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What to know about Venezuela’s new opposition leader

What to know about Venezuela’s new opposition leader

María Corina Machado is the leader of the Venezuelan opposition. She has a background in engineering and public administration, but has been involved in politics for two decades.

Ideologically, Machado supports the liberal doctrine. She plans to reduce the involvement of the State in public policies and believes in the free market’s ability to create wealth and employment (Santaeulalia, 2023). She supports the separation between the State and the Church, and the decriminalization of abortion, the use of Marijuana, and gay marriage (Ibid.). Concerning foreign policies, she wants Venezuela to partake in numerous multilateral organizations (Ibid.). Internally, she wants to build a more self-sufficient country where the petro-state and oil industries impact significantly less the population’s daily lives (Ibid.). She is both against Chavez and Maduro, and refused to join political endeavors with them as it would represent a means to legitimize the regime (Ibid.). She founded Vente Venezuela, a political party dissolving the dichotomy of “left” and “right” (Vente Venezuela, 2014). In the early days, her proposals appealed to Venezuelan emigrants and members of the upper classes, but, in recent years, people from different economic backgrounds have attended her rallies, including traditional pro-chauvinism groups as the disillusion with the government seeped horizontally and vertically into the population (Santaeulalia, 2023).

Machado’s first role was in 2010 when she was elected as the State of Miranda’s representative (Financial Times, 2018). Two years later, she came third in the election to lead the opposition. In 2014, she was removed from the position for, allegedly, violating two articles of the Constitution, after accepting the “substitute ambassador role” at the Organization of American States, OAS (Venezuela opposition congresswoman’s mandate revoked, 2014). According to international newspapers, pro-Maduro representatives, who had the majority of the national assembly, made such claims. In the same year, she appeared on the global political stage for her role during the protests called La Salita, where demonstrators were attacked with tear gas and 43 people were killed (El Pais, 2024). Machado joined the riots in support of Leopoldo Lopez, a politician who got arrested and charged with military crimes. She spoke against the Madurian government and invited the Venezuelan people to engage in nonviolent disobedience (Gelvis, 2016). Moreover, she highlighted how the Madurian regime employed police and state violence- torture, abuse, and killings- against civilians who joined manifestations (Ibid.). Her early years were characterized by fighting for political transparency and she founded Súmate, a vote-motoring NGO association (Georgetown Americas Institute, 2024). It aims to defend and protect citizens’ rights as established in the country’s Constitution, and it promotes democratic participation (Ibid.). In 2004, the organization played an essential role in organizing the recall referendum against Chavez (Ibid.).

From 2014 to 2021, she took a break from governmental roles and worked as a broadcaster and political commentator (Murolo, 2014). In 2022, she affirmed her intention to participate in the presidential primaries. She spoke in favour of manual voting and against the technical assistance of the National Electoral Council (Redacción Runrun.es, 2023). Her political run was characterized by tension with the government when the latter disqualified Machado from political enterprises for 15 years for allegedly approval of sanctions during the Venezuelan crises and support of Juan Guaidó’s crimes (Rodríguez, 2023). Machado received international support. The ban was approved in January 2024, three months after winning the primaries (Le Monde, 2024). Edmundo Urrutia became her replacement.

Machado continues to be de facto the leader of the opposition, as her support for Urrutia is essential to maintaining the majority of the pools.

The presidential election took place in July 2024 and both the factions claimed to have won. Maduro and his party got 51% of the votes; however, international bodies and the opposition criticized the CNE for its lack of transparency (Pozzebon, 2024). Machado stated that Urrutia received 70% of the votes (Machado, 2024). She, also, spoke out against Maduro’s attempts to maintain authority over the country which passed through unfair political moves (Ibid.). Machado was forced to quit the presidential run and several opposition team members were forced to live in the Argentinian Embassy in Caracas (Ibid.). Machado attacked Maduro for electoral fraud as he claimed the win but lost in all 24 states. Despite the hoax, the Venezuelan Court announced Maduro as the country’s next president at the end of August (Il mandato di arresto contro Edmundo González Urrutia, 2024), and political opponents were forced to flee the country and hide. Urrutia asked Spain for protection (Barbarena, 2024); Machado was forced to hide (Machado, 2024).

REFERENCES

Barberena, R. C. (2024, December 12). España anunció la concesión de asilo al opositor venezolano Edmundo González. France 24; FRANCE 24. https://www.france24.com/es/am%C3%A9rica-latina/20241220-espa%C3%B1a-anunci%C3%B3-la-concesi%C3%B3n-de-asilo-al-opositor-venezolano-edmundo-gonz%C3%A1lez

EL PAÍS. (2024). VENEZUELA | ¿Quién es María Corina Machado? | EL PAÍS. YouTube. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=tJZ5LCXHsSw

Financial Times Times. (2018). Venezuela’s opposition claims majority.

https://www.ft.com/content/064cc06a-cb30-11df-95c0-00144feab49a

Le Monde. (2024, January 27). Venezuela’s Supreme Court disqualifies opposition leader from running for president. Le Monde.fr; Le Monde.

Gelvis, R. L. (2016, May 31). María Corina Machado: En Venezuela se vive bajo una dictadura militarista.https://web.archive.org/web/20170406110425/http://www.panorama.com.ve/politicayeconomia/Maria-Corina-Machado-En-Venezuela-se-vive-bajo-una-dictadura-militarista–20160531-0115.html

Machado, M. C. (2024, August 1). I Can Prove Maduro Got Trounced. WSJ; The Wall Street Journal. https://www.wsj.com/articles/i-can-prove-maduro-got-trounced-venezuela-election-stolen-772d66a0

Murolo,l. (2014, September 22). María Corina Machado estará “Contigo” todos los martes en RCR 750 AM. La Region.

Santaeulalia, I. (2023, October 1). María Corina Machado, the Venezuelan Margaret Thatcher.El PAÍS English. https://english.elpais.com/international/2023-10-01/maria-corina-machado-the-venezuelan-margaret-thatcher.html

Il mandato di arresto contro Edmundo González Urrutia. (2024, September 3). Il Post. https://www.ilpost.it/2024/09/03/venezuela-mandato-arresto-edmundo-gonzalez/

Pozzebon, J. Y., Tara John, Stefano. (2024, July 29). Both Venezuela strongman Nicolas Maduro and opposition claim election win, as US voices “serious concern.” CNN. https://edition.cnn.com/2024/07/29/americas/venezuela-election-maduro-winner-intl-hnk/index.html

Rodríguez, R. (2023, June 30). Contraloría inhabilita a María Corina Machado por 15 años, dice José Brito. Efecto Cocuyo. https://efectococuyo.com/politica/contraloria-inhabilita-a-maria-corina-machado-por-15-anos-dice-jose-brito/

Redacción Runrun.es. (2023). María Corina Machado insiste en primarias sin CNE: “La gente no es pendeja.” Runrun.es: En Defensa de Tus Derechos Humanos; Runrunes. https://runrun.es/noticias/495043/maria-corina-machado-insiste-en-primarias-sin-cne-la-gente-no-es-pendeja/

Venezuela opposition congresswoman’s mandate revoked. (2014, March 25). BBC News. https://www.bbc.com/news/world-latin-america-26726282

Vente Venezuela. (2014). https://www.ventevenezuela.org/nuestros-ideales-2/

Venezuela

Challenges in Venezuela’s Education System

Introduction

The Venezuelan education system is structured into four main levels, ranging from early childhood education to higher education, with the aim of ensuring the comprehensive education of students. Education in Venezuela is free and compulsory up to secondary school, as established by the 1999 Constitution. The system comprises early childhood education (for children aged 3 to 5), basic education (for children aged 6 to 12), and secondary education, which can be either general or technical, catering to students aged 12 to 18.

In recent years, the Venezuelan government has implemented several initiatives to expand access to education, such as the “Misiones Bolivarianas“, which aim to combat illiteracy and provide education for adults and marginalised populations. Despite these efforts, the system faces significant challenges, including the economic crisis, which impacts the quality of education, school infrastructure, and the retention of qualified teachers.

