In May 2024, Lost in Europe released the findings of their investigation into the disappearance of unaccompanied children in Europe. This investigation revealed that 51,433 children disappeared from refugee centres across Europe between 2021 and 2023, with Italy having the highest number of missing unaccompanied minors at 22,899 children (Van den Hof, 2024). Unfortunately, this is not the first time such a discovery has been done.
Netherlands:
15,404 unaccompanied refugee minors registered in the Netherlands in the last three years (Dutch News, 2024). 850 of these children have disappeared from asylum shelters without any trace (Van den Hof, 2024).
Before 2024:
This is not the first time the Dutch authorities have found themselves in this situation. In 2023, 360 minors had disappeared from refugee shelters in the Netherlands between 2022 and 2023, all of whom vanished from the Ter Apel reporting centre. That year, 4449 minors without parents or guardians had applied for asylum in the Netherlands (Dutch News, 2023).
Government response:
The Human Rights Committee has asked the Dutch government to take urgent measures in investigating the trend of missing unaccompanied minors as well as addressing the root issues causing these disappearances. The Dutch government has also been asked to improve the quality of living standards and resources provided to children in the asylum shelters.
The Dutch national rapporteur on human trafficking, Hermann Bolhaar, has criticised the Dutch refugee system and the government for their lack of implementing any protective and safeguarding measures, given the urgency of the situation and the danger unaccompanied children are finding themselves in.
The Netherlands, known for its progressive policies, has experienced a significant political shift with the election of right-wing parties like the Party for Freedom (PVV) and the newly founded Nationalist Socialist Coalition (NSC). With these parties securing a considerable number of seats in the Dutch House of Representatives, concerns arise regarding their potential impact on various aspects of Dutch society, including education. Particularly, their standpoint against the internationalization of higher education raises questions about the future direction of educational policies in the country.
Historical context
The Netherlands has been recognized for its progressive education system, which emphasizes inclusivity, diversity, and internationalization. According to the Dutch Government, of all incoming students in higher education, more than 25% are international students. Moreover, the country’s universities and schools of applied sciences are actively pursuing partnerships with institutions worldwide, providing Erasmus+ and Exchange programs, which are focused on attracting students from diverse cultural backgrounds. Dutch government have been emphasizing the importance of introducing students to international and intercultural society at a young age, and several studies showed that nearly a quarter of the Dutch population had a migrant background.
However, the rise of nationalist movements and the growing popularity of right-wing ideologies may affect the internationalization of the Dutch education. Parties like the PVV and NSC advocate for stricter immigration policies and cultural preservation. PVV – a far-right and party leaded by Geert Wilders. Nationalist ideology mainly concerns immigrational and cultural concerns, supported by the call of PVV to ban the Quran and shut down all mosques in the Netherlands. Geert Wilders, leader of the party, stated in the past that he he hates Islam, which clearly indicates the party’s attitude toward Muslim population. The party opposes to the dual citizenships and immigration especially from non-Western countries. NSC, as well as PVV, represent conservative attitude towards immigration, stating that the number of immigrants taken each years should be halved. With right-wing coalition taking 81 out of the 150 seats in the parliament, Dutch educational system may experience major structural changes.
Potential influence on Dutch education
As nationalist parties gain power, minority communities, particularly Muslims, may find themselves marginalized within educational institutions. Discrimination may present itself in various forms, and it is expected that student community will particularly experience hardened admissibility rules and immigration processes. People with double citizenships may also be caught in these situations. Calls to Dutch culture may put pressure on Muslim students to conform, leading to their inability to express their cultural and religious identities.
Furthermore, right-wing parties, namely PVV and NSC are expected prioritize policies aimed at preserving Dutch culture and language by reducing the number of foreign students in the educational institutions. This could entail stricter visa regulations, higher tuition fees for non-EU students, which are already 5 times higher than EU fee, and quotas on the enrollment of international students. The number of English-taught and double-degrees may be reduced, leading to international students choosing other destinations for their academic pursuits.
Exchange and Erasmus + programs have long been essential components of the Dutch higher education, fostering cross-cultural exchange, and mutual understanding among students. The future of these programs may also be compromised, as the Netherlands will not be able to insure an inclusive and welcoming atmosphere for the incoming students, possibly endangering and complication their studies in the Netherlands. PVV states that the universities’ primary responsibility should be to Dutch students. From the perspective of Dutch students, the prioritization of Dutch sovereignty over international engagement can lead to the reduction of exchange programs.
Under the rule of right-wing government, international universities whose ideologies are different from nationalist ideas may find themselves at risk of receiving less funding or facing other forms of institutional pressure. In its election manifesto, the PVV writes that all English-language undergraduate courses should be eliminated. Policies aimed at cultural preservation could prioritize funding for institutions that align with these objectives. Reduced financial support may constrain the governmental ability to attract top talent and reduce the supply of resources and opportunities for students that need them to in an increasingly competitive environment.
Conclusion
The potential influence of right-wing Dutch government on education raises important questions about the future direction of the country’s educational policies. While parties like the PVV and NSC may seek to limit the internationalization of higher education and promote nationalist ideas, they are likely to encounter resistance from within the education sector and broader society.
As the Netherlands experiences the unstable and unforeseen period of political change, it must aim to uphold the principles of diversity, and academic inclusivity that have long been the merit of its education system.
References
Castelvecchi, D. (2023, June 14). Shock election win for far-right worries academics in the Netherlands. Science. https://www.science.org/content/article/shock-election-win-far-right-worries-academics-netherlands
Buruma, I. (2008, February 17). The Muslim next door. The Guardian. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2008/feb/17/netherlands.islam
Groothuis, F. (2023, March 9). Internationalisation in the Netherlands: An uncertain and volatile landscape. The PIE News. https://thepienews.com/the-view-from/internationalisation-netherlands-uncertain-volatile-landscape/
Wikipedia contributors. (2023, June 8). New Social Contract. In Wikipedia, The Free Encyclopedia. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/New_Social_Contract
ABN AMRO Research. (2023, March 9). Dutch rates focus: Dutch elections won by far-right party PVV. ABN AMRO. https://www.abnamro.com/research/en/our-research/dutch-rates-focus-dutch-elections-won-by-far-right-party-pvv
Schinkel, W. (2022). Not only has the number of international students in the Netherlands increased, but so has their contribution to the economy. In R. Beckers & W. Schinkel (Eds.), Internationalisation and Higher Education (pp. 23-45). Springer. https://link.springer.com/chapter/10.1007/978-3-031-14224-6_2#:~:text=Not%20only%20has%20the%20number,than%2023%25%20(see%20Fig.
Nuffic. (2023). Internationalisation facts and figures. Nuffic. https://www.nuffic.nl/en/subjects/research/internationalisation-facts-and-figures
Van der Heijden, M. (2023, March 15). PVV and NSC win Dutch election: What’s the impact on education and research? UToday. https://www.utoday.nl/news/73552/pvv-and-nsc-win-dutch-election-whats-the-impact-on-education-and-research
As part of our ongoing commitment to safeguarding the interests of international students and renters, Broken Chalk presents this lobbying report to address the pervasive issue of housing scams in Amsterdam. With the rising incidence of fraudulent activities targeting renters, especially expats and students, urgent action is needed to protect vulnerable populations and preserve the integrity of the rental market.
Problem Statement
Amsterdam, like many major cities, faces a significant threat from housing scams, with scammers targeting expatriates and students seeking affordable accommodation. The financial losses incurred by victims of housing scams are substantial, posing a significant economic burden and jeopardising the financial well-being of renters.
Expatriates and students are particularly vulnerable to housing scams due to their limited familiarity with local housing norms and regulations, making them prime targets for exploitation. Victims of housing scams often fail to report incidents to authorities, contributing to a lack of accountability and perpetuating fraudulent activities within the rental market.
Recommendations
We advocate for stricter regulation of the rental market, including mandatory membership in established realtors’ organisations such as the MVA or the NVM and the strengthening of rental agencies to prevent fraudulent practices and hold perpetrators accountable.
