Russia Strikes Again: The Devastation of Ukraine’s Largest Children’s Hospital 

Written by Uilson Jones 

For many people around the world, Monday mornings consist of a rush to their place of employment or attending classes at school, going about their day without the slightest disturbance – apart from the casual annoyance due to traffic delays and the like. For Ukrainians, Mondays (as well as every other day) begin and end in destruction, bloodshed and grief. 

On Monday July 8th, Russia launched a massive barrage of missiles against key points of civilian infrastructure in Kyiv and many other urban centres. Amongst these structures was Ukraine’s largest children’s hospital, Okhmatdyt. As a result of this vicious attack against Ukrainian children, a staggering 36 people were killed and another 140 injured, according to Andriy Yermak (BBC, 2024). These figures which are initial estimates, are expected to climb much higher given further investigation. The missiles struck surgical, oncological and toxicological departments, virtually levelling these intensive care units where children with cancer and other life-threatening illnesses were being treated (UNSC, 2024).  

The immediate aftermath on the scene was one right out of a horror movie – yet this was a brutal reality for Ukrainians on the ground. Hundreds of children with chronic illnesses, medical personnel, and staff were being rapidly evacuated from the shattered ruins of the building. Roads and highways in Kyiv were blocked up with waves of ambulances attempting to get on site in time to save as many lives as possible. A horror of unimaginable scale erupted as civilians on the scene, rescue teams, ambulances and fire brigades attempted to do everything in their power to lend their helping hand. 

What of the response of Russian officials around the globe? The course of action taken by Russian officials was to outright deny its involvement in the Monday attack, despite overwhelming evidence to the contrary. An unending tirade followed, pointing fingers at the West and Ukraine for the decimation of the children’s hospital. Russia’s Council President for July went so far as to state the following: “If this was a Russian strike, there would have been nothing left of the building and all the children would have been killed and not wounded” (UNSC, 2024).

Shamelessly covering up this hideous war crime, he chose to boast about the might of the Russian war machine – or whatever is left of it after struggling against the significantly smaller military might of Ukraine for two and a half years. A war that was supposed to last three days is rapidly approaching its third year as Ukrainians have been able to bog-down their opponent (Defense One, 2022). With slow and modest gain on the front lines, the consistent strikes on civilian infrastructure have been evident. Over the course of this time, the UN has verified 1,878 Russian attacks against various civilian infrastructure facilities, of which 249 (only in 2023) were directly attributed to Russian invaders (UNSC, 2024).  

Now, one must reasonably pose the following questions: How long will it take for some states to deny the visibly absurd statement that Russia is not targeting civilians? India’s Prime Minister Narendra Modi was on a visit in Moscow during that time, willingly praising Putin for his hospitality, whilst the Indian Embassy was located only a few hundred meters away from Russian-induced destruction. Furthermore, how can it be justified to have a party that initiate attack at the head of the Council, supposedly supporting universalist principles of world peace and human rights? The term ‘war criminals’ has been applied time and time again to the Russian military and its officials, in numerous and ongoing UN investigations regarding human rights concerns in Ukraine (UNHRC, 2024).

The Council is not the place for cheap and dirty politics. It is a place for upholding the necessary values of the international community, ones that are being violated every hour of every waking day by the so-called Russian Federation. How can one speak of ceasefires and peace deals with Russia, when the Russian military is so blatantly destroying every aspect of Ukrainian society, including the most vulnerable sections of its population – children with chronic illnesses? It is due to these indiscriminate strikes levied against civilian infrastructure, that the European Parliament has declared Russia to be a ‘state sponsor of terrorism’ (EP, 2022). 

These attacks by the Russian government will not cease on their own. Ukraine must be granted the full right to defend itself in any manner it so pleases. As it currently stands, Russia is using bases deep within its territory to carry out such acts. Ukraine has not yet received the permission to nip these in the bud to definitively safeguard its people (Politico, 2024). Furthermore, Ukraine requires urgent humanitarian and lethal aid to be able to cope with said attacks. This means modern medical and technical equipment, more air defence systems, shells, artillery systems and far more. In history, the world has learned the hard way of what happens when imperialistic states with totalitarian leaders are able to get away with widespread murder and occupation. One hopes that these mistakes will not be repeated, not only for the sake of Ukrainian children and the rest of its population, but also for the sake of the entirety of Europe.