Higher education is offered at universities and technical institutes, with a variety of programmes ranging from undergraduate to postgraduate degrees in various fields of knowledge. Universities such as the Central University of Venezuela (UCV) are important references in the country’s educational landscape.

Evolution of Venezuelan educational policies

Beginning in 1999, with the new Constitution and the government of Hugo Chávez, education was recognised as a fundamental human right and a national priority. The government launched seven initiatives known as “Misiones Educativas” (Table 1), aimed at combating illiteracy and expanding access to education in rural areas and for historically marginalised populations (Peters, 2021).

Table 1. Missiones Educativas (2003-2007)

Misión Robinson I	2003
Misión Robinson II	2003
Misión Ribas	2003
Misión Sucre	2003
Misión Cultura	2004
Misión Ciencia	2006
Misión Alma Mater	2007

Source: author’s elaboration.

The “Misiones Educativas”, combined with other public policies such as the Programa de Alimentacion Escolar (PAE), have led to an expansion of access to education. According to United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO), the gross enrolment rate in primary education rose from around 85% in 1999 to over 95% by the mid-2000s. In secondary education, the enrolment rate also increased, rising from approximately 40% in 1999 to around 70% in 2015.

Regarding the literacy rate, Venezuela was declared free of illiteracy by UNESCO in 2005, based on the “Mission Robinson” programme, which was a massive literacy campaign that reached millions of people. The government reported having taught more than 1.5 million people to read and write between 2003 and 2005.

In parallel with the reduction in illiteracy rates and the expansion of education, there has also been an effort to improve student nutrition and support school attendance through the “Programa de Alimentacion Escolar” (PAE). According to data from the World Bank and the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO), millions of children have benefited from this programme, although the economic crisis has hampered its continued implementation in recent years.

Finally, the Venezuelan government has significantly increased public investment in education. According to UNESCO data, education spending as a percentage of GDP increased from 3.8% in 1999 to approximately 6.9% in 2013. This has placed Venezuela among the Latin American countries that invest the most in education as a percentage of Gross Domestic Product (GDP)1.

Challenges in Venezuela’s Education System

Despite significant progress, Venezuelan education has faced critical challenges, especially in the last two decades, due to a turbulent political and economic context. Four key issues can be highlighted: Deterioration of Educational Quality, Exodus of Teachers, Deficient School Infrastructure, and Regional Inequality.

The expansion of access to education has not been accompanied by a qualitative improvement, with Venezuelan students performing poorly in international assessments. According to the OECD, although Venezuela does not regularly participate in PISA (Programme for International Student Assessment), regional indicators point to unsatisfactory results in basic skills such as reading, mathematics, and science.

In addition to poor quality, many schools face a shortage of teaching materials and inadequate infrastructure, which directly impacts the quality of learning. Finally, the completion rate has also been a challenge. According to the National Institute of Statistics (INE) and UNESCO, the secondary school completion rate has remained around 50-60% over the past two decades, indicating difficulties in student retention.

Another challenge for Venezuelan education relates to the low salaries and working conditions of teachers. Combined with the ongoing economic crisis, this has led to an exodus of education professionals. Hyperinflation has eroded teachers’ salaries, leaving many with insufficient income to cover basic needs.

The third challenge is the deficient school infrastructure, with many schools in Venezuela in poor condition due to a lack of maintenance and inadequate facilities. According to UNESCO, more than 50% of public schools face serious problems, such as lack of clean water, electricity, and adequate sanitation facilities. Finally, these challenges affect urban and rural areas differently. Schools in rural areas often lack qualified teachers and basic infrastructure, further exacerbating inequality. Data from National Institute of Statistics (INE) Venezuela shows that enrolment and school completion rates are much lower in rural areas compared to urban areas.

Conclusion

While Venezuela has made significant strides in expanding access to education, particularly through the implementation of various educational missions and public policies, the country’s education system continues to face serious challenges. The increase in enrolment rates and the successful reduction of illiteracy are notable achievements, yet these gains are overshadowed by issues such as deteriorating educational quality, teacher shortages, inadequate school infrastructure, and regional inequalities.

The economic crisis, particularly hyperinflation, has severely impacted teachers’ salaries and working conditions, leading to an exodus of qualified professionals and further exacerbating the country’s educational crisis. These challenges must be addressed through sustained investment in education, improvements in infrastructure, and policies that support the retention of teachers if Venezuela is to fully realize the potential of its educational system and ensure equitable access to quality education for all its citizens.

References

Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO). “Venezuela.” News, May 20, 2016. Accessed September 2, 2024. https://www.fao.org/venezuela/noticias/detail-events/en/c/345111/.

Garcia Zea, Daniel. “Brain Drains in Venezuela: The Scope of the Human Capital Crisis.” Human Resource Development International 23, no. 2 (2020): 188-195.

Gonzales, Ignacio. “Venezuela’s Education System.” The Borgen Project, 2019. https://borgenproject.org/venezuelas-education-system/.

Peters, S. 2021. “The Education System of Venezuela.” In The Education Systems of the Americas, edited by S. Jornitz and M. Parreira do Amaral. Global Education Systems. Cham: Springer. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-93443-3_15-1.

UNESCO. “Venezuela.” 2024. https://en.unesco.org/countries/venezuela.

UNESCO Institute for Statistics. “Venezuela.” 2024. http://uis.unesco.org/en/country/ve.

World Bank. Education in Venezuela. 2024. https://www.worldbank.org/en/country/venezuela/publication/education.

Los desafíos educativos en Ecuador

El sistéma de educación del Ecuador ha experimentado una serie de reformas e inversiones significativas que han mejorado el acceso a y la calidad de la educación. Sin embargo, hay obstáculos dominantes que el Ecuador debe superar. Este artículo abordará algunos de los desafíos del Ecuador en la actualidad.

La calidad de la educación

A pesar de las importantes mejoras en el acceso a la educación primaria y secundaria en el Ecuador, los resultados de la educación muestran brechas considerables asociadas a la ubicación géográfica, a la condición socioeconómica y a la identitad étnica. 1 Por ejemplo, entre las poblaciones negra e indígena, la educación conseguida llega a 3 o 4 años menos que el promedio naciónal -7,3 años. 2 Los índices de abandono escolar de la enseñanza superior permanecen altos, pese a las importantes mejoras en sus tasas brutas de matriculación. 3 Esto puede ser debido a los bajos niveles de preparación académica de algunos estudiantes o a prolongados programas de enseñanza superior, que duran más de cinco años, y, por lo tanto, pueden cansar a los estudiantes, lo que resulta en mayores índices de abandon escolar.4 Además, las escuelas son a menudo abarrotadas y los profesores son abrumados por el número de estudiantes por aula.5

Los índices de analfabetismo han mejorado, pero siguen siendo altos dentro de la población indígena así como también por las personas de ascendencia africana, en comparación con los índices de analfabetismo conectados a la población mestiza.6 El Programa para la Evaluación Internacional de las Competencias de los Adultos de la OCDE ha emprendido la Evaluación de las Competencias de los Adultos, que ha mostrado que menos de 1 de cada 10 adultos son competentes al Nivel de Alfabetización 3 o a un nivel más alto en el Ecuador.7 La evaluación ha también recalcado que el Ecuador es uno de los países con las mayores proporciones de adultos (71,2 %) que han logrado el Nivel de Alfabetización 1 o un nivel más bajo, tenendo una habilidad de lectura básica. 8 La expansión de la oferta educativa es actualmente desigual ya que, en las zonas rurales, las poblaciones indígenas y la comunidad negra a menudo se quedan atrás. 9

El absentismo y las frecuentes huelgas de los profesores afectan las tasas de retención escolar y la calidad de la educación. 10 Las huelgas de los profesores principalmente afectan las escuelas primarias y secundarias. En 2003, un articúlo expuso que, en las áreas más pobres, un promedio de nueve escuelas por mes se desperdician a causa de las huelgas y del absentismo de los profesores. 11 A finales de 2003, las escuelas públicas fueron cerradas por dos meses por una huelga de los profesores sobre un incremento salarial.12 Aunque no hay evaluaciones actuales para comprobar el impacto de estas huelgas, ellas representan un tema importante que Ecuador debe abordar.13