We encourage the government to launch comprehensive educational campaigns targeting renters, particularly expatriates and students, to raise awareness of common housing scams provide guidance on identifying and avoiding fraudulent schemes and collaborate with organizations like !WOON to disseminate information and provide confidential advice to individuals seeking housing.
We urge the government and universities to implement measures to verify the legitimacy of rental listings and landlords, including access to resources such as the Kadaster property register and to encourage and raise awareness of renters to conduct thorough background checks and seek second opinions when evaluating rental opportunities. Proper measures should be taken against informal listings on social media, and penalties and fines should be placed to combat the surge of housing scams.
Furthermore, renters should be made aware of their rights regarding fees and financial transactions and guidance on legal deposits and recourse options for unjust fees should be provided. We urge the government to facilitate access to support services, such as those offered by!WOON, to assist victims of housing scams in reclaiming losses and seeking restitution.
Broken Chalk advocates for proactive measures to inform and support international students in navigating the Dutch housing market effectively. Our proposed solutions aim to empower students with the knowledge and resources needed to secure safe and legitimate accommodation during their time in the Netherlands.
We further recommend collaboration with home affairs departments at universities and colleges to incorporate housing education and assistance into orientation programs for international students. By integrating housing-related information sessions, workshops, and resources into existing initiatives, institutions can better prepare students for the challenges of finding accommodation in a new country.
We further advocate for legislation and policy frameworks that incentivize universities and colleges to prioritize housing support for international students. Encourage the establishment of dedicated housing offices or support services within educational institutions to provide tailored assistance and guidance to students throughout their housing search process.
The government has a duty to ensure that international students have access to comprehensive information on housing options, rights, and responsibilities from the moment they arrive in the country and to develop informational materials, online resources, and orientation sessions specifically focused on housing-related topics to equip students with the knowledge needed to make informed decisions.
Universities should be held to the same standard. We urge the government to implement specialised support programs or mentorship initiatives for first-year international students to address their unique housing needs and challenges and to pair incoming students with experienced mentors or peer advisors who can offer guidance, share personal experiences, and provide practical assistance in navigating the rental market.
We further fight for the establishment of mechanisms for monitoring the effectiveness of housing support initiatives and collecting feedback from international students to identify areas for improvement and regular assessments of student satisfaction with housing services and use this feedback to refine and enhance support programs over time should be conducted.
By prioritizing the integration of housing education and support services into existing institutional frameworks and advocating for policy changes to incentivize universities and colleges, we can ensure that international students receive the assistance they need to secure suitable housing and thrive in their academic pursuits.
Conclusion
In conclusion, addressing the scourge of housing scams in Amsterdam requires a coordinated and multi-faceted approach. By implementing the recommended measures, we can protect renters, uphold the integrity of the rental market, and create a safer and more equitable environment for all residents. We urge the Ministry of Education to prioritize these initiatives and collaborate with stakeholders to combat housing scams effectively.
Presented by Daphne Rein and Maria Samantha Orozco
In recent years, there has been an increase in the use of new technologies to administer justice in the Netherlands. To give a few examples of the digital technologies used, there has been an increase in legal applications, the creation of prediction tools for lawyers, such as judicial analytics, and an increase in legal help desks that offer free legal advice. i
In the Netherlands, the regulatory framework used is the General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR) and various data protection laws and regulations, which protect the sensible data of the general public. These laws and regulations have been adopted before the use of AI in the judicial system. But in the Netherlands, concerning Artificial Intelligence, the European Commission is helping the Dutch Authority for Digital Infrastructure to set up a national AI supervision system to supervise AI applications, which can be used for AI in the administration of justice vii , for example, with legal applications. In the future, this can help regulate the risks of using artificial intelligence in the judicial system.
The analysis concludes that deploying new technology to solve governance problems can be problematic because “technological systems reflect the embedded privileges of those who design them”. xiv
These incidents highlight the alarming risks faced by children from migrant communities, particularly those of African descent, due to the biased use of AI in the justice system. Innocent young men are disproportionately criminalised, derailing their aspirations for work or higher education. xxiii Furthermore, the child support tax debacle resulted in children from already disadvantaged families being denied equal access to education, perpetuating cycles of poverty and inequality.
i Jan van Ettekoven, B & Prins, C. (2018). “Chapter 18: Data analysis, artificial intelligence and the judiciary system”. Research Handbook in Data Science and Law. (Cheltenham, UK: Edward Elgar Publishing). pp.425-447. https://doi.org/10.4337/9781788111300.00026
Presented by Daphne Rein, Ioana-Sorina Alexa, Olimpia Guidi, Sarah Kuipers and Sterre Krijnen
In the Netherlands, where prostitution is legalised, hidden forms of prostitution are characterised under illegal forms of prostitution by Dutch law. The city of Amsterdam is well known for its many districts where prostitution attracts tourists1, and in this city, hidden forms of prostitution are illegal. For example, it is illegal for massage parlours to supply sexual services without a licence2. In addition, it is illegal to supply sexual services in private residences unless it is an individual working alone who holds a licence under the municipality of the city to carry out this activity3.
And even if it is illegal and can be prosecuted, child pornography can be considered a hidden form of prostitution4. In the Netherlands, the production, distribution, exhibition, importation, forwarding, exportation, and possession of child pornography are explicitly outlawed under various sections of the Dutch Penal Code5. Specifically, Article 240b criminalises these activities, making them illegal and subject to prosecution. This legal provision, along with related sections such as Article 240c addressing the grooming of minors and Article 240a concerning engaging in sexual acts with minors, forms the comprehensive legal framework aimed at combating child pornography. However, despite these stringent laws, a significant challenge persists. The Internet Watch Foundation revealed in 2019 that the Netherlands hosted 71% of known URLs containing child pornography content online within the European Union6. This alarming revelation underscores the complexity of tackling the issue, prompting a critical examination of the effectiveness of existing laws and the need for enhanced measures to address the online hosting of such illicit content.
This is a report submitted to the United Nations Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights.
Every student counts! In 2011, this slogan was the starting shot of the Caribbean and European Netherlands’ combined efforts to achieve educational equity and raise the quality of education on the islands of Bonaire, St. Eustatius, and Saba. Although quality and equity increased, the Caribbean Netherlands still dealt with significant educational challenges in 2023. This article will explore three main challenges: the care for students with special needs, multilingualism, and the effects of poverty.
This article analyses these three challenges to understand the accessibility and quality of education in the Caribbean Netherlands. But first, we need to go into the governance structure of the islands and their relationship with the European Netherlands to fully understand the barriers to tackling the challenges and efforts to address them. Also, the policy programs addressing education and the Education Agendas will be given special attention to show continuing good practices and to explain the context in which the current challenges continue.
Context-Specific Efforts to Overcome Education Inequity
In 1948, Bonaire, St. Eustatius and Saba became a part of the Dutch Antilles, a separate country within the Kingdom of the Netherlands. This changed in 2010: the islands became public bodies under the European Netherlands. Bonaire, St. Eustatius, and Saba are now local governments. An executive council, an island council, and the Dutch national government govern each island. Since this change, the islands have been referred to as the Caribbean Netherlands or the BES-islands.[i]
The Dutch Ministry for Education, Culture and Science is responsible for education. The schools on the islands are part of the Dutch education system and are monitored by the Netherlands’ Inspectorate of Education.[ii] The Dutch Ministry of Education, island councils and other stakeholders cooperated over the past twelve years to develop three policy programs, the Education Agendas.