These important decisions were of absolute necessity already in 2022. One can only agitate and hope for their implementation now and in the near future. Negotiation is impossible, when the opponent is so willing to decimate the most defenceless sections of Ukraine’s population. Without urgent aid, we will surely hear of many more such egregious events taking place. Immediate steps need to be taken in order to ensure the safety of children given the ongoing state of war, and stronger measures need to be put into place which can allow children to study, heal, rest and play in peace. 

References

  • Copp, T. (2022). ‘The convoy is stalled’: Logistics failures slow Russian advance, Pentagon says. Defense One. https://www.defenseone.com/threats/2022/03/convoy-stalled-logistics-failures-slow-russian-advance-pentagon-says/362666/. 
  • Corp, R, & Herrmannsen, K. (2024). Children’s hospital hit as Russian strikes kill dozens in Ukraine. BBC. https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/cl4y1pjk2dzo. 
  • European Parliament. (2022). European Parliament declares Russia to be a state sponsor of terrorism. https://www.europarl.europa.eu/news/en/press-room/20221118IPR55707/european-parliament-declares-russia-to-be-a-state-sponsor-of-terrorism.  
  • Melkozerova, V. (2024). Zelenskyy urges Biden to allow Ukraine to hit Russian airfields to stop Kremlin bombing campaign. Politico. https://www.politico.eu/article/volodymyr-zelenskyy-biden-putin-bomb-strikes-russia-bombing-ukraine-war-kremlin/ 
  • UNSC. (2024). Russian Federation’s Attack on Ukainian Children’s Hospital ‘Not Only a War Crime’ but ‘Far Beyond the Limits of Humanity’, Medical Director Tells Security Council. https://press.un.org/en/2024/sc15761.doc.htm. 
  • UNHRC. (2024). Independent International Commission of Inquiry on Ukraine. https://www.ohchr.org/en/hr-bodies/hrc/iicihr-ukraine/index.  
  • Cover Image via Official Website of Ukraine 

The war in Ukraine and its impact on education

Commencing on the 24th of February 2022, the full-scale Russian invasion of Ukraine has led to unfathomably disastrous outcomes, both internationally and within both countries. Of course, the scale of destruction had mapped onto virtually every aspect of the political, economic, and socio-cultural functioning of Ukraine’s society. Leaving no one unaffected by its persistent brutality, Russia’s military adventurism has highlighted the particularly pertinent problems surrounding the daily struggles of educational institutions, their children and their staff in producing a safe and stable environment that is conducive to the educational needs of the youth.

This article breaks down the Ukrainian educational struggles in the context of the waging of a genocidal war by its belligerent neighbour. Furthermore, contemporary innovative solutions to some of these educational issues will be outlined – as well as an assessment of their utility. Lastly, it is of essence to avoid perceiving these educational struggles as isolated cases specific to the Russo-Ukrainian War. On the contrary, these struggles must necessarily be understood in connection with other parts of the world which are consumed by the devastating impacts of chauvinism and warfare. Only from this comparative understanding can one begin to construct a fruitful perspective that is solutions-based, as opposed to the simple dissemination of platitudes devoid of meaning.  

Background Information 

The onset of the war has caused widespread devastation, particularly in the five oblasts (regions) affected the most being Donetsk, Luhansk, Zaporizhia, Kherson and Kharkiv. As of the 9th of November 2023, over 3,790 educational facilities have been either damaged or totally destroyed. These are often the result of “aerial attacks, artillery shelling, rocket strikes”, and in certain cases even cluster munitions (Human Rights Watch, 2023). It is the imprecise nature of Russian weaponry that particularly causes them to indiscriminately shell and strike civilian infrastructure, if not also the vile disregard for the laws of war on the part of the invading army. As such, it is not uncommon for pupils’ school days to be interrupted by siren alerts forcing them to flee into a bomb shelter. There has even been evidence of deliberate striking of schools, with the shelling of one such building with the word “children” written in large as a message in front of it (CNN, 2022). 