Las Escuelas del Milenio (EDM) es uno de los proyectos gubernamentales más significativos para mejorar la educación pública. Cada escuela tiene pizarras digitales, cocinas, áreas recreativas, comedores, laboratorios de ciencias, bibliotecas virtuales y laboratorios informáticos con internet de banda ancha.14 Aunque se trata de un logro excelente del gobierno para mejorar la educación pública, los profesores consideran que estos recursos no se utilizan efficazmente a causa de la falta de capacitación para los profesores y, en algunos casos, de profesores.15

Pobreza y discriminación en la educación

La pobreza es enormemente perjudicial para el acceso al aprendizaje y las oportunidades de los estudiantes. Ella afecta factores como la salud y el bienestar del estudiante, la alfabetización y el desarrollo del lenguaje, el acceso a los recursos físicos y materiales, y el nivel de movilidad. 16 Actualmente, existen regiones en el Ecuador, particularmente en las áreas rurales, donde el 50 % de los niños, niñas y adolescentes viven en hogares pobres sin acceso a agua potable, saneamiento, o centros sanitarios.17 El 35% de los ecuatorianos residentes en zonas rurales viven en viviendas hacinadas. 18

Los índices de abandono escolar siguen siendo un problema, ya que los dos grupos más vulnerables son las adolescentes embarazadas y las poblaciones indígenas, que tienen las tasas más bajas de finalización de estudios secundarios. 19 Con respecto al acoso y a la violencia en la escuela, casi un tercio de los niños, niñas y adolescentes sufren tratos violentos o castigos disciplinarios. Esto aumenta de manera alarmante entre los niños y niñas mestizos e indígenas, de los cuales el 42 % sufre estas formas de violencia. 20 Los niños afroecuatorianos son a menudo objeto de discriminación en el acceso a la educación, y, en algunos casos, los padres están obligados ilegalmente a pagar una suma de dinero para matricular a sus hijos en una escuela pública “gratuita”. 21 Los niños de familias de bajos ingresos, principalmente afroecuatorianos e indígenas, abandonan la escuela para brindar apoyo financiero a sus familias.22

Las escuelas públicas en las zonas urbanas a menudo presentan condiciones que dificultan el aprendizaje, como el gran tamaño de las clases y la escasez del personal docente.23 Solo hay un profesor por cada nivel- compuesto por 50 a 60 estudiantes. A veces no hay suficientes aulas para cada nivel de grado, así que los niños de diferentes grados aprenden en la misma aula. 24

Violencia sexual en la educación

Entre 2015 y 2017, hubo 4 584 denuncias de abuso sexual en las escuelas ecuatorianas, y los profesores fueron registrados como los principales agresores.25 Tres de cada diez adolescentes en América Latina han sufrido acoso sexual en la escuela, y 1,1 milliones de chicas en la región han sufrido alguna forma de violencia sexual. 26

Aunque Ecuador ha tomado importantes medidas para manejar el problema y accelerar la justicia desde 2017, las políticas y los protocolos no son adequatemente aplicados en muchas escuelas. 27 Human Rights Watch ha encontrado que los profesores, el personal escolar, los conserjes y los conductores de buses escolares están entre los que cometen actos de violencia sexual contra niños y niñas de todas las edades, incluidos los niños y niñas con discapacidades, tanto en las escuelas públicas como en las privadas.28 Ecuador a declarado una política de tolerancia cero, exigiendo a los profesores, consejeros escolares y otro personal que denuncien los casos de violencia sexual de los que son al corriente en un plazo de 24 horas. Human Rights Watch ha encontrado graves lagunas en la aplicación de esta política y en el cumplimiento de su protocolo vinculante.29

Traducido en español por Eliana Riggi del artículo en inglés.

Featured Image from Broken Chalk.

Bibliografía

Angel-Urdinola, D. F., & Vera Jibaja, P. (2018, May 29). Achievements and challenges of Ecuador’s education sector in the 21st Century. SSRN.

Budge, Kathleen & Parrett William. (2016). How Does Poverty Influence Learning?

Coral, Martinez Catalina & Martinez, Cecilia Carmen. (2021). Sexual Violence against girls in schools as a public health issue.

Castellano, J. M., Stefos, E., & Goodrich, L. G. W. (2017). The educational and social profile of the indigenous People of Ecuador: A Multidimensional Analysis.

Education – un.org. (2004).

Fajardo-Dack M Tammy. (2016). Teacher Disempowerment in the Education System of Ecuador.

Human Rights Watch. (2020). Ecuador: High Levels of Sexual Violence in Schools

Skills Matter: Additional Results From The Survey Of Adult Skills Ecuador – OECD. (2018, April).

Torrez, M. R. (n.d.). Real options for policy and practice in Ecuador .

Villafuerte, J., Perez, L., Boyes, E., Mena, L., Pinoargote, J., Riera, A. R., Soledispa, E., & Delgado, D. (2018). Challenges of the basic education system in Ecuador; the voices of the future teachers.

Ecuador Educational Challenges Spanish

Los desafíos educativos en Paraguay: la desigualdad socioeconómica como obstáculo clave al progreso educativo

Introducción

El Paraguay es un país sudamericano que contiene una población muy variada desde un punto de vista étnico y racial. Numéricamente, más de la mitad de la población es mestiza, el 30 % es blanca, y casi el 3 % es indígena. Estas cifras son importantes para crear políticas que incluyan a todas las personas. 1 Otro factor importante en Paraguay es el papel de la religión en la sociedad. Segundo los datos de Latinobarometro, casi el 90 % de la población paraguaya es católica. Por consiguiente, la religión juega un papel muy fuerte en las decisiones y en el comportamiento ético de las personas. Las decisiones culturales basadas en la religión tienden a definir roles distintos entre los géneros y las razas. La población también se divide entre urbana y rural, con casi el 40 % de población rural y agrícola. Esto genera una diversidad de acciones que acentúan la desigualdad de género y los perjuicios asociados al destino de algunos grupos de la sociedad.

Marcado por una secuencia de gobiernos autoritarios y complejos procesos de desarrollo, Paraguay tiene inmensas desigualdades sociales reflejadas en la educación. Estos factores son relevantes para analizar la situación educativa y los desafíos que el país enfrenta.

Cuando se le pregunta acerca de la equidad en el acceso a la educación, el 47,5 % declara un acceso “injusto” mientras que el 32 % menciona un acceso “muy injusto”. Esto nos lleva a preguntarnos: por qué el acceso a la educación en Paraguay es considerado muy injusto por la mayoría de la población?

Desigualdad social y pandemia de Covid-19

El primer gran problema que afecta la educación es la desigualdad. Datos de 2020 revelan que el debate sobre los problemas en el país está relacionado a la pobreza, a los problemas financieros y a los desafíos educativos. 2

Esto es algo que afecta no solo Paraguay sino toda la América Latina y el Caribe. Por ejemplo, durante la pandemia de Covid-19, hubo lo que se llama “oscurecimiento educativo.” 3

A causa del cierre de las escuelas, la educación se llevó a cabo en línea. El problema en esta situación es que el acceso a internet está limitado por el equipo, la calidad de la red y las habilidades digitales. Los datos de la Commisión Económica para América Latina y Caribe (CEPAL) indican que, entre los estudiantes menores de 18 años, alrededor del 60 % no tiene acceso a internet en Paraguay. Esto se ha convertido en un desafío para la educación durante los dos años de educación a distancia. Sin embargo, considerando la realidad en la que vivimos actualmente, esto sigue siendo un problema para el país y la región.

El acceso desigual a la educación ha afectado los índices educativos mucho antes de la pandemia. En 2019, por ejemplo, al comprobar el desempeño de los estudiantes de escuela primaria, resultó que los estudiantes paraguayos tuvieron niveles de desempeño más bajos en matemáticas. Con respecto al poco avance, el Director de la Oficina Regional de Educación para América Latina y el Caribe (OREALAC) de la Organización de las Naciones Unidas para la Educación, la Ciencia y la Cultura (UNESCO), Claudia Uribe menciona la necesidad de tomar medidas gubernamentales urgentes para lograr la Agenda 2030. 4 La exclusión en la escuela afecta de manera más intensa a algunos grupos. Los estudiantes indígenos, afrodescendientes y migrantes encuentran desventajas.