The Education Agendas address educational equity between the two parts of the Netherlands. The idea is that it should not matter whether a child grows up in the European Netherlands or the Caribbean Netherlands; educational opportunities should be the same.[iii] The agendas address the specific context of the islands, as there are apparent differences from the European Netherlands in terms of culture, history, identity, language, scale, and organization.[iv]
The first two agendas address all three islands within one agenda. During the draft of the first Education Agenda (2011-2016), the level of education of many schools on the BES islands did not fulfil European nor Caribbean Dutch standards.[v] By 2016, most schools reached basic quality standards. However, particular areas still required improvement, again addressed in the second Agenda (2017-2020). [vi] The evaluation of this Agenda in 2020 shows that the main challenges are care for students with special needs and multilingualism.[vii]
While the third Education Agenda has not yet been published, it shall address these challenges.[viii] Furthermore, this agenda will address the challenges on each island separately, showing us a further commitment to context-specific policymaking, which hopefully improves the effectiveness of the third Education Agenda.
Educational Challenge I: Care for Students with Special Needs
The first challenge to discuss is the care for students with special needs. The right to education for children with special needs is a human right. It is taken up in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the Convention on the Rights of the Child, and the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities. While the last Convention was ratified by the European Netherlands, it does not apply to the Caribbean Netherlands.
A statement by the Expertise Centre Education Care Saba in 2021 summarizes the importance of care for these students: “Students have the right to feel included in a safe and reliable environment with a structured pedagogical climate that is tolerant and encouraging for the development of all”.[ix] Now, children with special needs still face situations in which education is not tailored to them, meaning they do not profit from education as their peers or eventually drop out. Some children do not have access to education at all. Children with a higher need for care face difficulties.[x]
An example of inadequate care is the case of the ten-year-old Arianny on Bonaire. In 2022, the non-speaking girl was in the news as she could not attend education on Bonaire. Arianny had no access. Members of the Dutch parliament asked the then minister of Education, Dennis Wiersma, questions about her situation and the general situation on Bonaire. The minister reacted that all children should have access to education and are required to attend school, despite specific situations. The situation of Arianny and the research in other reports show us that is not yet the reality.[xi]
Why do these problems continue even after the two Education Agendas?
Student care on the BES islands is not comparable to care in the European Netherlands. While both experience similar problems, the expert centre on Saba notes that the main difference derives from scale and school culture, for example, the lack of awareness about the differing needs of students. This also applies to the other islands: children with special needs continue to follow the same program as their peers even though they need additional care. Moreover, there are relatively more students with special needs in Saba than in the European Netherlands. Possible explanations are a lack of education planning, differentiation in the classroom and special education needs teachers.[xii] Also, non-school-related causes affect children’s learning capabilities, such as poverty and domestic violence.[xiii]
This continuing lack of care for students with special needs thus asks for extra efforts. Renewed attention to this problem and policies need to tackle the problem, ensuring (continuance of) access to education for children like Arianny. Individual needs must be considered to optimize the learning experience of already vulnerable students.
Educational Challenge II: Multilingualism
Because of the different languages being spoken on each island, the language of education has been a thorny issue. Encountered challenges have been linguistic imperialism, learning challenges, and difficulty accessing tertiary education in Dutch.
On Bonaire, most inhabitants speak Papiamento as their mother tongue. On Saba and St. Eustasius, a local variety of Caribbean English has the upper hand. Despite this, Dutch was the only officially recognized language until the beginning of the century thus, education was in Dutch.[xiv]Nowadays, Papiamento and English can both be used in education. This represents the reality of the islands and a respect for local languages, making it a laudable development and a move away from linguistic imperialism.
However, it also causes new educational challenges, especially for learning results and further education. On Saba and St. Eustatius, the instruction language is English. Dutch is being taught as a foreign language.[xv] St. Eustatius switched to English as an instruction language in secondary education in 2014. Dutch proved to negatively affect learning outcomes and attitudes towards the Dutch language.[xvi] Saba has used English as the instruction language for a more extended period. However, only teaching Dutch as a foreign language hinders access to tertiary education. A low proficiency in Dutch means that students from these islands cannot access (all) tertiary education institutions in the European Netherlands.[xvii] This is especially problematic because the Caribbean Netherlands does not have any universities or universities of applied sciences, meaning inhabitants must move to pursue tertiary education.[xviii]
On Bonaire, education starts in Papiamento – the native language of most students – for the first two years of primary school. After these years, the instruction language became Dutch. This causes risks, as the case of St. Eustatius before 2014 showed. Furthermore, it can hinder learning outcomes as children might struggle with Dutch.[xix]
Therefore, multilingualism leads to specific challenges for students regarding access to further education and learning outcomes. It has been difficult to find a balance between Dutch, Papiamento, and Caribbean English that will tackle these challenges. A comprehensive language policy should be developed per island, where native languages and Dutch get a well-balanced place within the education system.
Educational Challenge III: Poverty
This third educational challenge goes beyond the education agendas as it intertwines with the overall situation on the BES islands: life on the islands has become increasingly expensive, and salaries and government support are insufficient to afford this.
This is why children on the BES islands noted poverty as one of the biggest challenges in their lives in 2021. And high poverty levels have continued since then: 11,000 people live below the poverty line in 2023. This is an extremely high number, considering that the islands’ total population is 30,000.[xx] In comparison to the European Netherlands: 800,000 live in poverty on a population of almost 18 million.[xxi]
What do such numbers mean for Caribbean students?
The rapport between the Dutch Ombudsman and the Children’s Ombudsman gives us the distressing example of Shanice, an 11-year-old Bonairean girl. Her mother is a single caretaker, working multiple jobs to stay afloat. She is more often at work than at home. Shanice cares for her younger brothers and sisters, looks after the groceries, and wash dishes instead of having the opportunity to focus on her studies. She goes to school: she likes it there. However, she often feels stressed because of her many responsibilities. Then, she cannot focus or learn. At the same time, Shanice pressures herself to learn: she wants to have a different life than her mom.[xxii]
This example shows how poverty gives children many responsibilities and negatively affects their learning. This example does not comprise all adverse effects. When not having enough money, healthy food is not always a priority, just like schoolbooks or having a good place to study. Extra school costs might not be paid. Parents and kids both experience high-stress levels, which might cause parents to be (emotionally) unavailable and children to have problems focusing. All negatively affect the school outcomes of children.[xxiii]
To tackle this problem of poverty and its effects, there should be governmental support to lift children and their parents from poverty. However, government policies are one of the causes of poverty: the model of living costs for the BES island presents living costs as lower than they are. Policies are developed based on this model. Moreover, this is a recurring argument for not higher social welfare: ensuring social welfare will demotivate people, and they will not work anymore.[xxiv] Hence, policies have contributed to the problem of poverty.
In addition, inhabitants of the BES islands do not always have access to the same resources European Dutch individuals have. These resources are, however, of great importance: European Dutch depend on them, but Caribbean Dutch cannot even access them.[xxv] This is possible because of the special status of the islands. The UN Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination noted in 2021 that such differences between the European Netherlands and Caribbean Netherlands are deplorable, that discrimination should be fought, and that equality should be pursued.
The Dutch government has been taking steps. A law ensuring the equal treatment of all citizens in the Netherlands will come into effect for the Caribbean Netherlands.[xxvi] The exact date is, however, unclear. Furthermore, the model of living costs will be adjusted in July 2024. From that date onwards, inhabitants of the Caribbean Netherlands will be able to breach the gap between social security and living costs that exists now. In addition, the Dutch government does undertake other efforts to address poverty, but the Netherlands Institute for Human Rights judges them to be insufficient. [xxvii]
The Dutch government seems to increasingly take responsibility for the high poverty levels in the Caribbean Netherlands. A necessary development: despite statements such as ‘Every student counts!’, the Dutch government has discriminated against Caribbean Dutch citizens. The unfavourable treatment they experience puts them behind their fellow citizens in Europe.
Conclusion
Education quality has increased significantly on the Bonaire, St. Eustatius, and Saba islands. Great efforts have been made to tailor policies to the local contexts of the islands, which is essential for education equity between the European and Caribbean Netherlands. This is praiseworthy and will hopefully continue with the third Education Agenda.