In addition to this, there has been extensive occupation of schools by Russian troops, who utilize the space to store munitions, weaponry, vehicles, tanks, amongst other military equipment. The military-use of schools strictly breaches the laws of war. Launching attacks from such locations causes a reciprocation from the Ukrainian counter-battery fire, thus leading to even further destruction of schools. Beyond the exploitation of educational facilities for military purposes, there has been comprehensive evidence of the Russian army engaging in not uncommon looting and pillaging. The stolen equipment includes, but is not limited to, desktops and laptops, televisions, interactive whiteboards, and heating systems. The Human Rights Watch has summarized this by stating “what was not stolen was often broken”. Before ultimately leaving the premises, Russian forces engage in destruction and vandalism, often denoting hateful sentiment towards Ukrainian people (Human Rights Watch, 2023).  

The question should then be posed: how are students able to continue their studies given such wholescale destruction of their schools? Students who have found themselves without feasible schooling options had to resort to continue their studies from a different school in another area. Although moving is expensive, time-consuming, and therefore is not an option for the majority of people along the front lines, if not actively assisted by the government (which is also not always possible). Students became accustomed to studying in shifts, in between sirens, as well as remotely. The last option was made redundant to a great extent, given that Russia has deliberately and over a prolonged period of time targeted civilian infrastructure such as power and electricity stations, including the hydroelectric Kakhovka Dam in the Kherson region. In the rough conditions of power outages, major floods, and routine shelling multiple times a day, it is unsurprising that these adjustments have been insufficient in the face of Russia’s brutality. Therefore, the physical devastation of educational facilities has significantly impacted Ukraine’s ability to commit to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights which plainly states in Article 26 that “everyone has the right to education” (UDHR, 1948).  

These educational struggles had not commenced only in 2022. Violent ethnic conflict was raging in the Donbas since the beginning of 2014, which already produced devastating realities for students, staff, and the entirety of the educational sector. This was further exacerbated by the effects of the global pandemic, Covid-19. At just about the time that Covid-19 was starting to subside, the full-scale invasion of Ukraine was launched. As such, for the past decade, students and staff were unable to catch a break as the situation progressively went from bad to worse to inconceivable as it stands today. The laws of war simply do not exist for the invading forces who have rampaged through thousands of schools and other educational facilities, using them for the purposes named above as well as for the detainment, torture, and execution of innocent civilians.  

Solutions in the Context of War 

In order for the educational system to continue apace, some modifications were needed to be made. Ukraine began establishing shelter zones in schools (Visit Ukraine, 2023). These were visited quite frequently as a result of the daily shelling and provided the security the students needed to maintain their education. Taking exams and going to lessons in an underground bomb shelter is far from an uncommon occurrence in Ukraine. In Kharkiv, the government has resorted to building “bunker schools” in the subway for a more safe, stable, and quiet environment conducive to studying, as the explosions will not be heard (CNN, 2024).  Further adding onto the stress for students and staff are the conditions of working in irregular shifts to ensure as many students are accommodated as possible. Whereas remote learning remains interrupted by the incessant shelling of Ukraine’s power infrastructure.  

An additional class was added to the educational curricula for all students. Announced by Ukrainian Deputy Interior Minister Kateryna Pavlichenko, ‘safety classes’ were introduced in schools. These special classes were dedicated to the critical important knowledge of life safety and civil defence (Visit Ukraine, 2022). Such practical information must be imparted upon the youth in order for them to understand how to behave in numerous circumstances, as well as the necessary precautions to be taken in an active war zone.  

Concluding Remarks 

The nature of the educational struggles in light of the Russia’s invasion of Ukraine have been examined, and the innovation that Ukraine has witnessed in solutions to these educational struggles have been duly noted. However, it is of essence to note that these need not be considered as solutions per se. The accommodation that Ukraine has made to the functioning of educational institutions should instead be construed as a temporary band-aid, one that harshly scratches the surface of the real problems facing many millions of children, teachers, and others included in the process. As such, our attention must shift to the source of boundless suffering – Russian imperialism.  

A long-lasting peace settlement is essential to the stability of educational institutions, and a critical necessity for the wellbeing of students all over Ukraine. However, this settlement must not be on the terms of the invader. That does not solve the problems of the educational issues students face in the temporarily occupied areas of Ukraine. The peaceful settlement of the conflict will necessary be on Ukrainian terms, including the necessary persecution of war criminals responsible for the decimation of Ukrainian education. For now, Ukraine is valiantly fighting for its freedom and independence from Russian aggression. Children had nothing to do with the decision to begin the invasion, yet they are ultimately paying the highest price. The end of Russia’s war on Ukrainian children is long overdue.   

