Bangladeshi Student Protests: Demands for Genuine Meritocracy 

Written by Uilson Jones 

Since July 5th, Bangladesh has found itself engulfed by mass student protests. Grinding the country to a halt and leaving no stone unturned in its efforts to destabilize the government and its clique, the Bangladeshi student protests have reasserted the rights of civil society in a country where the authoritarianism of Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina has taken root. The narrative of the student protests developed rapidly throughout the month of July which had morphed into a united front that sought to topple the political status quo – Hasina and her cabinet. 

The Motivations for the Outbreak of the Movement 

The trouble came about with the ratification of the quota system, the origins of which lie in the 1972 legislation by then Prime Minister Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. The quota system states the percentage of government jobs that are reserved and disseminated to the children and grandchildren of those that fought in the Bangladeshi Liberation War against Pakistan in 1971 (Al Jazeera, 2024). In practice, this meant the provision of well-paying government jobs to a caste of people who were already secure. In a country plagued by economic troubles and rising poverty rates, the dissemination of aristocratic privileges to the already well-off did not sit well with the millions of people who were capable of taking these jobs due to their merit, yet barred from them simply because they did not qualify under the quota system. It is therefore highly unsurprising when the Bangladeshi High Court reintroduced the job quota on July 5th, that the first to respond were students and universities. This reversed a key government decision made in concession to the 2018 Bangladesh Quota Reform Movement. 

The quota system was a major point of tension for students and educational institutions. As it stood, 44% of jobs were tacitly based off merit, whilst 30% were reserved for the children and grandchildren of the freedom fighters, with quotas for ethnic minorities, women, disabled people, and backward districts sharing in the remaining piece of the pie (Al Jazeera, 2024). As stated above, in a climate of economic and financial strain, students and educational facilities thrust themselves into the forefront of the movement, as the quota system was a seen as a significant impediment for themselves in the future. As such, a much more meritocratic system was called for, one that eliminated the quota system for the privileged and shared its portion with the sections of ‘merit’, ‘ethnic minorities’, ‘women’, amongst others. In other words, the movement was not so much ‘anti-quota’, as it was more concerned with removing and rearranging government jobs to other sections of society.  

Engagement of Civil Society and Government Response 

Tens of thousands of people took to the streets to express their disapproval of the quota bill that was placed back on the agenda by the government in early July. A decision that overturned the previous 2018 moratorium on the quota system as a result of the then major uproar of civil society. In a firm attempt to express their discontent as well as their desire for meaningful change in the quota system. Spearheaded by university students and the educational institutions, the size and purview of the protests grew throughout the month as developments on the streets gave way to a dark reality.  

The government response to the civil unrest triggered in full by foul decision-making, culminated in the bloodiest state crackdown in Bangladeshi history. Beginning with an attempt to destabilize the protest movement, a number of state adjacent actors took it upon themselves to dress in plain clothing and beat protestors at random to cause chaos and sow division (CIVICUS, 2024). It became overwhelmingly clear that the thugs who were doing their part in violently dispersing large crowds, were in fact members of the significantly problematic Bangladeshi Chhatra League. Founded in 1948 and colloquially known as the Chhatra League, the group is the student wing of the ruling Bangladeshi Awami League, or simply Awami League (CIVICUS, 2024). The depravity and senseless violence prompted by state officials against the peaceful protestors was so blatant, that the quota movement could not and did not cease and desist.  

Numerous pictures and videos from the scenes were now able to be found on various social media sites, as well as mainstream media coverage showing the extent of the violence against protestors shocked people around the world. A case in point was the aimless killing of Abu Sayed, a student at Rangpur’s Begum Rokeya University (Amnesty International, 2024). On the 15th of July, police presence was overt and destructive. The Chhatra League, proving unable to contain the protests alone with its unorthodox methods, opened the avenue for the participation of Bangladeshi police and secret service. Upon closing into a crowd of protestors that quickly dispersed from their position, the police encountered a single student who stood in defiance, arms spread along the sides. Wielding nothing other than a wooden stick, positioned 15 metres away from fully geared police units, Abu Sayed was not in any position to deal any harm to officials. Yet, the police responded by unloading the barrels of their shotguns into Sayed, killing him on the spot (Amnesty International, 2024). Abu Sayed, whose death was filmed and posted on social media sites, became a crucial symbol of police brutality, paving the way towards a reinvigoration of the movement despite the life-threatening dangers that come with taking a stand. 