However, great educational challenges persist on the islands. Benefits from and access to education are under pressure. While multilingualism affects all students, poverty and the lack of special care affect some students disproportionately. Furthermore, the problem of poverty and lack of special care show clear signs of discrimination, which should be condemned and stopped. The case of the islands of Bonaire, St. Eustatius and Saba thus indicates the need for policies tackling discrimination and a comprehensive plan to improve education further.
References
Cover Image: A young girl in costume during a parade on Bonaire (CC BY-SA 4.0 DEED, Wikimedia Commons: Atsme).
[iv] Rijksdienst Caribisch Nederland. (N.d). Onderwijsagenda voor Caribisch Nederland: samen werken aan kwaliteit. Rijksdienst Caribisch Nederland. 1. https://www.rijksdienstcn.com/binaries/rijksdienstcn-nederlands/documenten/brochures/onderwijs-cultuur/onderwijsagendas/eerste-onderwijsagenda-caribisch-nederland/index/Eerste_Onderwijsagenda_NL.pdf
[v] Rijksdienst Caribisch Nederland. (N.d). Onderwijsagenda voor Caribisch Nederland: samen werken aan kwaliteit. 1.
[vi] Inspectie van het Onderwijs. (2017). De Ontwikkeling van het Onderwijs in Caribisch Nederland 2014-2016. Onderwijsinspectie. 39-41. https://www.onderwijsinspectie.nl/documenten/rapporten/2017/03/21/rapport-onderwijsontwikkelingen-caribisch-nederland-20142016
[vii] Buys, Marga. (2021). Evaluatie Tweede Onderwijsagenda Caribisch Nederland 2017-2020. Eerste Kamer. 20. https://www.eerstekamer.nl/overig/20210708/evaluatie_tweede_onderwijsagenda/document3/f=/vlkch545eltd_opgemaakt.
[viii] Buys, Marga. (2021). Evaluatie Tweede Onderwijsagenda Caribisch Nederland 2017-2020. Eerste Kamer. 22.
[ix]. Langerak, Lisa. (2021). Inclusive Special Education on Saba. Expertise Center Education Care. 2. https://www.learningsaba.com/2021_Care_Coordinator/210614%20Project%20plan%20Inclusive%20Special%20Education%20Saba.pdf
[x] Buys, Marga. (2021). Evaluatie Tweede Onderwijsagenda Caribisch Nederland 2017-2020. Eerste Kamer. 20.
[xxii] Kinderombudsman, and Nationale Ombudsman. (2023). Caribische kinderen van de rekening. Kinderombudsman. 4. https://www.nationaleombudsman.nl/publicaties/rapporten/2022058#:~:text=Dit%20rapport%20beschrijft%20de%20knelpunten,zelf%20als%20voor%20hun%20kinderen.
[xxiii] Nederlands Jeugdinstituut. (N.d). De invloed van armoede op schoolprestaties. Nederlands Jeugdinstituut. https://www.nji.nl/armoede/invloed-op-schoolprestaties
[xxvi] Netherlands Institute for Human Rights. (2023). Caribisch Nederland krijgt wetgeving gelijke behandeling. College voor de Rechten van de Mens. https://www.mensenrechten.nl/actueel/nieuws/2023/01/25/caribisch-nederland-krijgt-wetgeving-gelijke-behandeling#:~:text=Iedereen%20die%20zich%20in%20Nederland,2010%20bijzondere%20gemeentes%20van%20Nederland
میلک کیمازترکی سے تعلق رکنے ولا ایک پناہ گزین ہے اور اس وقت ایمسٹرڈیم کے ایک بین الاقوامی ہائی اسکول میں ریاضی کے استادنی کے طور پر کام کرتی ہے۔ اسکول میں وہ MAVO, HAVO اور VWO کےطلباء کو ڈچ میں ریاضی سکھاتی ہے۔
How did you end up in the Netherlands?
آپ نیدرلینڈ میں کیسے آئے؟
میلک اپنے شوہر کے ساتھ ترکی سے بھاگ گئی تہی اور ہالینڈ آنے سے پہلے، وہ تین سال تک عراق میں رہے، جہاں میلک نے ریاضی کے استادنی کے طور پر وظیفہ انجام دیا۔ جب میلک حاملہ ہوئیں، تو وہ جانتی تہی کہ ترکی واپس جانا اور عراق میں رہنا اب کوئی آپشن نہیں ہے۔ وہ اپنی بیٹی کے بہتر مستقبل کے لیے کچھ کرنا چاہتی تھی۔
پہلے انھیں اندازہ نہیں تھا کہ وہ کہاں جا سکتے ہیں۔میلک نے بتایا کہ، “ہمارے پاس کسی یورپی ملک کا ویزا نہیں تھا اور نہ ہی امریکہ جانے کے لیے گرین کارڈ”۔ انٹرنیٹ پر راہ حل کی جانج پرتال میں کچھ وقت گزارنے کے بعد انہیں معلوم ہوا کہ ہالینڈ ایک ایسا ملک ہے جہاں پناہ گزینوں کو استقبال کیا جاتا ہے، جہاں انہیں مدد مل سکتی ہے اور جہاں وہ آزاد ہیں۔ میلک کاکہنا ہے،”آزادی میرے لیے بہت اہم ہے، اسی لیے ہم نیدرلینڈ آئے”۔ اب میلک اور اس کے شوہر پانچ سال سے ہالینڈ میں رہ رہے ہیں۔
“یہ بہت بڑا قدم تھا، اورشروع میں مجھے آراستہ ہونے میں بہت مشکل کا سامنا کرنا پڑا۔ مجھے معلوم نہیں تھا کہ ہالینڈ میں رہنے کا کیا مطلب ہے۔ میں ہالند کی زبان نہیں جانتی تھی اور نہ ہی ڈچ ثقافت کے بارے میں کچھ پتہ تھا”۔ میلک اور اس کے شوہر خود ھی ہالینڈ آئے تھےاور ہالینڈ میں ان کا کوئی رشتہ دار یا جاننے والا نہیں رہتاتھا۔
آپ ریاضی کے استاد نی کیوں بنے؟
“جب میں چھوٹی تھی تو ریاضی کی استانی بننا میرا خواب نہیں تھا۔لیکن بعدمیں مجھے انتخاب کرنا تھاکہ میں کس سمت جانا چاہتی ہوں۔ اورمیں جانتی تھی کہ مجھے ریاضی پسند ہے۔ میں ریاضی کو ایک قسم کے کھیل کے طور پر دیکھتی ہوں یا پھرایک پہیلی کی طرح جسے میں حل کرنا چاہتی ہوں۔ اس کے علاوہ، میں یہ بھی جانتی تھی کہ دوسرے لوگوں کو ریاضی پڑھانا مجھےپسند تھا۔ اکثر مجھے اپنے بھائیوں یا اپنے گھر والوں کو چیزیں سمجھانا پڑتی تھیں اور مجھے یہ کرنا پسند تھا۔ اس لیے ریاضی کی استانی بننے کا انتخاب ایک اچھا فیصلہ تھا۔”
آپ کو کن دشواریوں کا سامنا کرنا پڑا ہے؟
جب میلک اور اس کے شوہر نیدرلینڈ آئے تو سب کچھ شروع سے شروع کرنا پڑا۔ انہیں ڈچ زبان یا ثقافت کے بارے میں کوئی اندازہ نہیں تھا۔ ایک AZC واقع ایمسٹرڈیم میں میلک نے خود کو ڈچ زبان کی بنیادی باتیں ایک کتاب سے جو آنکہ دسترس میں تھی، سکھائی ۔ وہ دس مہینہ AZC میں اپنے شوہر اور اپنی نو زاد بیٹی کہ ساتھ رہی۔ اب وہ جنوب مشرقی ایمسٹرڈیم میں اپنے خاندان کے ساتھ ایک گھر میں رہتی ہے۔ اپنے ڈچ کو بہتر بنانے کے لیے، اس نے ایمسٹرڈیم کی میونسپلٹی کی طرف سے پیش کردہ ایک مفت کورس کیا۔ اس کہ علاوہ اس نے Hogeschool van Amsterdam میں “Orientation Track Statusholders for the Classroom” (Oriëntatietraject Statushouders voor de Klas) بھی مکمل کیا۔ اس ٹریک کہ مدد سے نے نہ صرف اسے ڈچ زبان میں مہارت حاصل ہوی بلکہ اسے ڈچ کی تعلیمی نظام کے بارے میں بھی علم ہوا اورپر اسے سیکنڈری اسکول میں انٹرن شپ حاصل کرنے کا موقع ملا۔
اب وہ اسی اسکول میں ریاضی کی استانی کے طور پر کام کر رہی ہیں۔ یہ سب کچھ دیکہنےاور سنے میں آسان لگتی ہے۔ میلک نے بتایا کہ تدریسی ملازمت تلاش کرنا ناقابل یقین حد تک مشکل تھا۔ مثال کے طور پر، اس نے 40 سے زیادہ اسکولوں کے لیے درخواست دی جن میں سے صرف 5 اسکولوں نے جواب دیا۔ آخر میں، وہ دو اسکولوں میں سے انتخاب کر سکتی تھی۔ وہ بہت اداس تھی کہ کچھ اسکولوں نے بالکل جواب نہیں دیا تھا۔ “میں مختلف ہوں، میں سمجھتا ہوں، لیکن مجھے جواب کی توقع تھی ، خاص طور پر جب نیدرلینڈز میں اساتذہ کی کمی ہے۔”