References

Ukraine: Education disruption due to war

In February 2022, Russia initiated a full-scale invasion of Ukraine, a conflict that has since disrupted the education of over 5 million children, as reported by UNICEF. Despite the current relative calm and the diversion of public attention to other conflicts, the ongoing struggle of Ukrainian children to access education remains evident. This is underscored by the declining learning patterns in the PISA 2023[i]  results.

UNICEF has been actively working to reconstruct an environment conducive to education for Ukrainian children. Thousands of schools, pre-schools, and other educational facilities have been targeted by continuous attacks, consequently, Ukrainian children struggle to gain access to education. This, coupled with parental concerns for their children’s safety, has led to reluctance to send children to school. [ii]

Education is of utmost importance during times of war for several reasons. It fosters mental health by providing a routine and a sense of normalcy and stability. Moreover, it is fundamental for the post-conflict perspective of the Ukrainian population. The longer a child is kept out of school, the less likely they are to return. Therefore, limiting time away from school is incredibly important. Education also provides the skills and qualifications needed to build lives for oneself and prosperity for one’s community[iii]. In the long term, a quality education promotes peace and post-conflict reconstruction. It helps young people develop the skills and qualifications they need to build lives for themselves and prosperity for their communities[iv]. Furthermore, education can foster resilience and unity among students, for instance, the Kyiv School of Economics has continued its educational activities and launched new projects focusing on the needs of business and society in Ukraine during war[v].

Most recently Russia attacked the capital, Kyiv, a hospital, school, kindergarten, morgue, and residential buildings were damaged in the attack, with the latest update stating that 53 people were injured. Twenty of them, including two children, were hospitalized as a result of the strikes[vi].

UNICEF has been collaborating with the Government to facilitate the return of children to education. This is achieved through various means, including in-person learning in classrooms when deemed safe, as well as online or community-based alternatives. Despite the numerous challenges, nearly two million children were able to access online learning opportunities. Additionally, 1.3 million children were enrolled in a mix of in-person and online learning. However, the attacks that primarily targeted energy sources and electricity have resulted in most failures in accessing education. This makes it impossible for children to continue their education.[vii]

In conclusion, the conflict in Ukraine has disrupted the education of millions of children, a situation that has been further complicated by the destruction of educational facilities and the diversion of public attention to other conflicts. Despite these challenges, UNICEF has been actively working to reconstruct an environment conducive to education for Ukrainian children. Considering the role of the United Nations in this situation is crucial. It is not only a matter of rebuilding schools and preschools, but also of ensuring that the Ukrainian children have access to education, regardless of their location, and provide psychological support. The United Nations, through UNICEF, has a unique opportunity to play a significant role in this situation[viii].

How war in Ukraine affects education

Written by Katerina Chalenko

On February 24, 2022, Thursday, at 3:40 am, a full-scale war broke out in Ukraine.

Undoubtedly, the hostilities in the country have a negative impact on the psychological and physical condition of the citizens, both children and adults. Entire families were forced to hide from constant shelling, leave their homes and flee to other regions or countries due the danger situation in the regions where they live.

The martial law in Ukraine has changed the lives of every citizen and affected all spheres of life.

EU projects on education and psychosocial support to children in Eastern Ukraine. Photo by EU Civil Protection and Humanitarian Aid on Flickr.

But how did the war affect education in Ukraine?

Within weeks of the invasion, nearly 16 million Ukrainians were forced to flee their homes and seek refuge abroad and in other parts of Ukraine. Many of these were women and children, causing significant harm to Ukraine’s majority female teaching force and their students.

During the COVID-19 pandemic, teachers around the world developed remote teaching skills. Now that the war has again divided their classrooms, Ukrainian teachers have adapted these skills to teach students across Europe and the world.

Like Ukraine itself, which has shown tremendous resistance, educators (teachers, professors, etc.) have continued their educational efforts despite enormous odds.  Since the military invasion, teachers have continued to teach their students in bomb shelters during active bombardment. Gas stations and grocery stores powered by generators are turning into centers for filming virtual lessons.