Chicas y mujeres indígenas

La creación del país se basó sobre la exclusión de las poblaciones indígenas. Por esta razón, podemos observar los impactos sociales sufridos por estos grupos hasta el día de hoy. Hay una gran diversidad étnica. El derecho a la participación política y el acceso a la educación son esenciales para mitigar estas desigualdades. Existen avances constitucionales en este sentido, como la Constitución del 1992, que reconoce y garantiza los derechos de los pueblos indígenas en Paraguay:

ARTICULO 66 – DE LA EDUCACION Y LA ASISTENCIA

El Estado respetará las peculiaridades culturales de los pueblos indígenas, especialmente en lo relativo a la educación formal. Se atenderá, además, a su defensa contra la regresión demográfica, la depredación de su hábitat, la contaminación ambiental, la explotación económica y la alienación cultural. (Artículos de la Constitución Nacional)5

Sin embargo, los pueblos indígenas se enfrentan a la exclusión y pobreza. Esto afecta los indicatores educativos de la población indígena, que empeoran cuando se considera la realidad de la población feminina indígena. En Paraguay, la escolaridad gratuita y obligatoria dura nueve años (educación básica). Considerando esto, los hombres indígenas permanecen en la educación poco menos de cinco años, mientras que las mujeres indígenas aproximadamente 3,5 años. Podemos observar una gran diferencia en la cantidad de educación garantizada. Los datos de la Encuesta Permanente de Hogares Continua (EPHC) muestran las tres principales razones por estos egresos escolares.

Primero, razones familiares. Alrededor del 20 % de las mujeres indígenas abandonaron sus estudios porque tenían demasiadas actividades domésticas. Segundo, los aspectos económicos. En este caso, más del 25 % de los hombres indígenas abandonaron la escuela porque necesitaban conseguir un trabajo. Tercero, la falta de suficientes institutiones educativas. Specialmente, una educación en la que se tengan en cuenta su cultura y sus opiniones, como se menciona en el artículo constitucional.6 El modo de vida de muchas comunidades indígenas sigue basándose en las costumbres de caza y recolleción. Una escuela que se adapte a esa realidad es necesaria, y, para ello, el gobierno necesita invertir en este tipo de propuesta más allá de una visión constitucional.7

Esta es una realidad de desigualdades raciales- étnicas, pero también de desigualdades de género. Una realidad que se ha propagado desde la época colonial, en la que las mujeres indígenas fueron secuestradas por los colonizadores para ocupar puestos de manutención doméstica y para la procreación. El proceso colonizador ha afectado el sistéma económico de estos pueblos tradicionales, que no es considerado suficientemente productivo.

El papel de las mujeres indígenas, entonces, cambia dentro de esta realidad. Por lo tanto, su situación socioéconomica tiene tal impacto en el logro de la educación. Casi el 70 % de la mujeres indígenas son pobres. Muchas de ellas son consideradas “economicamente inactivas” porque solo realizan actividades domésticas.8 Algunos autores mencionan que “ser una mujer indígena” en esta sociedad implica triple discriminación : étnica, de género, y de clase. La garantía del derecho a la educación para esta parte de la población paraguaya es urgente. Aunque se han hechos des avances, es necesario institucionalizar mejor esos derechos. Esto debe hacerse respetando y fortaleciendo la cultura específica de cada grupo indígena.

Conclusión

Las lineas de esperanza para mejorar los desafíos educativos que enfrenta Paraguay necesitan estar dirigidas a mitigar la desigualdad socioeconómica. Una estructura escolar más inclusiva, equitativa y segura es necesaria. Sobre todo, la universalización del acceso a la educación secundaria. El uso de la transformación digital en favor del progreso educativo es también urgente ya que es un aprendizaje útil y esencial para la realidad contemporánea en la que vivimos. Invertir en la educación es una de las claves del desarollo sostenible.

Los efectos de la desigualdad también están relacionados con la realidad de las mujeres indígenas. Sin embargo, más que políticas para mejorar y acciones para combatir esta desigualdad, es necesario darle a estas mujeres el poder de tomar decisiones. Las cuestiones de la pobreza y de la educación son solo algunos de los problemas que enfrenta este grupo. La violencia es alta y muchas mujeres indígenas se están organizando como activistas para combatir la violencia. En este sentido, el activismo y la organización de estos pueblos están avanzando continuamente para luchar por la garantía de los derechos de los pueblos indígenas. Sin embargo, la acción más adecuada parece ser aumentar las oportunidades de ocupar cargos políticos y situarlos como creadores de específicas políticas públicas .9

Aunque el derecho constitucional a la educación exista para todo ciudadano paraguayo, es importante señalar la distinción entre la prerrogativa de un derecho y la realidad de una educación de calidad. Para todos.

Featured image from

Foto: UNESCO warns of a lack of progress in basic learning achievements since 2013 in Latin America and the Caribbean. (2013). Unesco.org. https://www.unesco.org/en/articles/unesco-warns-lack-progress-basic-learning-achievements-2013-latin-america-and-caribbean

Traducido en español por Eliana Riggi del artículo en inglés: https://brokenchalk.org/educational-challenges-in-paraguay-socioeconomic-inequality-as-key-to-educational-progress/

Paraguay Spain Spanish

Governmental Policies For Education In Bolivia

Written by Pedro Fonseca

Introduction

One of the particularities when analysing the Plurinational State of Bolivia is the state configuration that reflects the cultural, ethnic, and linguistic diversity of the country. This recognition and coexistence of multiple indigenous nations within Bolivian territory creates a series of specific challenges in the formulation of public policies.

The fundamental principle guiding these particularities is the decolonisation and plurinationality of the Bolivian State. While decolonisation seeks to break away from colonial structures, which are the institutions, laws, and practices imposed during the colonial period and which continued to marginalise indigenous populations even after the country’s independence. Plurinationality refers to the recognition by the state of the equality and sovereignty of all indigenous nations and peoples within the country, rejecting the idea that the state should be homogeneous. (Estado Plurinacional de Bolivia, 2009, Article 9).

The Bolivian constitution, based on the principles of decolonisation and plurinationality, acknowledges the ethnic and cultural diversity of 36 indigenous nations and peoples1, as well as other ethnic groups, thereby ensuring that the cultures of these nations are protected by the State (Estado Plurinacional de Bolivia, 2009, Articles 5, 30). Furthermore, the Bolivian constitution guarantees the self-management of indigenous peoples in their territories and the practice of their norms and customs (Estado Plurinacional de Bolivia, 2009, Articles 2).

These rights are reflected in an educational plan that seeks to respect and promote the country’s cultural and linguistic diversity. Consequently, Bolivian education is guided by interculturality and bilingualism, promoting instruction in both Spanish and indigenous languages.

However, it is important to emphasise that this context is relatively recent. The current Bolivian constitution was approved in 2009 amidst significant changes in Bolivian society, including the election of Evo Morales as president, the first indigenous person to be elected to the executive office in the country’s history. Indeed, when examining Bolivia’s political precedents, one observes a country marked by significant political instability and profound social inequalities. It is worth noting that Bolivia has experienced more than 190 attempted coups d’état since its independence in 1825.

This article aims to present educational policies put in place throughout Bolivian history and compile data that showcase the results of these measures.

Evolution of Bolivian Educational Policies

Education Code of 1955

Bolivian education in the mid-20th century was characterised by its centralisation, with low coverage in rural areas and high dropout rates. During this period, the main government policy was the 1955 Education Code, also known as Code 55.

Through this decree, the government expanded education to rural areas, which until then had been restricted to small sectors of society (IIPP, 2023, p.56). Additionally, the Education Code and the Teacher Classification Law were enacted, creating a better structure and organisation for school administration. Among these structures was the creation of the Ministry of Education (IIPP, 2023, p.56).

Code 55 aimed to create a uniform structure for the Bolivian educational system, with the goal of enabling better planning and implementation of public education policies (Suarez, 1986). To this end, approximately 23% of the country’s general budget was allocated to education (IIPP, 2023, p.59).