میلک نے محسوس کیا کہ ڈچ لوگ پہلے اس پر بھروسہ نہیں کرتے تھے۔ “وہ دوسرے لوگوں سے ڈرتے ہیں۔ وہ پہلے تو آپ پر یقین نہیں کرتے، لیکن ایک بار جب آپ ان کا اعتماد حاصل کر لیں تو سب اچھا ہے اور وہ بہت اچھے اور پیارے لوگ ہیں۔”
ترکی اور ڈچ کے تعلیمی نظام میں کیا فرق ہے؟
“ڈچ تعلیم ترکی سے تھوڑی مختلف ہے۔” مثال کے طور پر، میلک نے سمجھایا کہ ترکی میں اسکولوں کی بھی مختلف سطحیں ہیں۔ لیکن فرق انکہ عمروں کا ہے جس میں بچوں کی سطح تبدیل ہوتی ہے۔ مثال کے طور پر، ترکی میں ابتدائی اسکول بھی آٹھ سال کا ہے، لیکن ہالینڈ میں بچے کم عمر میں ہائی اسکول جاتے ہیں۔ اس کی وجہ سے، میلک کو یہ لگتا ہے کہ ڈچ بچے جو ابھی ہائی اسکول شروع کر رہے ہیں ان میں تھوڑا سا بچکانہ گی ہیں۔ میلک نے جو دیکھا وہ یہ ہے کہ ڈچ بچے بہت زیادہ خود مختار ہیں۔ ‘یہاں کے بچے بہت زیادہ فعال ہیں۔ ترکی میں استاد کو 100 فیصد فعال ہونا ضروری ہے، اور طالب علم صرف اس کی پیروی کرتے ہیں جو کہا جاتا ہے. “ہالینڈ میں، بچے اسائنمنٹس آزادانہ طور پر انجام دیتے ہیں بغیریہ کہ استاد ہر چیز کی وضاحت کرے۔” ایک اور فرق یہ ہے کہ ہالینڈ میں بہت سے مختلف قسم کے اسکول ہیں، جیسے کہ سرکاری، نجی یا عیسائی اسکول۔ ترکی میں صرف ایک قسم کا اسکول ہے۔
مستقبل کو دیکھتے ہوئے۔
اگرچہ میلک کو ترکی میں اپنے خاندان اور دوستوں اور اپنی ثقافت کی کمی محسوس ہوتی ہے، پھر بھی وہ ہالینڈ آنے کے انتخاب سے خوش ہے۔ اس کے خاندان اور دوست وقتاً فوقتاً اس سے ملنے آتے ہیں لیکن وہ خود ترکی واپس نہیں جا سکتی۔ میلک لیے سب سے اہم چیز آزادی ہے جو اسے ہالینڈ میں حاصل ہے۔وہ دوسرے پناہ گزینوں کو بتانا چاہتی ہےکہ شروع میں ہالینڈ آنا اور یہاں استاد بننا ایک بہت مشکل مرحلہ ہے، لیکن آپ کو کبھی بھی ہمت نہیں ہارنی چاہیے اور ہمیشہ اپنی پوری کوشش کرنی چاہیے۔ یہ وقت کے ساتھ آسان اور آسان ہو جاتا ہے.
At the beginning of October, the Dutch government announced their decision to raise student loan interest rates to their highest level in 14 years. This announcement ignited controversy and many debates. From January 1, 2024, student loan interest rates are set to surge from 0.46 per cent to 2.56 per cent, as reported by the Dienst University Onderwijs (DUO), the government body responsible for student financial aid.
The sudden and significant increase in interest rates has left many current and former students stumbling, with widespread disagreement over the reasons behind this unexpected move. While some argue that the growth is a necessary adjustment, others contend it is a breach of trust, further compounding the financial burdens faced by students.
The Impact on Students
In response to this increase, students have voiced their frustration and disillusionment with protests, online discussions, and their professors. Many believe they are being unfairly targeted, especially considering that the government has recently eliminated student debt for new students. More and more students struggle to find affordable housing and pay immense amounts for rooms they are often not allowed to register at. Therefore, they miss out on possible governmental funding such as the reintroduced Basisbeurs, a government grant providing financial assistance to students to cover their educational expenses.
Different Perspectives
“It’s hard to comprehend why the government would choose to burden those of us who still have debt with this interest rate hike,” says Paul, a former student. The sentiment among these students is that the government has not been transparent about the implications of this increase. Usually, when wanting to loan money, there is a clear indicator to remind people that loaning money costs money. The typical logo is nowhere to be seen when looking for information about Dutch student loans.
Conversely, some argue that the rate hike is reasonable, emphasising that everyone should know that borrowing inherently comes with interest costs. “They knew they were borrowing money, which comes with a price. Some say that students borrowed the money to finance parties and a luxurious lifestyle, while others used it to buy a house. Some say no one should be complaining as loaning money comes with the personal responsibility to be able to pay it back. They further argue that a student who pursues a meaningful and lucrative career can quickly repay their debt within the 15-year timeframe.
Whilst it is true that the student loan agreements depend on and are tied to the government’s borrowing costs, the interest rise has been coming. However, students feel like they have been cheated and are being cornered.
Government Response
Whilst Education Minister Robbert Dijkgraaf does acknowledge the concerns of students and the public, he assures that the rate adjustment is tailored to each student’s financial circumstances. He highlights that those with low incomes will have lower monthly repayments, aiming to ease the financial burden. Furthermore, Dijkgraaf believes that reintroducing the basic grant (Basisbeurs) and temporary assistance to counteract rising inflation and energy costs will financially relieve many students. However, as mentioned before, many cannot access help due to their living situation not officially registered.
The decision to raise interest rates comes after six years, during which student loan interest rates remained at 0 per cent. This was primarily due to the Dutch government’s ability to borrow funds at favourable rates in the capital market; however, the loan interest had to rise at some point due to rising interest rates.
The Feeling of Broken Promises
Van der Ham, a student herself, expresses profound disillusionment with the government’s actions amid this debate. She recalls that she believed in three critical conditions when she started borrowing. “The first was that your student debt would not affect your ability to secure a mortgage in the future,” van der Ham says in correspondence with NOS. Additionally, it was conveyed that the loan was favourable, with little to no interest.
Lastly, there was the impression that the income generated from the loan system would be reinvested in improving the quality of education. Van der Ham feels that none of these promises have materialised.
A law student, Jim Hiddink, shares similar sentiments, feeling that the situation is unjust. “When you begin borrowing, you agree with the government, but now the entire nature of that agreement is changing. The interest rate remained low, at most 0.5 per cent.”