Ukraine’s response and persistent challenges to Education

Ukraine’s literacy rate is 99.8%, one of the highest in the world, and education is a source of national pride. In wartime, the Ukrainian government is working to adapt the education system to new realities.

The day after the full-scale invasion of Ukraine began on February 24, the Ministry of Education and Science of Ukraine recommended that the educational process in educational institutions of all levels be suspended and that students be sent on a two-week vacation. During this time, part of Ukraine’s territory was temporarily occupied, and a number of cities and villages (Mariupol, Chernihiv, Sumy, Kharkiv, and others) became the scene of active hostilities.

On March 14, the educational process began to resume in areas where the security situation allowed it.

Children who live far from the hostilities zone and did not move to other regions of Ukraine or abroad during the war are enrolled in full-time, distance, or mixed forms of education.

However, due to prolonged air raids and power outages of several hours, the educational process in the safe areas is also interrupted. After all, when teachers and students are in a shelter during an air raid or without electricity and, accordingly, high-quality Internet, participants in the educational process cannot continue either full-time or distance learning at this time. Therefore, students spend a significant portion of their school time studying on their own. All this only exacerbates educational losses.

Students, who have been forced to change their place of residence within Ukraine, sometimes even repeatedly, experience interruptions in their education and educational losses. For internally displaced students, one of the biggest challenges is adapting to a new environment and integrating into a new educational institution and establishing communication with teachers and peers. Loss or separation from loved ones, separation from friends, change of residence, stress from the events experienced, because someone left the very “center of hell” – all this causes psychological stress for the child.

One of the most difficult is the situation with children living in the hostilities zone or on the contact line or close to the hostilities zone. There is currently no information on the number of such children who remain close to these zones.

Children in these territories are in constant danger, under fire, forced to hide in basements or other safe places as far as possible. There is often no communication, electricity, gas, water, or heat supply in these areas, some of the houses are destroyed, and children have no more or less equipped shelter or refuge. Therefore, the main thing here is to preserve the lives and health of children, and the educational process should be implemented whenever possible – and only in those forms that do not expose children to additional danger. Some children do not study at all, while others study independently where possible. Therefore, this group of children will suffer the greatest educational losses. At the same time, as we have already noted, children in difficult life circumstances also need special attention.

Each group of students has two common problems. These are educational losses, which are different for all groups of students, because it is clear that children who live far from the combat zone and have not changed their place of residence will have less educational losses than other children. Therefore, each educational institution and each community should have an individual strategy for compensating for educational losses, as well as a general state Ukrainian strategy for compensating for educational losses.

Another common problem is the need for psychological assistance to all groups of students, the level of which will also vary depending on the circumstances experienced by the child.

Fear and hope in eastern Ukraine: education in the shadow of conflict. Photo by EU Civil Protection and Humanitarian Aid on Flickr.

Access to education requires

First, education in times of war is an important topic that requires cooperation between government agencies, aid organizations, and the international community to maximize educational opportunities and protect children in such difficult circumstances. Cooperation with local organizations, social workers, and independent experts is needed to ensure that educational opportunities for children are adapted and accessible.

Secondly, to ensure access to education during war, it is necessary to provide sufficient financial resources, appropriate infrastructure and equipment.

Thirdly, it is important to remember that education in time of war is not limited to learning with books. Children need a variety of educational opportunities, including social and emotional support, cultural activities, and access to media and technology.

Fourth, education should be adapted to the situation of war and meet the needs of children to help them adapt to life in difficult circumstances in the future.

And most importantly, one of the key aspects of education in times of war is ensuring the safety of children and teachers. During war, schools are often targeted, resulting in loss of life and destruction of equipment. Schools need to be secured to protect the lives of children and teachers and ensure the continuity of the educational process.                                              

In addition, education in time of war should be accessible to all children, regardless of their social status or religious affiliation. War-related migration and unequal access to education can lead to discrimination and exclusion of some children. It is necessary to ensure accessible and equal educational opportunities for all children to prevent discrimination and ensure equal chances for all children in the future. This requires cooperation with local organizations, social workers, and independent experts to develop and implement strategies to ensure that education is accessible to all children during war.

