as well as its universities, are public institutions that have highly centralized administrations[ii]. Moreover, the curricula at primary and secondary schools are standardised across all schools, for a given grade.
The Preamble to the French Constitution stipulates that it is the “state’s duty to provide free, non-religious public education at every level”[iii]. Therefore, the state must develop a clear roadmap for the training routes, national programmes, organisation and content of curricula. It must also lead and evaluate education policies to ensure overall consistency of the education system.

[i] Educational Policies: France (2014)

[ii] French Ministry of Education

[iii] European Agency; Fundamental principles of the French educational system

by Faical Al Azib

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43rd_Session_UN-UPR_Country_Review_France

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43rd Session By Facial Al Azib Cycle 4 France right to education Universal Periodic Review

Educational Challenges in France

Whereas French education is prima facie accessible to everyone, as it is free from the start up until higher education, French people claim the French educational system knows many obstacles. I have interviewed French people who are still in the French educational system, both private and public, and some who ended a long time ago, hoping to test the relevance of the claims.

The most recurring obstacle that was mentioned was the teachers’ status. Teachers are underpaid and undervalued. In turn, their quality of teaching is criticised for being short-fused and unilateral. Many individuals with a French education felt they had to follow teachers’ expectations perfectly and had no space for individuality or originality. Specifically, mental health is overlooked as students must work for long hours. In the same vein, there is no psychological support or general encouragement as the French system is competition-based, and success is wholly put out to be the student’s responsibility. Rather than being encouraged once having reached a passing level, students are criticised for not being better.

Concurrently, there is no understanding of tiredness, poor mental health, or mental disorders, as students are not expected to ask for help and are turned down when they do. One interviewee explained:

Photo by Alan Rodriguez on Unsplash

When I was depressed and exhausted because of the long hours, teachers would get angry when I fell asleep in their class. I was given seven hours of detention because the teacher felt insulted. Nobody listened when I said I needed those hours to revise and sleep.”

Indeed, teaching is not centred around pupils. Instead, it is built on a hierarchical system.

One student in public education also explained they were never mentored or told about future options i.e., what programme to choose to get into which job or abroad opportunities. Each of his decisions was dependent entirely on his own research.

Notably, there was a clear difference in answers with students from public and private education, as privately educated children expressed overall higher satisfaction. This divide is well known to give different chances to children, depending on their socio-economic backgrounds. Accordingly, a systemic reform is needed in order to give public school teachers better chances of successfully conducting their job. This example of respect for the profession from the government is likely to be reflected in children’s behaviour as well.

Photo by Kenny Eliason on Unsplash

This unilateral format is reflected in French school programs, whereby up until 2021^[1] merely offered three main paths: Literature, Economics or Maths and Science. Only those three theory-based qualifications have been considered worthy. For people who do not fit this programmatic structure, turning towards a more practical-based, closer to work diploma will be judged negatively and as sub-standard. Indeed, French schools are low in the European and world assessment compared to other countries that give children more vocational classes.^[2] Most notably, this programmatic structure can be predicted to be especially challenging for neurodivergent individuals. However, the recent change in ‘baccalauréat’ is

closer to an ‘à la carte’ selection and allows more freedom in the building of courses; hopefully minimising these critics.

Notably, the world report identified disability rights in education as the main issue in 2022.^[3] Indeed, French integration rules for disabled children in education have been known for being largely confusing and disappointing, leaving parents unsupported. There is still progress to be made as integration in itself is not enough. For example, one interviewee recalled that some friends, parents of children with disabilities, regretted the lack of personnel in school to assist and protect their kids from bullying.

Additionally, we can note the recent (2021) ban on Muslim veils for minors in schools, as well as accompanying parents. This updated ban follows older restrictions that have been wholly criticised as Islamophobic.^[4] Indeed, this ban puts a disproportionate weight on Muslim girls attending school, compared to other children.

Photo by Adam Winger on Unsplash

Most recently, French teachers have held one of the biggest education strikes in protest of the government’s handling of Covid-19 measures in the educational sector. Reflecting on the

aforementioned point on the inaccurate treatment of teachers; they complain about not being consulted in government decisions; being told to change their courses at the very last minute; being expected to conduct hybrid courses without support and not being replaced in case they fall ill. Ultimately, this instability is largely disrupting children’s education.^[5]

Maya Shaw

Sources;

Educational Challenges Posted by Beyza Nur Dag

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