In a letter sent by the outgoing Minister of Education, Dijkgraaf, to the Dutch Parliament in 2022, it was stated that there was never a promise to maintain a 0 per cent interest rate or that the size of a student’s debt would have no influence on their mortgage application. Previous ministers, including Jet Bussemaker, had, however, stressed that the consequences should remain limited and students should not develop a “fear of borrowing.” Which has now, unfortunately, become a reality for many.
In the Netherlands, the Akbas-Tereci family, devout members of the Gülen Movement, stand at a precipice of uncertainty. With the impending arrival of their second child, this Turkish couple and their five-year-old daughter Vera face a worrying reality. This legal dilemma threatens their pursuit of safety and stability. Their journey from Turkey to the Netherlands lays bare the unforgiving complexities of seeking asylum, shedding light on profound questions of justice and compassion in a world of uncertainty.
~ by Inja van Soest
A recent petition has sparked interest in the faith of this young family. Sümeyra Akbas and Beytullah Tereci, a Turkish couple currently residing in the Netherlands with their five-year-old daughter, are expecting their second child. The couple is part of the Gülen Movement, which promotes a tolerant Islam emphasising altruism, modesty, hard work and education. Under President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, the Turkish government accused the movement of being involved in an attempted coup in 2016, leading to much controversy about the movement and a political conflict. The Gülen Movement is classified as a terrorist organisation, making it dangerous for Sümeyra Akbas and Beytullah Tereci to return to Turkey.
The family have been in the Netherlands for more than a year now. They have been volunteering in their community whilst attending Dutch language courses thrice weekly. Their five-year-old daughter has started to speak Dutch and has made local friends. Beytullah states: “We want to feel at home here. We came here to start a new life and have a future.”
Typically, Turkish refugees are granted residence permits, with approval rates reaching as high as 97.5 % in 2022, according to VluchtelingenWerk statistics. However, the case of Akbas and Tereci stands out due to their unique circumstances. While the parents hold Turkish citizenship, their daughter is of Brazilian nationality. Akbas and Tereci had fled from Turkey to Iraq before the failed coup attempt in 2016. They married in Iraq and built their lives as elementary school and preschool teachers. They had five more years of validity on their Turkish passports and believed they could return to their home country within that timeframe. However, when they were expecting their first child, they had to make a decision. If their daughter had been born in Iraq, she would have been stateless without any papers as them being Gülenists; they couldn’t go to the Embassy out of fear of being arrested. She would neither be granted a Turkish nor an Iraqi passport, and they would have been unable to leave Iraq. They decided to go to a country where their child would receive papers by birth. And they ended up going to Brazil for the birth of their daughter.
After two months of being there, they returned as a family of three. They didn’t plan on settling there. Therefore, they didn’t need a Visa, as their stay was shorter than three months. Afterwards, they returned to Iraq, where their jobs and life awaited them. Five years later, the decision to get papers for their daughter puts them in a situation where the Netherlands does not want to grant them residency as their daughter is Brazilian. The ruling of their case states they have a connection with Brazil. However, they neither speak the language nor have family or friends there.
The court ruling surprised the couple and their lawyer because the family would not receive residency in Brazil either, which could ultimately lead to them being deported to Turkey. The family was supposed to have to leave their current asylum centre by the 14th of September but have been offered the option to go to a different asylum centre. However, they would not be allowed to leave the town and have to sign in every morning that they are present at the centre. Akbas expresses his feelings of having escaped an unjust Turkish prison sentence to now live like a prisoner at the asylum centre. A daily life without much prospect. “It is like being sick, and you don’t enjoy anything. I don’t enjoy food or drinking. It should be happy times for my family; we worry too much instead.”
The initial ruling has been appealed, but the judge ruled against the appeal again, a disappointing outcome. But the family, their lawyer and their friends are unwilling to give up. Whilst their case is being fought in court, their Dutch language teacher has started a petition to revise the decision made by the court.
Beytullah Tereci is thankful for the support the family has been getting and hopes for a positive outcome for his family and his children. “We want to be home, but we cannot go there. So we choose a new home, a future. How can it be that your home is not welcoming you, and you still have to go.”
If you want to support Sümeyra Akbas and Beytullah Tereci and their daughter Vera, you can sign the petition here:
Johanna Farkas, Intern at Broken Chalk, did an interview with Felisa Tibbitts, co-founder of Human Rights Education Associates (www.hrea.org). The interview was recorded as audio, and this is the written transcription.
Johanna Farkas(JF): Hello and good afternoon. This is the first episode of the Broken Chalk podcast. Broken Chalk is a human rights organization based in Amsterdam and it is dedicated to monitoring human rights violations in education. I am Johanna Farkas. I will be the host for today’s episode. It is my pleasure to welcome Felisa Tibbitts.
Felisa Tibbitts(FT): Hi Johanna. Thank you for inviting me.
JF: Thank you very much for accepting our invitation. Felisa, you have tremendous experience in the field of human rights and human rights education. To introduce you a bit more to the audience, Felisa’s main research interest is human rights and global democratic citizenship, critical pedagogy, education and social movements and human rights at higher education transformation. She is currently the chair of human rights education of the department of law, economics, and governance at the university of Utrecht as well as the UNESCO chair in human rights and higher education.
She has recently been teaching at Columbia university up until 2022. She also has several fellowships, awards, grants and some experience with board memberships and advisory positions. She has been working with organizations such as the UN, Council of Europe as well as Amnesty International.
There are several things to discover here, and I am excited to hear about everything.
What we will be focusing about today is your own organization that you co-founded that is the Human rights education association which I will be introducing later on.
But I will first ask some personal questions about you and your career path.
FT: Okay.
JF: Did you have a moment or a eureka moment when you knew that you want to work in the field of human rights or human rights education?
FT: That’s a really nice question. It’s interesting because some of my students who have become interested in human rights education often ask what is your career path? How did you get started and I don’t how it is for you Johanna or for people who are listening but it’s not always a straight or narrow path and for me I didn’t identify my interests as being in human rights until well into my adult career.
I had identified my interest as peace, I didn’t learn about human rights growing up. I hardly heard about human rights. It just wasn’t the language being used. I was very interested in peace. I grew up in a military family during the cold war, even during the Vietnam war, that’s how old I am and I remember when I ran out of fingers to count, when I had turned 11 years old I felt like I had to take a decision about what I wanted to do with my life.
I was a very serious child and I decided I wanted to work for world peace and then I got to college jump ahead about I guess at that point 7 years or so and I enrolled in a course offered by Karl Deutch at Harvard called Peace Research. I didn’t even know you could study peace and so that sort of set me on my path to combining my intellectual interest with my professional interest and there’s another story about how I ended up getting into human rights specifically but those were the origins for me.
I know a lot of people who are sort of lie first when it comes to their human rights work or human rights activism. They recognize at a really early age that they feel like they want to do something positive in the world whether that’s articulated as human rights or peace or social justice or you know it doesn’t really matter if it sets you on that path.
JF: You have a lot of understanding of what you want to do as we’ve heard. What do you find that people might misunderstand about human rights or human rights education or do you have maybe your own experience that you did not understand at first or something that has changed in your understanding?
FT: I came into the human rights field in maybe one of the most positive or affirming ways possible which is that historically the Berlin wall came down and at that time I was doing my doctoral studies in international education, and I was interested in democracy and peace. So, I hadn’t heard about human rights as I mentioned earlier and I still hadn’t heard at this point it was 1990 but I went to eastern Europe and went from sort of beginning with what was still the East Berlin all the way till Bulgaria with some colleagues to do some research and what would be changing in the educational systems so I got a little bit of a flavour for in what might be happening in educational systems from a researcher’s point of view.