Students in Ukraine engage in leisure activities. Photo by UNICEF Ukraine.

Conclusions

For sure, war has a significant negative impact on education, but with the right efforts and support, it is possible to mitigate these effects and help children in the future. Of course, many students do not have access to educational programs or the opportunity to join online learning. Those students who have traveled abroad face language problems and struggle to adapt to a different learning system.

Despite the fact that every student was in a terrible and difficult situation, the educational process resumed in spite of everything.

References
https://texty.org.ua/fragments/108683/yak-vijna-vplyvaye-na-ukrayinskyh-shkolyariv-doslidzhennya/

https://eo.gov.ua/de-i-iak-navchaiutsia-ukrainski-dity-v-chasy-viyny-problemy-propozytsii-rekomendatsii/2022/11/16/

https://lb.ua/blog/olena_vyshniakova/543064_osvita_pid_chas_viyni_shcho_zminilosya_i_yak.html

Unlawful Deportation of Ukrainian Children to Russia

Written by Leticia Cox

Since the invasion of Ukraine by Russia in February 2022, it’s believed that more than 16,000 Ukrainian children have been forcibly transferred to Russia.

United Nations investigators have stated that Russia’s compelled displacement of Ukrainian children to Russia or areas under Russian control constitutes a war crime. According to the UN Commission of Inquiry on Ukraine, there is evidence of other war crimes, including hospital attacks, rape, torture, and wilful killings.

The Geneva Conventions and other international laws and agreements determine the rules for war crimes. Murder, extermination, enslavement, deportation or forcible transfer of population, imprisonment or severe deprivation of physical liberty in violation of fundamental rules of international law and torture are known as “crimes against humanity”– in some cases, “genocide”.

Military forces can’t deliberately attack civilians or the infrastructure they depend on, including power stations or water sources. Weapons, such as anti-personnel landmines and chemical or biological weapons, are banned, and the sick and the wounded must be cared for, including injured soldiers, who have rights as prisoners of war.

In March, The International Criminal Court (ICC) in The Hague formally indicted the Russian President, Vladimir Putin, and Maria Lvova-Belova, the Children’s Commissioner, on charges of orchestrating the mass abduction of Ukrainian children.

As a result, an international arrest warrant was issued for Putin, highlighting the pace with which the international legal community has pursued allegations of war crimes amid Russia’s invasion of Ukraine.

These instances mark the ICC’s first cases since its prosecutors initiated an investigation into war crimes, crimes against humanity, and genocide in Ukraine the previous February.

The pre-trial judges of the court have asserted that there are “substantial grounds to believe that each suspect holds responsibility for the war crime of forcibly displacing the population, as well as the unlawful transfer of population from occupied areas of Ukraine to the Russian Federation, to the harm of Ukrainian children.” The judges chose to disclose the suspects’ names to prevent further offences.

Initial reports appeared in the previous spring, revealing that Ukrainian children residing in occupied territories were being transported to Russia, with some even being adopted by Russian families. While Russia framed its actions as a humanitarian effort to rescue Ukrainian children from the war, Ukraine has accused Russia of committing genocide and characterizing these actions as war crimes.

Who are the children affected, and where do they come from?

The purported victims encompass children taken from Ukrainian state institutions within the occupied regions, children whose parents had sent them to Russian-administered “summer camps” from which they never returned, children whose parents were detained by Russian occupying forces, and children orphaned due to the conflict.

Most Ukrainian children captured by Russia originate from the regions currently occupied in the south and east of Ukraine. These regions include Kherson, Kharkiv, Zaporizhzhia, Donetsk, and Luhansk, along with a smaller area in the Mykolaiv region.

Russia has acknowledged holding at least 1,400 Ukrainian children it designates as orphans, although it indicated that at least 2,000 had entered Russia unaccompanied. Additionally, several hundred children from the occupied areas remain in Russia after attending “re-education” camps with parental consent, yet were not returned as expected.

Since the invasion, approximately 400 Ukrainian orphans have been adopted by Russian families, as reported by the Ukrainian Regional Center for Human Rights, which based its assessment on statements from the Russian government.