Despite the efforts, the results achieved by the 1955 Education Code were far from those projected (IIPP, 2023, p.61). The formulation of Code 55 was carried out by a non-indigenous and urban elite. In other words, the project lacked historical adherence, as most of the population was composed of indigenous peoples living in rural areas.

Educational Reform Program (1994)

The 1994 Education Reform sought to deepen the specifically educational character of the 1955 Education Code (IIPP, 2023, p.74). Two points stand out in the 1994 Education Reform. First, Educación Intercultural Bilingüe (EIB), a demand of indigenous peoples since the 1980s and considered an “instrument of liberation” (Arispe, 2020). The EIB was implemented in 1988 with the financial and technical support of UNICEF through an agreement with the Ministry of Education (IIPP, 2023, p.80). The second point was the expansion of teacher training centers in the country, amplifying professional development for educators.

As a result of the reforms, data from the Instituto de Investigaciones Pedagógicas Plurinacional show that in 2004, the school enrolment rate increased by 60% at the initial level, 34.5% at the primary level, and 94.8% at the secondary level. In addition, the number of school units increased from 12,000 in 1997 to more than 13,000 in 2004. The same happened with the number of educational units, which reached nearly 15,000 (IIPP, 2023, p.79).

Despite its importance, Educación Intercultural Bilingüe (EIB) has been criticised for the way it was conducted. The main argument is that it consists of disseminating teaching and “official knowledge” through native indigenous languages (IIPP, 2023, p.82).

Education Law No. 70 “Avelino Siñani-Elizardo Pérez” (2010)

During a period of political and economic instability at the beginning of the century, Bolivia saw the emergence of Evo Morales, a union and indigenous leader, as the main figure in the 2005 presidential race. Elected with more than half of the total votes, Evo Morales implemented a series of structural reforms in Bolivia, nationalising gas, one of the country’s main commodities, and enacting a constitutional reform that established the Plurinational State of Bolivia.

In education, the main policy was the implementation of Law No. 70 “Avelino Siñani-Elizardo Pérez”, which aimed to promote intercultural and bilingual education, decolonise the curriculum—replacing the traditional curriculum, which often marginalised indigenous knowledge, with one that incorporates local cultural knowledge and practices—and reinforce community participation, aiming to increase the involvement of communities and local authorities in school management and educational decision-making (Estado Plurinacional de Bolivia, 2010).

It is worth noting that, in addition to the Avelino Siñani-Elizardo Pérez Law, a series of other educational policies were formulated. According to the IIPP, Bolivian educational policy consists of a set of goods, services, and transfers that states mobilise to guarantee the right to education (UNESCO-IIPP, 2024). The table below highlights some of the current policies in place.

Table 1. Policies according to focus of intervention.

Current policies	Responsible agency
Bono Juancito Pinto	Ministerio de Educación, Deportes y Culturas
Programa Nacional de Alimentación Complementaria Escolar (PNACE 2015-2020)	Ministerio de Educación, Deportes y Culturas
Programa de Formación Complementaria para Maestras y Maestros en Ejercicio (PROFOCOM)	Ministerio de Educación, Deportes y Culturas
Programa Nacional de Alfabetización Yo Sí puedo	Ministerio de Educación, Deportes y Culturas
Programa Nacional de Post Alfabetización	Ministerio de Educación, Deportes y Culturas
Programa Centros de Apoyo Integral Pedagógico (CAIP)	Ministerio de Educación, Deportes y Culturas
Centros de Apoyo Integral Pedagógico – Aula Hospitalaria	Ministerio de Educación, Deportes y Culturas

Source: UNESCO (2024)

Conclusion

The results of the implemented policies have led to increased access to education and higher attendance rates among students. Data from the 2021 National Voluntary Report (UDAPE) show that, between 2015-2019, the attendance rate of the school-age population (4-17 years old) rose from 86% to 90.8%. The most significant increase in attendance rates was observed at the initial level, which rose from 36.5% to 61.3%, followed by the primary level, which increased from 96.9% to 98.7% (UDAPE, 2021, p.31).

Another important piece of data is the number of enrolments. According to data from the General Directorate of Planning, in 2023, enrolment reached 2,951,164 students, of which 891,386 (30.20%) were from rural areas and 2,059,778 (69.80%) from urban areas. Regarding gender distribution, 1,445,375 (48.98%) were female and 1,505,789 (51.02%) were male (Ministerio de Educación, 2024).

The Plurinational State of Bolivia has made substantial progress in providing education to its population. However, it still faces several challenges, including regional and geographic inequalities and income disparities. In addition to these issues, the country still grapples with a history of political instability that continues to affect the Bolivian people.

Featured Photo by Alexander Grey on Unsplash

References

Arispe, V. (2020). Educación intercultural: La perspectiva de los pueblos indígenas de Bolivia. Revista Caracol, (20), 167-186. Faculdade de Filosofia, Letras e Ciências Humanas da Universidade de São Paulo. https://doi.org/10.7440/res64.2018.03

Estado Plurinacional de Bolivia (2009). Constitución Política del Estado Plurinacional de Bolivia. Retrieved from http://www.gacetaoficialdebolivia.gob.bo/app/webroot/archivos/CONSTITUCION.pdf

Estado Plurinacional de Bolivia (2010). Ley de la Educación Avelino Siñani-Elizardo Pérez. Retrieved from https://bolivia.infoleyes.com/norma/2676/ley-de-la-educacion-avelino-si%C3%B1ani-elizardo-perez-070

Instituto de Investigaciones Pedagógicas Plurinacional (IIPP). (2023). Hitos de la educación en Bolivia – Serie Histórica N° I. Retrieved from https://www.ine.gob.bo/publicaciones/hitos-educacion

UDAPE (2021). Informe Nacional Voluntario Retrieved from https://www.udape.gob.bo/portales_html/ODS/28230Bolivia_VNR.pdf

Ministerio de Educación (2023). Equipe de Estatística Retrieved from https://seie.minedu.gob.bo/reportes/estadisticas/grupo1/matricula

UNESCO (2024). Bolívia. https://siteal.iiep.unesco.org/pais/bolivia#Caracterizaci%C3%B3n

Suárez Arnez, C. (1986). Historia de la educación boliviana. Don Bosco.

access to education Bolivia education in bolivia Education Policies

Gang violence in Ecuador: Consequences for students

Written by Iasmina-Măriuca Stoian

Introduction

The organized violence perpetrated by criminal gangs in Ecuador has almost taken over the lives of its citizens. Add menace and fear to fear, and several students have had to change the way they live and go to school forever. The unceasing violence follows students to school, as some students may be disrupted and killed in the process. It also hinders students’ education, and if businesses and schools are terminated, some may experience intimidation, losing any hope of ever going to school. Furthermore, it leads to economic and social insecurity due to the increase in poverty levels and unemployment where an affected student has reduced opportunity to pursue a decent future because of financial inability. The presence of gangs in the ensconced prisons and their occupancy of the streets has enabled forced recruitment and fear. Students’ capacity to learn and succeed is hampered by the hostile and unsafe environment that the persistent violence and instability produced.

A persistent threat and an increasing concern

In Ecuador, gang violence has been a major problem, especially in major cities like Quito and Guayaquil. The majority of killings in the nation have been committed by street gangs, including the Latin Kings, also referred to as the STAE. Concerns over the safety of the populace, particularly students, have been raised by this. To combat the rising threat posed by adolescent gangs, the government has put in place a number of measures, such as harsher penalties for individuals found in possession of weapons and without authorization.

The fear and insecurity caused by the criminal gangs have made it necessary for students to change their patterns and live with fear daily. The education sector has been highly affected whereby shops and schools are closed to prevent being attacked, targeted, or extorted. The economic and social implications of the violence have left many in poverty and jobless, causing the majority to opt-out of essential amenities that would ensure the need for students to be in the precinct of their facilities. The recruiting of members and intimidation by gangs within prison and outside on the street has made the environment too hot for students since their safety is highly tampered with. Gangs have made the plight of students to be in an unsafe place by recruiting them and actively corrupting their morals.