And then just by luck, by chance a couple of years later I was at a conference and I met the head of the Dutch Helsinki Committee, which is the Dutch version of the Human Rights Watch, Arie Bloed. He had begun working with his colleagues in legal reform in the new post-soviet countries. So classic work that human rights people still continue to do in transitional justice in post conflict environments related to rule of law, good governance and human rights. So they were typically training and working with lawyers, judges and news laws and lifting up and strengthening civil society.
Then there was this other sector, the schooling sector, that the Dutch Foreign Ministry, who was their main funder, had become interested to have them work in and I happened to know Arie and he said you know would you like to help us come figure out what we might do to support infusing human rights in the schooling systems. Our first country is Romania and so I went.
In the process of doing the first mission in raising money I subsequently became a part time staff for the Dutch Helsinki committee and that really Johanna was the way I learnt about human rights. I didn’t learn it in the classroom. I learnt it with my colleagues who were human rights lawyers and I also learnt that with my partners, if you will, in these countries who themselves have heard of human rights maybe during the communist period, maybe it was just on paper what does that mean for real life so my own learning was accompanying that of my partners and although I had in one year all the legal standards the law related approach, on the other hand I was still working with teachers and kids and continue to do so for whom law is something that they cannot understand or access so there we don’t want to lose that power of human rights in terms of the international and regional human rights standards and laws but we also want to recognize the norms and principles that influence our everyday lives.
Now that being said there are many critiques to your question, there are many critiques to human rights and I think it’s really very healthy for the human rights field to have these. I mean there’s the critique that if we look at governments who have signed on to these treaties there’s the spectrum of how well they live up to their human rights obligations, we know that accountability mechanisms at the United Nations are weak you know, monitoring is a bit stronger, accountability is weak. We know that if we look into local national context we see human rights isn’t necessarily owned by everyone and it could be one political party that takes it on and then it ends up being associated with particular political agenda or in the United States with the progressives or the leftists, when it should be for everyone and of course there’s now the very classic critique of Eurocentric that is based on natural law and individualism and questions about universality so these are all critiques and they’re all alive and well and they’re all also valid.
One of the benefits of working in the field of education is, Johanna and for the people listening, you have to deal with these learners because you aren’t there to indoctrinate people on what human rights is, here it is take it accept it believe it and carry on. It doesn’t work that way. It is a particular justice-based system around rights. There are other frameworks for promoting social change, right? They don’t have to be named human rights. So I think in human rights education my approach is to actually offer the critiques early on so that we can discuss them and learners can decide for themselves what their points of view are, how much coincides with their own or not.
I also think even with a flawed system that we find in implementing human rights in the international community the alternate is not a desirable one so my personal point of view is find a view that aligns with yours maybe its human rights language maybe it’s not.
Listen to what human rights offers, at least be aware of what it is and what it can offer you and then in terms of if you’re ultimately a believer in human rights and has potential then lean in and support it, support its implementation as best as you can it doesn’t mean you don’t criticize but try to make it better in whatever ways you can, as a diplomat, as an activist, as an educator, whomever.
JF: and do you think the international community on all levels when it comes to the UN or local decision makers do they have the will or wish to consider these? Do they have the tools to make these constant reevaluations of human rights and try to progress it?
FT: Well political will is obviously really key when it comes to state behaviour. We know that there has been a rollback until recently in terms of the democratic space and increase in authoritarianism which has coincided with the restriction of civil society, rule of law and human rights. So there’s no question that there are real challenges when we look at human rights challenges internationally. We still have ongoing wars, genocides. How is this still happening with all that we know not only about human rights but also about human history in the past 125 years. So its really befuddling and discouraging for sure.
At the same time, I am an optimist and I am in education so I have to own up to that, but I think the recent statistics I saw shows the kind of rolling back into authoritarianism and eroding of democracy even in the those countries that are primarily democratic seems to be shifting, that we may have reached the lowest point already in terms of authoritarianism and it might be a swing back. That is not to say that it is a permanent one.
For those of us who thought that the Berlin Wall has come down, apartheid is over, it’s going to be, maybe it’s going to be more of these cycles in term of conservatism. Conservatism does not quite capture authoritarianism, I think conservatism is quite a respectable point of view. Authoritarianism is very specifically eroding democratic principles and ways of governance so that’s very separate.
But I have to say that my understanding from political scientists, who know more than I do, that we may have seen the worst of it in terms of recent history and we may be swaying back. I mean we still have lots of challenges mind you even in the countries that are still struggling to save some of that democratic processes and institutions, checks and balances and so forth. But those countries that are aligned with human rights, I would say most countries have some if not lip service a deep commitment to forwarding human rights. Again it might be forwarding human rights within their foreign policy interest but at least it’s still there. I think if that continues, human rights is seen as important as others.
Sadly, because of the phenomenon like the war in Ukraine it’s an important reminder of how important human rights and humanitarian law is. So we know that when a catastrophe happen, human rights comes to the fore again.
But I will say, Johanna, I actually think that those of us who are working, not in government, but working in civil society and working even in higher education we have also created more space for human rights. Let me give you an example, at the higher education level there are more human rights centres than ever. It used to be, 30 years ago, the human rights centre used to be at the law school because you essentially only studied human rights if you were studying human rights law. You didn’t see it anywhere else in the university and now in the last 15 to 20 years there are interdisciplinary centres for human rights that link sometimes in parallel with the law school human rights centre which gives opportunities to graduates, undergraduates and students of all levels whether they’re in the humanities or social sciences usually those two areas are those that study Human Rights so its expanding in favourable environments in certain higher education institutions absolutely expanding.
In terms of activist work, Human Rights is being pushed down into the local level. There is a global initiative called “Human Rights Cities” and this perspective brings our attention to our local government but the local government in conjunction with community members, community organizations and all kinds of individuals in the community who hold different positions and also just regular citizens to review the human rights framework, to review the problems the community might have and what might need to be addressed. This is linked up more recently in some European cities with being cities that welcome refugees for example, so with the refugees coming in and some of the pretensions that could bring in local communities using that as a way to discuss human rights more broadly.
So, I think there has been lots of movement in a positive way amongst those actors who are human rights oriented, like I mentioned higher education, human rights cities, human rights based approach which is kind of a conceptual approach but has real bearing in thinking about looking at organizations as a whole not as a human rights perspective.
Other things happening in the United Nations around nonstate actors, multinationals, corporate social responsibility so I think on the other side of some of these discouraging trends that are restricting human rights movement you know ability to use in certain country context and the ongoing critiques of human rights which will always be there, do you have these positive sides of evolution and change and so I do think that the movement continues and you know and it just binds new avenues to remain relevant basically and potent.
JF: I see I see. You mentioned a lot about the authoritarianism and the actual issues with monitoring the implementation of human rights and how in your own experiences as well you learnt properly what human rights was or how it works when you practically worked in it and went to the field. It is a large issue there are countries who partially or who does not fully respect human rights. As you mentioned there’s still so much human rights violation including genocide happening. Has this ever hindered you or felt like giving up in your career because of witnessing or learning about all these setbacks in the history and human rights?
FT: I think that’s a fair question. I think, Johanna, I have been fortunate because I work in the field of education and that field is sort of intrinsically optimistic and forward looking. So without a question, I have also shared the deep disappointment and concern of others not only human rights people but many of us around the authoritarianism and the world back and other challenges in Ukraine, and the ongoing conflict in the Middle East don’t seem to be resolved, refugees, climate change, there’s plenty to be discouraged about but in the day-to-day that I have like having a conversation with you or meeting my students tomorrow, I can focus on these moments of learning and engagement.
In some cases the human rights education and training I’m doing feeds immediately into social change and so sometimes I have the benefit of seeing that as I’m working with activists or I’m working with young people who eventually who get in careers in human rights or activism of some kind or so many ways you can be engaged in human rights without working for a human rights NGO or working at the UN at the Office of the Human Rights Commissioner, there are so many things to do.