Russia asserts that an additional 1,000 orphans are awaiting adoption. Maria Lvova-Belova, the Russian Children’s Commissioner, has recounted “adopting” a 15-year-old child from Mariupol, a city in southeastern Ukraine devastated and seized by Russian forces.

Nonetheless, many of these Ukrainian children have surviving relatives diligently searching for them. Roughly 90% of Ukrainian children in state care during the invasion were classified as “social orphans,” indicating they had family members. Still, these relatives lacked the means to care for them.

The Russian government’s declarations regarding the orphans withhold their identities and pertinent details, making it challenging for Ukrainian and international authorities to identify and monitor them.

In certain instances, relatives have recognized children through videos disseminated by Russian state media, initiating efforts to secure their return. There are also documented cases of children ending up in Russian state care after fleeing the conflict in Ukraine via evacuation buses to Russia, as well as instances where children were separated from their parents in Russian filtration camps.

What are the “re-education” summer camps?

Over 6,000 Ukrainian children from the occupied areas attended summer camps funded by the Russian government. Several hundred of these children have not been reunited with their families. These camps, described as “re-education camps” in a February study by Yale University, were promoted by the occupying authorities as a means for children to experience peace from the war.

Since the onset of the conflict, even children as young as four months residing in occupied territories have been transported to 43 camps across Russia, including in the annexed Crimea and Siberia, for education with a pro-Russian patriotic and military focus.

Some parents have managed to retrieve their children by embarking on arduous journeys from Ukraine through Poland and the Baltics to southern Russia. Others have entrusted clandestine networks of anti-Putin volunteers with the power of attorney to facilitate their children’s extraction from Russia. However, videos released by regional Russian occupying authorities in November revealed hundreds of children still residing in these camps.

The United Nations Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide forbids the “forcible transfer of children of the group to another group,” the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child prohibits the “illicit transfer and non-return of children abroad.” The specific international law section under which the ICC intends to pursue this case remains uncertain.

Russia claims its actions are intended to protect Ukrainian children from the conflict. Dmitry Peskov, the spokesperson for Putin, has additionally stated that Russia does not acknowledge the authority of the ICC.

“The decisions of the international criminal court have no meaning for our country, including from a legal point of view,” the foreign ministry spokeswoman, Maria Zakharova, said on her Telegram channel. “Russia is not a party to the Rome statute of the international criminal court and bears no obligations under it.”

Can President Putin be arrested and tried by the ICC?

Currently, President Putin of Russia exerts undisputed authority within his homeland, making it unlikely that the Kremlin would hand him over to the ICC. As long as he stays in Russia, Putin faces no risk of arrest.

However, if Putin were to leave the country, the potential for detention would arise. Considering the substantial restrictions on his international mobility due to existing sanctions, it is unlikely that he would travel to a jurisdiction that aims to prosecute him.

Since the Russian military’s incursion into Ukraine in February 2022, Putin’s travels have been limited to just eight nations. Seven are considered part of Russia’s historical sphere of influence due to their Soviet Union heritage. The exception is Iran, where he met with Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei in July of the preceding year. Given Iran’s support for Russia’s military efforts through equipment supply, a return visit to Tehran would probably not endanger Putin.

There is an unlikely scenario that President Putin and Ms. Lvova-Belova will face a trial despite international arrest warrants and charges against them. Not only does Russia not recognize the jurisdiction of the ICC, established in 2002 by the Rome Statute, this statute asserts that each nation should exercise its criminal jurisdiction over those accountable for international crimes.

The ICC only intervenes if a state can not conduct investigations and prosecutions. While 123 nations have accepted this statute, Russia and others are exceptions. Some countries, including Ukraine, have signed but not ratified the treaty.

The international community interprets the arrest warrant as a signal against the violations of international law in Ukraine. The ICC’s decision to publicize these warrants arises from the ongoing nature of these crimes, intending to deter further offences. Russia’s response has primarily been to dismiss these warrants as insignificant. The Kremlin denies any wrongdoing by its forces in Ukraine, and Putin’s spokesperson labelled the ICC’s decision as “outrageous and unacceptable.”

Given Russia’s defiance, it appears unlikely that the ICC’s actions will significantly influence the ongoing conflict in Ukraine. Consequently, Putin’s military endeavours are likely to persist unabated.

Sources: 

https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-64992727