Gang violence in Ecuador has been a significant issue, especially in cities such as Guayaquil and Quito. The Latin Kings, also known as STAE, as well as other street gangs have been responsible for a large percentage of homicides in the country. This has raised concerns about the safety of the citizens, including students.

Government’s response

As a response to this issue, the government has implemented various policies to address the growing youth gang threat, including stricter punishment for those caught armed and without a permit. However, despite the risks of these policies, the government reports that its approach to security has been successful, with a significant reduction in homicide rates. This reduction in lethal violence has made Ecuador one of the safest countries in Latin America. The government’s approach to crime control has emphasized efforts to reach higher levels of social control based on policies of social inclusion and innovations in criminal justice and police reform.

One notably innovative aspect of this approach was the decision to legalize several street gangs in 2007. The government claims the success of these policies can be seen in the drastic reduction in violence and criminality, including a decrease in inter-gang violence and homicide levels. The legalization process helped to improve the quality of life and security in communities, leading to a transformation in the way gangs operated and interacted with their surroundings.

Consequences and impacts on students

The key consequences of those violent acts were for students. The street gangs’ activity has generated the atmosphere of terror and fear, which influenced students’ capability to concentrate on the studies. Moreover, around 4.3 million children have been unable to receive an education due to the temporary transition to online classes and threats made by criminals. The latter factor also made it easier for school workers to conduct identification and try to tackle sexual violence cases, causing the reduction of the reports and the absence of help for victims. The organized crime spread only produced the negative effect, prompting the impossibility of elimination and secure reporting. Thus, the government should take urgent action to protect the rights of these children and ensure that they can learn in a safe and secure environment.

Social inclusion as a key

In response to this issue, the government has recognized the importance of engaging with marginalized subpopulations, including those involved in street gangs, to ensure the success of its Citizens’ Revolution. The approach to social inclusion and community empowerment has been crucial in addressing the root causes of gang violence and providing opportunities for behavioural change.

Moving forward, the government needs to continue and highlight the social inclusion approach to street gangs as a model of best practices. This includes further formalizing the legalization process within institutions and developing strategies for effective intervention. By addressing the underlying social and economic factors that contribute to gang violence, the government can create a safer environment for students and all citizens in Ecuador.

Conclusion

In light of the significant consequences of gang violence on students in Ecuador, it is imperative for the government to prioritize social inclusion and reform efforts. By addressing root causes and promoting opportunities for behavioural change, Ecuador can create a safer and more conducive environment for students to learn and thrive.

References

La Puente, K. (2024, March 13). Ecuador’s Uptick in Violence Heightens Risks for Schoolchildren. Human Rights Watch. https://www.hrw.org/news/2024/03/12/ecuadors-uptick-violence-heightens-risks-schoolchildren
Quesada, J. D., Quesada, J. D., & Quesada, J. D. (2024, January 13). Violence in Ecuador: a new, long-standing problem. EL PAÍS English. https://english.elpais.com/international/2024-01-13/violence-in-ecuador-a-new-long-standing-problem.html#
Mauricio, G. M. (2018, March). The Perspectives of Street Gangs and Their Possible Effects on Declining Homicide Rates in Ecuador. Inter-American Development Bank.
Holwill, R. (2024, March 14). Ecuador Conflict: Why Bukele-Like Hard-Line Security Policies Won’t Work for Noboa. Foreign Policy. https://foreignpolicy.com/2024/03/13/ecuador-internal-armed-conflict-violence-gangs-noboa/
Alexander, I. (2024, February 14). No ‘clear way out’: How Ecuador descended into gang violence. Al Jazeera. https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2024/2/14/no-clear-way-out-how-ecuador-descended-into-gang-violence
Rivers, M., Kipreos, C. B., Castano, A. E. H., Baur, B., & Pereira, I. (2024, February 22). Inside Ecuador’s rising gang violence fueled by booming cocaine trade. ABC News. https://abcnews.go.com/International/inside-ecuadors-rising-gang-violence-fueled-booming-cocaine/story?id=107366161

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Brazil: School system dependency on electoral volatility

Written by Mayeda Tayyab

In Brazil, the right to free public education at any level is granted by the Federal Constitution. The responsibility of providing free public education thus falls under the federal system of government, at three levels – including the federal, individual states and municipality governments- thus decentralising education in Brazil. This system has led to increased corruption and misue of resources and funding by the political parties in charge for their own interests.

Decentralisation and corruption

Due to decentralisation, the quality of primary public education in Brazil has been negatively impacted. Since the majority of schools are managed by the municipal governments (5,570 different municipalities to be precise), managing and improving quality of education is much harder.

Primary education in Brazil is funded through FUNDEB (Fund for the Maintenance and Development of Basic Education). The federal government supplements funds which are then distributed by each state among its municipalities. Mayors have much freedom in deciding how these funds are spent, creating an opportunity for misuse of resources.

Unlike other countries where the change in political party after general elections leads to change in top civil service positions, in Brazil this change trickles down to the municipality governments – reshaping local bureaucracy. This system has a huge impact on the quality of public education in Brazil. Because educational funding is in the hands of municipalities and under the control of mayors, the reshaping of local governments with general elections leads to the use of these public funds and resources by the political parties in charge to serve their own purposes.

Furthermore, the public education sector under municipalities is one of the biggest employers in Brazil. These jobs are also severely misused by corrupt politicians to reward the supporters of their political parties either as rewards or bribes. In most Brazilian municipalities, principles are nominated by politicians, which contributes to the politicisation of education in Brazil.

Moreover, FUNDEB funds make an important part of the poor and small municipalities, coupled with the low monitoring of these funds, it creates the perfect opportunity to carry out political corruption at the municipal level. According to the audits conducted by the Federal Government Controller’s Office (CGU) between 2001 and 2003, 13% to 55% of FUNDEB’s total budget was lost due to corruption (Transparencia Brasil 2005).

Corruption in Brazil is not limited to the municipal level. National and international studies show that corruption in handling of public funds for education has damaged the quality of education. According to Ferraz, Finan and Moreira (2012), approximately 60% of the corruption cases in Brazil are related to the education and health sector. In June 2022, Brazil’s education minister, Milton Ribeiro, was arrested on corruption charges involving crimes such as abuse of power and peddling. This was the third education minister that resigned from his post under President Bolsonaro, who promised to tackle corruption during his term in office.

Hence, decentralisation and politicisation of the education system in Brazil has led to serious corruption in the sector, leading to a decrease in the quality of education and resources.

Budget cuts

In 2022, President Bolsonaro cut a budget of 450 million euros from federal universities calling such educational institutions leftists breeding grounds. This led to huge demonstrations against the cuts across the country and created a dire situation for the higher education sector in Brazil, seriously affecting the functioning of universities due to difficulties in paying the staff.

Budget cuts in funding for universities has also led to declining infrastructure of institutions, damaged buildings, broken furniture, leaks and broken elevators. Universities also cannot afford to pay cleaning staff, leading to neglect of educational spaces. Apart from the physical damage to universities, at the start of the Covid pandemic, thousands of research grants were suspended, putting the entire higher education system in danger.

Impact

Many young people in Brazil are dropping out of primary education due to the lack of motivation, low quality of teaching and syllabus, or to enter the workforce early to provide for their families. The decentralised structure of education has led to these shortcoming in the quality of education and teaching, impacting the motivation of students to continue with their studies.

While public education makes up for the majority of the primary and secondary education, private education tackles precedence at university level. This has led to a disparity between students from advantaged and disadvantaged backgrounds. While students from privileged families opt for private higher education institutions, student finance funding has opened doors for students from poorer backgrounds to also join these institutions, although their number remains low.

Due to the lack of a one central system being responsible for public education coupled with the politicisation of education and corruption in this sector, Brazil’s education system – as it currently stands, is under the complete power of the politicians and political parties in charge. This issue cannot be overcome unless education is completely separated from the politically motivated institutions and managed through a system and group of people who are hired solely for their skills in the education sector.