So when I’m up close its really easy and for me as well I know with education its long term game. It may be 10 to 15 years from now where we see curriculum in schools resulting in more people knowing about what human rights are and what its potential is. In that respect, I can only count wins. I don’t see any failures per se at least in the work I’m doing. But I know from my colleagues who are working in other environments where you have certain litigation, where you want it to go through successfully or you are working on social change and its big cultural changes and maybe you don’t necessarily see it in your lifetime but I even think for people who are not in education like myself, they find their own ways to stay motivated.
You know the thing about human rights as a human rights worker, if you will, is to find your joy in it. For me the joy is teaching and for others I know love law and their joy is in that. If you’re in an NGO, the joy is partly who you get to work with like your colleagues despite these very discouraging conditions and phenomenon.
First of all I don’t feel like I have a choice. This is always what I had to do and the question for me is what is the best way for me to engage, what are the skillsets I have, what will feed me. It is really important in human rights work, in humanitarian emergencies or in any kind of work you are confronting suffering whether it’s really up close or personal or wider you need to find a way to keep yourself healthy and engaged. Even for you as a young person you’ll have decisions to make on what to study next, if you’re going to study anymore, where you’re going to put your energies in, whatever you decide to do it should feed you and keep you going in the long term because we need people like you and others in the long term working for human rights.
JF: Let’s talk about and move on to the active working for human rights and you yourself actually cofounded an organization called HREA. The abbreviation of it is the Human Rights Education Association. You founded that in 1996. Can you tell me a bit about the vision and mission of this organization.
FT: Sure! So, the name itself speaks about what the mission is Human Rights Education and that was deliberate. At that time, I was living in Amsterdam, and I cofounded this organization at a time when human rights education was somewhat new. I was working for the Dutch Helsinki Committee and the work I was doing was pretty different from my colleagues because as I mentioned earlier in this conversation, I was working in the schooling sector and that was very different and new in terms of the international human rights movement.
The person who confounded HREA with me Cristina Sganga, she was the first Human Rights Education person appointed at the International Secretariat of Amnesty International. We were both concerned at that time, and we were both aware I should say that our colleagues were not thinking of it as seriously as for example monitoring and research which is classically what human rights organizations do or in my case if my colleagues were doing human rights education, again it was not with schools but with prosecutors and all.
So we decided we should start an organization that would help focus on human rights training and education inside the international human rights movement and would give us an opportunity to really help professionalize it so that’s why we started it. It was not to start an NGO because it’s not fun starting an NGO, it’s a lot of work. Although it’s fun if you know the people you work with and you like them then it’s fun and hard work.
So that’s where HREA started, it started earlier on in the HREA or HRE kind of movement internationally and began from both our experiences in central eastern Europe primarily and sort of went from there.
The mission is to promote the use of education, training and learning inside the international human rights movement in order to promote all the goals we’re looking for in human rights, the realization of human rights. The organization works with civil society organizations, stakeholders and any learners interested to learn more.
JF: As you already mentioned your organization is already involved in a lot of different activities. You have e-learning courses, research, you take part in research with several international and local organizations and government organizations. What is the greatest achievement of this organization or what are you most proud of? Could you tell us a bit about this project?
FT: Sure. There are two things that HREA did that I am very pleased with. I am pleased with it because it felt like a real need at that time. One thing is we began an online research center for human rights and human rights education. There was time when there was no internet and when the internet came we thought let’s put all this wonderful information that we’ve been sharing by hand from place to place filling our suitcases with books for human rights activists.
So we started the online research center and it was really successful, thousands of resources. It made available to those interested in the human rights education but also to those who weren’t in a university setting so they couldn’t get access to human rights research online or conversely they were in a civil society organization and they just wanted to have an idea about what other people were doing so they could write their own curriculum. The online research center still exists but there are more out there now. At that time by 1998 we had an online research center which was well used. I still get good feedback from people who are in far off places and that this was the only way they could get human rights material at that time so that feels good still.
Second thing, we started in 2001 an online learning programme. this was before Canvas, Moodle, it was before Blackboard even, we developed our own infrastructure to offer online learning for adult learners, human rights, humanitarian development workers on topics and skills really welled for practice. We were interested in filling the gap for courses that people really couldn’t find at universities or even in trainings. But if they found them in trainings it was very expensive for the organizations to organize it because they had to travel somewhere or bring in a speaker. So wanted it to be relevant and really affordable. We offered at our peak 20 online courses a year to a range of adult learners, government and nongovernment, UN and so forth on topics ranging from strategic litigation to what I offered human rights education or the child rights-based approach to programming. So, the courses would basically evolve with what was happening in the field of needs.
So, I felt really proud of that Johanna because it was before online learning was a thing. We were out in front, we got some initial support from the Dutch Foreign Ministry and it just grew and at this there are many organizations that offer online learning like Amnesty International who has their own internal international professional development activities so we’re not filling a gap like we used to but I’m still offering courses. I’m still offering, for instance next week my online human rights education course is taking place and its filled and I am happy about that. Work does continue but happily people have more choices out there and resources which is wonderful for the field.
JF: My last question to you would be, as someone with so much experience, what would you recommend or advise to those who are entering this field right now and who are trying to find their career or own path in human rights or human rights education.
FT: Good question. It’s so precious when people are interested in human rights and human rights education. I have students at Columbia university who are self-identified as being interested in human rights. I will do anything to support their intellectual development and also to position themselves to make decisions about what they need to do next for example when they graduate from Columbia university. I think that there are unfortunately very few jobs in human rights, jobs meaning that those exclusively focused on human rights. I had mentioned some of the sectors earlier you might be involved in including the NGO sector, government, intergovernmental but there are so many ways you can be doing human rights.
There are two ways to answer this question if I may. The first is that to position yourself well to get a job with an organization whose mission is exclusively human rights, is to not only think about human rights but also get skillsets that organizations can use. Whether you work for Human Rights Watch or Amnesty International or you go work for the United Nations skill sets like project management, fund raising, social media, being able to develop training resources whatever your skillsets are needed by these organizations. Always remember to develop skillsets that can be used by an organization that may allow you to work in an organization focused on human rights. I’m not sure what people’s idea of what they might be doing but think about those skillsets and go on and get those law degrees or public policy degrees or education degrees you can still work in human rights.
The second strategy I have is to think more broadly about how you can be doing human rights. If you don’t work in an organization that is explicitly human rights related, there are so many ways that you can work towards what can be considered human rights goals. I had lunch with a former student of mine who had gone to law school, and she had attended originally to be part of the NGO sector for human rights, she realised if she worked for a law firm and uses their option to do their pro bono work she can do a lot of wonderful work for human rights NGOs supporting them with her legal advice. So just last week I had a conversation with a former student of mine who had graduated with a concentration in human rights from Columbia and she really wanted to be working full time in the human rights field. She had expected to go to law school and focus on refugee rights specifically and then proceed to work in an NGO. That was the plan, and the plans changed a bit. She is in law school but she has also been working in a private law firm and realised that she can do pro bono work through them and offer her services to the NGO sector in human rights. She’s just realized she can have a regular legal position and at the same time do the kind of work that she wants to do and so many other variations of how if you’re not working for a human rights organization per se or one that has a mission explicitly to that, you can do wonderful work either through your regular job like this young woman is going to do or through volunteerism.
So there’s just so many ways that you can contribute to international human rights movement. I would just say to you or anyone who is excited about human rights just to keep the spirit, do position yourself well through your education and your experience because your experience is really important to develop skillsets, to get field experience, position yourself well for full time human rights work and if that doesn’t work out for you for whatever reasons just to find other ways to do good things like this.
JF: Thank you very very much for your insights and for telling us about all your experience. It’s been a pleasure to talk to you. Thank you very much for your contribution today. Thank you very much for your talk. It has been very exciting to hear about your experience and thank you so much for the advice. I’m sure many of us who are pursuing this field can use lots of it. Thank you very much again today and for your time.
FT: My pleasure Johanna. Thank you for the opportunity to have a conversation with you.
JF: So this was the first episode of the Broken Chalk podcast. I hope to see you for the next episode as well. Good bye!
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