The government crackdown saw many instances of police opening fire, with live ammunition, into large crowds of unarmed protestors in order to instil fear and dispersal (UN News, 2024). The situation deteriorated to such a grave extent, that helicopters began to be used against protestors. Rapid gunfire coming from the helicopters, were aimed at significant crowds of people and took the mass repression and killing to an unimaginable level (The Telegraph, 2024). The militarization of the country and its response to the movement became evermore violent and repressive, yet the protests showed no sign of abating. In fact, it was quite the opposite.  

When Reform Meets Revolution 

The Anti-Discrimination Students Movement, together with the Non-Cooperation Movement, were unanimous in pushing for one overt demand by the time August rolled around. Following a month of unprecedented police brutality and the death of well over a thousand people, these groups sought to align their demands according to such developments. The quota reform movement, having begun as a result of irresponsible government policy, now evolved into a revolutionary movement of widespread scale. Their demand, otherwise known as the one-point movement, was the resignation of the now former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina along with her cabinet (UN News, 2024).  

Having started as a mere quarrel with a particular government policy, the unprompted brutality in the government’s response led the student movement to adapt to the objective necessities of the hour. The state that the country and its people were left in, made the decision to overturn the government a rather simple one. After all, over 1000 deaths were recorded since the onset of the movement (NBC, 2024). Such was the price that Bangladeshis had to pay for the resignation of Sheikh Hasina and her cabinet. Succeeding the Awami League government, is Muhammad Yunus who leads the interim government for the time being (ORF, 2024). The future for Bangladesh remains uncertain, yet the actions taken by student protestors and the widespread movement afterwards is a promising sign for the health of Bangladeshi civil society. The participants in the movement have showed the world that the government is not impenetrable, and under given circumstances is rather fragile. The tens of thousands of protestors, as well as those that perished at the hands of the authoritarian rule of the Awami League, serves as an inspiration to those around the globe seeking justice, peace, and meritocracy. 

References

  • Al Jazeera. (2024). What’s behind Bangladesh’s violent quota protests. https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2024/7/16/whats-behind-bangladeshs-violent-quota-protests.  
  • Bose, S. & Chaudhury, A. B. S. (2024). Interim government: The faces of change in Bangladesh. ORF. https://www.orfonline.org/expert-speak/interim-government-the-faces-of-change-in-bangladesh.  
  • Corea, H. & Erum, N. (2024). What is happening at the quota-reform protests in Bangladesh? Amnesty International. https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/news/2024/07/what-is-happening-at-the-quota-reform-protests-in-bangladesh/.  
  • CIVICUS. (2024). Bangladesh: Brutal crackdown on quota reform protesters by security forces and ruling party youth wing. https://monitor.civicus.org/explore/bangladesh-brutal-crackdown-on-quota-reform-protesters-by-security-forces-and-ruling-party-youth-wing/.  
  • Ganguly, A. (2024). ‘Gunfire from helicopters last night’: Voices from Dhaka belie Bangladesh govt claim. https://www.telegraphindia.com/world/gunfire-from-helicopters-last-night-voices-from-dhaka-belie-bangladesh-govt-claim/cid/2036483.  
  • Mishra, V. (2024). Shocking violence in Bangladesh must stop: UN Rights Chief. UN News. https://news.un.org/en/story/2024/08/1152811.  
  • Mishra V. (2024). Bangladesh: UN urges peaceful transition as PM resigns and flees the country. UN News. https://news.un.org/en/story/2024/08/1152826.  
  • NBC. Over 1,000 killed in Bangladesh’s violence since July, health ministry chief says. https://www.nbcnews.com/news/world/1000-killed-bangladesh-violence-july-health-ministry-chief-says-rcna168928.  
  • Cover Image via Wikimedia Commons

Educational Challenges in Bangladesh: Consequences and Future Trends of Child Labor

Written by By Anna Kordesch

Women working at a garment factory – Image by Maruf Rahman from Pixabay

The World Trade Organization (WTO) reports that Bangladesh holds the position of the world’s second-largest exporter of ready-made garments, contributing to around 6.4% of global garment exports in 2020. However, this economic success comes at a grave cost, as children aged 5-17 are often exploited and illegally employed in the Bangladeshi garment industry. This unethical practice not only deprives them of education but also limits their future opportunities. Without access to basic education, these children are forced into low-paying jobs in factories, lacking the chance to acquire skills that could lead to better-paying employment in the future. As a result, they become trapped in a vicious cycle of poverty and low-wage work, perpetuating the cycle of child labor. The absence of quality education deprives these children of their potential and severely diminishes their chances of breaking free from illegal and physically demanding labor.