References

Department of Government Harvard. (2016). The Politics of Education Reform in Brazilian Municipalities. Available at: https://undergrad.gov.harvard.edu/files/undergradgov/files/comp_thesis_7.pdf
Ferraz, Finan and Moreira. (2012). Corrupting Learning: Evidence from Missing Federal Education Funds in Brazil. Journal of Public Economics Volume, 96(9-10), 712-726.
France 24. (2022). Brazil’s education system in crisis as Bolsonaro takes aim at universities. Available at: https://www.france24.com/en/americas/20221028-brazil-s-education-system-in-crisis-as-bolsonaro-takes-aim-at-universities
OCED iLibrary. (2024). Education in Brazil: An International Perspective. Available at:
https://www.oecd-ilibrary.org/sites/60a667f7-en/1/3/1/index.html?itemId=/content/publication/60a667f7-en&_csp_=ec786a197173ee6cbbf14e60dbc8c743&itemIGO=oecd&itemContentType=book
Ordoñez, D. (2020). Educational Challenges in Brazil. Available at: https://brokenchalk.org/educational-challenges-in-brazil/
Reuters. (2022). Brazil’s ex-education minister arrested on corruption charges. Available at: https://www.reuters.com/world/americas/brazils-ex-education-minister-arrested-corruption-charges-2022-06-22/
Transparência Brasil. (2005). “Brazil: The Hidden Cost of Decentralized Education”. In B. Meier and M. Griffin, Stealing the Future: Corruption in Classroom. Berlin: Transparency International.

Brazil Brazilian corruption in schools Budget cuts brazilian education current issues Education in brazil Education System in brazil Politics and education

Educational Challenges in St. Lucia

Introduction

St. Lucia is a small island located in the eastern Caribbean, just on the edge of the Atlantic Ocean. St. Lucia’s population of 167,591 is composed of 4 primary ethnic groups: Black/African descent (85.3%), mixed (10.9%), East Indian (2.2%), and other (1.6%).ⁱ The economy is upheld by three pillars: services (i.e., tourism) (82.8%), industry (14.2%), and agriculture (i.e., exports of bananas, cassava, coconuts, and other fruits/vegetables) (2.9%).ⁱⁱ

The right to education is protected by Article 26 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (1948), which holds that “Everyone has the right to education. Education shall be free, at least in the elementary and fundamental stages. Elementary education shall be compulsory. Technical and professional education shall be made generally available and higher education shall be equally accessible to all based on merit”.ⁱⁱⁱ

The St. Lucian Ministry of Education (MOE) affirmed these commitments in the Education Act of 1999 (revised 2001), Section 14, The Right to Education, which holds that “subject to available resources, all persons are entitled to receive an educational programme appropriate to their needs”.^iv Furthermore, education is compulsory from ages 5-15.^v

In addition, St. Lucia’s educational goals are reflected by the national Education for All (EFA) report. These goals include: “ensuring that by 2015 all children, particularly girls, children in difficult circumstances and ethnic minorities, have access to and complete free and compulsory primary education of good quality; ensuring that the learning needs of all young people and adults are met through equitable access to appropriate learning and life-skills programs”.^vi However, St. Lucia continues to struggle with lack of funding/teacher training, and hair discrimination in academic settings. In this article, I will analyse these issues in the St. Lucian context, and outline recommendations.

Corporal Punishment

Corporal punishment stems from St. Lucia’s history of colonialism and slavery.^vii St. Lucia was colonised by the English between 1605-1638, who exterminated the indigenous Arawak and Kalinago Caribs from the island. The island was quickly populated with an enslaved population of people from African descent. Slave owners would beat and torture these enslaved people to discourage revolts. Children were subject to beatings from both slave owners and elders (often as a means of ensuring they would not upset slave owners, and thus put themselves in danger). These power dynamics solidified corporal punishment as a cultural institution.

Furthermore, the British colonial and penal codes legalised it at home and in school.^viii Section 50 of the Education Act 1999, permitted corporal punishment:

“(1) In the enforcement of discipline in public schools, assisted schools and private educational institutions, degrading or injurious punishment shall not be administered. (2) Corporal punishment may be administered where no other punishment is considered suitable or effective, and only by the principal, deputy principal or any teacher appointed by the Chief Education Officer”.^ix

However, these practices have been adjusted. The Child Justice Act of 2018 and the CHILD (care, protection and adoption) Act of 2018 both reformed the state of corporal punishment in schools. Furthermore, in January 2019, an Order on the “suspension and ultimate abolition of corporal punishment in schools” was presented in the Cabinet.^x It reformed section 50 of the Education Act 1999 by making CP illegal from 1 May 2019. Nyaley Lewis, an educator in St. Lucia, discusses her experiences with corporal punishment as a student and a teacher.

Ms. Lewis recalls that in infant and primary school, students would receive “a certain number of lashes”, often with a ruler, as a punishment. However, she recalls that children often “couldn’t tell what they had done wrong”. The violence she experienced still sits with her to this day. “I remember one time when I had been bullied…I had acted in self-defence…” as a result, the teacher had forced her (and the bully) to “kneel down in front of the class” and called them “wild animals”. She still remembers the teacher who did this, and “feels like [she] was done wrong”.

However, in practice, St. Lucia has made significant strides in eradicating corporal punishment in schools. Ms. Lewis informed Broken Chalk that “You’re not allowed to do it…nobody really does it anymore”. Instead, as one of the youngest teachers at her school, she aims to make her students feel comfortable in class. Ms. Lewis’ experiences align with the amendments made to Section 50 of the Education Act of 1999.

The Order on the suspension and abolition of corporal punishment affirms Article 19 of the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC), which maintains that “States Parties shall take all appropriate legislative, administrative, social and educational measures to protect the child from all forms of physical or mental violence, injury or abuse, neglect or negligent treatment, maltreatment or exploitation, including sexual abuse, while in the care of parent(s), legal guardian(s) or any other person who has the care of the child…”.^xi

The order also enforces Article 28 (2) of the CRC: “States Parties shall take all appropriate measures to ensure that school discipline is administered in a manner consistent with the child’s human dignity and in conformity with the present Convention”.^xii These motions reflect progress with respect to corporal punishment in the Saint Lucian education system.

Funding & Teaching

In 2022, the St. Lucian government spent approximately 4.6% of its $2.5 billion GDP on education.^xiii However, funding for impact research into the education system is often lacking.^xiv This results in a disconnect between policy makers and the needs of students/teachers. SUMMA, an educational research institute, reports that this disconnect hinders St. Lucia’s education system.^xv Research into policy impacts could create more effective education policies.

In addition, teachers require more training, support, and incentives from the government.^xvi Professional development –such as, addressing gender gaps, and pedagogical training– remains a persistent issue. However, educators often feel unable to adapt to “multiple intelligences in the classroom”.^xvii This results in achievement disparities between students and career stagnation for teachers.

Funding is central to this issue. Professional evaluations are necessary for teachers to receive benefits and promotions.^xviii The certification process–i.e., qualifications which demarcate a secondary education teacher from a graduate teacher–remains underfunded.^xix Teachers are therefore limited in their abilities to cater to different students’ needs. In addition, lack of teachers involved in school curricula and assessments reduce educators’ agency over the material being taught.^xx Funding the systems which allow teachers to improve may allow them to help students grow as learners. Interestingly, the percentage of trained primary school teachers in St. Lucia has been relatively stable since 2008.

From 2008 to 2019, approximately 89-91% of primary teachers have been trained.^xxi In contrast, only 74% of secondary teachers were trained in 2019.^xxii These figures demonstrate steady improvement from previous years. However, due to a lack of available data, it is unclear if those trends have continued through the pandemic into 2023. The lack of information partially affirms SUMMA’s indication that the government is not investing enough in impact analysis.

Hair Discrimination

Although 85% of the St. Lucian population is Black, children with afro hair are systematically discriminated against in schools. Teachers discourage children from wearing locks, braids, or even large natural afros.^xxiii However, these policies do not apply to children with non-curly hair (i.e., white/Indian/some mixed-race students). In practice, students are forced to shave their heads and restrict their self-expression, which contradicts the UN Charter on the Right of the Child.

Article 13 of The Convention of The Rights of The Child enshrines children’s right to freedom of expression.^xxiv In turn, the Education Act of 1999–St. Lucia’s primary document governing education–maintains that students must adhere to standards “approved by the Chief Education Officer or the principal as the case may be, with respect to: (i) cleanliness and tidiness of the person”.^xxv These standards must be revised to accommodate Black hair.

For example, in 2022, a Black student was banned from class due to the length of his hair.^xxvi The student’s parents have since brought the issue to court, which ruled that the student be allowed to attend classes. However, it ignited a conversation surrounding discriminatory grooming policies in St. Lucia. Shawn Edward, the Minister of Education, emphasised that “this is 2022, some of the policies–some of the rules–which would have informed decisions at the school level 10 or 15 years

ago need to be revised”.^xxvii

Ms. Lewis has also observed these dynamics as a student and in her own classroom. As a student, she enjoyed exploring her identity through her hair. However, she—like many other Black students—was not allowed to wear her afro. Teachers and students are still discouraged from wearing their natural hair. Ms. Lewis, nevertheless, actively tries to wear her afro while teaching. The politics surrounding grooming standards are also gendered. Ms. Lewis notes that “Girls are still not allowed to wear an afro”. The issue, as Mr. Edward alluded to above, is rooted in generational values. The older generation of teachers grew up with standards of cleanliness defined by British colonialists which emphasised maintaining authority.

Recommendations

The St. Lucian education system has three core limitations: funding, training teachers, and hair discrimination. St. Lucia’s budget must allocate resources towards (1) impact research and (2) training teachers. Impact research will help the government evaluate the efficacy of different policies. This can increase responsiveness to the needs of students and teachers. St. Lucia’s financial constraints mean that principals must carefully prioritise their resources. Students must be at the centre, but teacher training, which will support students, should follow. Second, training teachers is integral to career development and supporting the needs of different learners. This could mitigate the learning deficit between boys and girls, and students with learning disabilities. Third, the government must apply pressure on principals who discriminate against Black hair styles. New parameters of ‘acceptability’ need to be adopted. In doing so, students with different hairstyles can be secure in their right to self-expression in school.

Each of these issues have already been addressed either through laws or civil society. However, the division between these spheres has resulted in miscommunication between social interests and governmental proposals. A greater effort to solve problems, revise policies, and evaluate impact, is necessary on both sides.

By Benjamin Koponen

(Instagram account: benkoponen)

(LinkedIn: Benjamin Koponen)

Photo by Jean-Marc Astesana on flickr

References

Bailey, C. B., Robinson, T. R., & Coore-Desai, C. C. D. (2014). Corporal Punishment in the Caribbean: Attitudes and Practices. In Social and Economic Studies (Vol. 63, Issue 3/4, pp. 207–233). https://www.jstor.org/stable/44732891

Chitolie-Joseph, E. C. J., Ministry of Education, & Corporate Planning Unit. (20145). Education for All National Review Report: Saint Lucia. Saint Lucia Ministry of Education. https://unesdoc.unesco.org/ark:/48223/pf0000230028.

Convention on the rights of the child (1989) Treaty no. 27531. United Nations Treaty Series, 1577. https://www.ohchr.org/sites/default/files/crc.pdf.

Education Act, 1999 (No. 41 of 1999), Part 2. Division 1. www.natlex.ilo.org.

Good Morning St. Lucia. (2022, September 28). Nigel Edwin Speaks on Hair Discrimination at Schools In Saint Lucia [Video]. YouTube. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=VVXuaBLAPmQ&t=1s

Knight, V., Marshall, J., Depradine, K., & Moody-Marshall, R. (2021). Country review. Challenges and opportunities in the education system of Saint Lucia. Serie Working Papers SUMMA. N° 15. Published by SUMMA. Santiago de Chile. (Link does not work. Please copy and paste citation in your browser to find the source).

Saint Lucia – The World Factbook. (2023). https://www.cia.gov/the-world-factbook/countries/saint-lucia

Stuart, J. (2022, September 6). Father suing St Mary’s College for denying son entry due to hair. Loop News. Https://stlucia.loopnews.com/content/father-suing-st-marys-college-denying-son-entry-due-hair

The Central Statistical Office of Saint Lucia. (2021). Percentage of Trained Teachers in Secondary Schools, 1992/1993 to 2018/2019 [Dataset]. The Central Statistical Office of Saint Lucia. https://stats.gov.lc/subjects/society/education/percentage-of-trained-teachers-in-secondary-schools-1992-1993-to-2018-2019/

United Nations. (1948). Universal Declaration of Human Rights | United Nations. https://www.un.org/en/about-us/universal-declaration-of-human-rights#:~:text=Article%2026,on%20the%20basis%20of%20merit.

World Bank Open Data. (2022). World Bank Open Data. https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/SE.XPD.TOTL.GD.ZS?locations=LC

i Saint Lucia – The World Factbook. (2023). https://www.cia.gov/the-world-factbook/countries/saint-lucia

ii Saint Lucia – The World Factbook. (2023). https://www.cia.gov/the-world-factbook/countries/saint-lucia

iii United Nations. (1948). Universal Declaration of Human Rights | United Nations. https://www.un.org/en/about-us/universal-declaration-of-human-rights#:~:text=Article%2026,on%20the%20basis%20of%20merit.

iv Chitolie-Joseph, E. C. J., Ministry of Education, & Corporate Planning Unit. (2014). Education for All National Review Report: Saint Lucia. Saint Lucia Ministry of Education. https://unesdoc.unesco.org/ark:/48223/pf0000230028.

v Knight, V., Marshall, J., Depradine, K., & Moody-Marshall, R. (2021). Country review. Challenges and opportunities in the education system of Saint Lucia. Serie Working Papers SUMMA. N° 15. Published by SUMMA. Santiago de Chile. (Link does not work.

Please copy and paste citation in your browser to find the source).

vi Chitolie-Joseph, E. C. J., Ministry of Education, & Corporate Planning Unit. (2014). Education

for All National Review Report: Saint Lucia. Saint Lucia Ministry of Education. https://unesdoc.unesco.org/ark:/48223/pf0000230028.

vii Bailey, C. B., Robinson, T. R., & Coore-Desai, C. C. D. (2014). Corporal Punishment in the Caribbean: Attitudes and Practices. In Social and Economic Studies (Vol. 63, Issue 3/4, pp. 207–233). www.jstor.org/stable/44732891

viii Chitolie-Joseph, E. C. J., Ministry of Education, & Corporate Planning Unit. (2015).

Education for All National Review Report: Saint Lucia. Saint Lucia Ministry of Education. https://unesdoc.unesco.org/ark:/48223/pf0000230028.

ix Bailey, C. B., Robinson, T. R., & Coore-Desai, C. C. D. (2014). Corporal Punishment in the

Caribbean: Attitudes and Practices. In Social and Economic Studies (Vol. 63, Issue 3/4, pp. 207–233). www.jstor.org/stable/44732891

x Bailey, C. B., Robinson, T. R., & Coore-Desai, C. C. D. (2014). Corporal Punishment in the
Caribbean: Attitudes and Practices. In Social and Economic Studies (Vol. 63, Issue 3/4, pp. 207–233). www.jstor.org/stable/44732891

xi Convention on the rights of the child (1989) Treaty no. 27531. United Nations Treaty Series,

1577, (p.5). https://www.ohchr.org/sites/default/files/crc.pdf

xii Bailey, C. B., Robinson, T. R., & Coore-Desai, C. C. D. (2014). Corporal Punishment in the Caribbean: Attitudes and Practices. In Social and Economic Studies (Vol. 63, Issue 3/4, pp. 207–233). https://www.jstor.org/stable/44732891

xiii World Bank Open Data. (2022). World Bank Open Data. https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/SE.XPD.TOTL.GD.ZS?locations=LC

xiv Knight, V., Marshall, J., Depradine, K., & Moody-Marshall, R. (2021). Country review. Challenges and opportunities in the education system of Saint Lucia. Serie Working Papers SUMMA. N° 15. Published by SUMMA. Santiago de Chile.

https://www.summaedu.org