As conscious consumers, it is imperative that we consider the entire supply chain of the garments we purchase, including the production side, and acknowledge the potential consequences of our buying decisions. We must inquire whether a t-shirt has been ethically produced and whether child labor was involved in any stage of its manufacturing. Reflecting on these questions could contribute to providing hundreds of children in Bangladesh with an opportunity to access quality education and break free from the shackles of poverty.

The purpose of this article is to increase awareness about the issue of unequal educational attainment in Bangladesh, which is exacerbated by the prevalence of child labor and inadequate government policies aimed at eradicating child labor.

Brief history of poverty in Bangladesh

After gaining independence in 1971, Bangladesh faced a significant challenge with 80% of its population living below the poverty line. However, over the years, the government has made poverty alleviation a key priority in its development strategy. As a result, the poverty rate has decreased from 80% to 24.3%, which still means that approximately 35 million people in Bangladesh are living below the poverty line (UNESCO, 2009).

The government’s efforts to tackle poverty have been supported by sustained economic growth, driven in part by sound macroeconomic policies and an increase in exports of readymade garments. As a result, the overall poverty rate has declined from 13.47% in 2016 to 10.44% in 2022 (Dhaka Tribune, 2022).

Despite these achievements, recent trends suggest a slowing down in the rate of poverty reduction in Bangladesh. Moreover, the impact of poverty alleviation measures has been uneven between rural and urban areas, as the country undergoes rapid urbanization. This indicates that while progress has been made in reducing poverty, challenges remain in ensuring equitable poverty reduction across different regions of the country.

Although Bangladesh has experienced rapid economic growth and is considered one of the fastest growing countries, income inequality remains a significant and pressing issue. In fact, income inequality in Bangladesh has reached unprecedented levels not seen since 1972. Despite the growth of the readymade garments export industry, the benefits of this economic sector have not been evenly distributed, leading to a low ranking of 133rd out of 189 countries in the Human Development Index.

One stark indicator of income inequality is the contrasting income shares between the bottom 40% of the population and the richest 10%. The income share of the bottom 40% is merely 21%, while the richest 10% enjoy a significantly higher share of 27%, illustrating a sharp disparity in wealth distribution (World Bank, 2023). These disparities in income distribution highlight the urgent need for addressing income inequality in Bangladesh, as it poses challenges to achieving inclusive and equitable development. Efforts to tackle this issue require a comprehensive approach that considers factors such as economic policies, social welfare programs, and targeted interventions to ensure that the benefits of economic growth are shared more widely among all segments of the population.

Child labor in Bangladesh

The inherent inequality and income disparities within Bangladesh have a clear impact on the educational attainment of children across the country. Child labor is unfortunately prevalent in many parts of Bangladesh, especially in rural areas where poverty rates are high and access to education is limited. Districts such as Chittagong, Rajshahi, and Sylhet have particularly high incidences of child labor, as they are located in the rural outskirts of Bangladesh, highlighting the aforementioned intra-country inequality.

The poverty resulting from this inequality has dire consequences for Bangladeshi children, who are forced to engage in illegal employment to combat poverty. Approximately three out of every five children are employed in the agricultural sector, while 14.7% work in the industrial sector, and the remaining 23.3% work in services (Global People Strategist, 2021). Although the government of Bangladesh ratified the International Labor Organization Convention in early 2022, which clearly stipulates the minimum age for employment in Article 138, children in Bangladesh continue to be subjected to the worst forms of child labor, including commercial sexual exploitation and forced labor in activities such as drying of fish and brick production.

A troubling aspect is that the Bangladesh Labor Act does not apply to the informal sector, where the majority of child labor in Bangladesh takes place. Reports of violence against child workers in various sectors, including domestic work, have been documented. In 2018, over 400,000 children worked in domestic work in Bangladesh, with girls often being abused by their employers. Additionally, reports indicate that from January to November 2012, 28 children were subjected to torture while working as housemaids (Global People Strategist, 2021).

These children are compelled to join the workforce in both formal and informal sectors out of sheer survival necessity to provide for their families, and are unlikely to return to their studies. A UNICEF report revealed that children under the age of 14 who have dropped out of school for work are laboring an average of 64 hours per week. Putting this number into perspective, European labor laws limit working hours to 48 hours per week, including overtime (UNICEF, 2021).

Visiting Subornogram’s school for the Dalit Cobbler children. Matthew Becker, 2012 Peace Fellow, Subornogram Foundation, Sonargaon, Bangladesh

Current Educational Picture

The issue of educational attainment in Bangladesh exhibits significant inequality, which is attributed to both structural inequalities in the country and weaknesses in the governance of the education sector.

School participation rates also highlight disparities, with 10% of children of official primary school age being out of school. Among primary school-aged children in Bangladesh, the greatest disparity is observed between the poorest and the richest children, which can be linked to the broader inequality between households in the country. This disparity is supported by a 2019 UNICEF report that indicates completion rates for upper secondary school are 50% for the wealthiest children but only 12% for the poorest (UNICEF, 2019).

The Bangladeshi government has attempted to address education inequality at the primary level through a conditional cash transfer program targeted at poor children, which covers 40% of rural students. However, this program leaves a substantial proportion of poor children uncovered, despite their high levels of poverty. This initiative has resulted in a rapid increase in primary school enrollment, with 7.8 million children receiving stipends of $1 each.

Nevertheless, due to biased decision-making that favors the non-poor, the government’s

recurrent spending on education is disproportionately allocated, with 68% of total government spending directed towards the non-poor, despite this group representing only 50% of the primary school-aged population (World Bank, 2018). These statistics highlight that while there may be governmental intentions to improve educational attainment in Bangladesh, the reality presents a different picture, with rural children facing continued disadvantages in terms of national educational governance.

Conclusion  

In short, quality education is essential for the eradication of poverty giving children the chance at a better life. Helping children turn away from child labor, requires the emphasis on the reduction on family poverty. Only quality educational attainment will become available for every child regardless of their socio-economic background can the future generation of Bangladesh flourish under the governments aid program. The primary purpose of the government of Bangladesh should be to protect children from the detrimental effect of child labor and ensuring their quality education.

The first solution to mitigate unequal quality educational attainment, is to make governmental policies broader thus ensuring financial inclusion of the marginalized. Adopting appropriate macroeconomic policy which priorities education equality. More transparency in the allocation of educational resources will force the government of Bangladesh to take on a more utilitarian perspective. This new allocation of resources will allow for more interest in soft infrastructure such as the recruitment of adequate number of teachers at schools.

An additional approach to address the issue would be for the government of Bangladesh to effectively promote awareness about the significance of quality education. This awareness campaign should not only target urban areas, but also prioritize rural areas where poverty rates are particularly high.

Furthermore, as a prerequisite to raising awareness, the Bangladeshi government should focus on providing the necessary infrastructure that enables people to access education information. This entails addressing the root causes of poverty in the country to create an environment where children are not forced into labor and can instead avail themselves of educational opportunities and experience a normal childhood.

Ensuring that every child has the opportunity for quality education and a safe upbringing is of utmost importance.

References

UNESCO. 2009. “Governance and Education Inequality in Bangladesh.” Accessed April 16, 2023. https://unesdoc.unesco.org/ark:/48223/pf0000180086/PDF/180086eng.pdf.multi#.

UNICEF. 2021. “The future of 37 million children in Bangladesh is at risk with their education severely affected by the COVID-10 pandemic.” Accessed April 14, 2023. https://www.unicef.org/bangladesh/en/press-releases/future-37-million-children-bangladesh-risk-their-education-severely-affected-covid.

UNICEF. n.d. “The Challenge.” Accessed April 2023. https://www.unicef.org/bangladesh/en/education.

Global People Strategist. 2021. “Facts About Child Labor in Bangladesh.” Accessed April 13 2023. https://www.globalpeoplestrategist.com/title-facts-about-child-labor-in-bangladesh/.

Hosen, Aoulad, S.M. Mujahidul Islam, and Sogir Khandoker. 2010. “Child Labor and Child Education in Bangladesh: Issues, Consequences and Involvements.” International Business Research Issues 3, no. 2: 1-8.

Dhaka Tribune. 2022. “Report: 35m Bangladeshis still live below poverty line.” Accessed April 13, 2023. https://www.dhakatribune.com/business/2023/01/22/report-35m-bangladeshis-still-live-below-poverty-line.

World Bank. 2023. “Poverty & Equity Brief.” Accessed April 10, 2023. https://databankfiles.worldbank.org/public/ddpext_download/poverty/987B9C90-CB9F-4D93-AE8C-750588BF00QA/current/Global_POVEQ_BGD.pdf.

Bureau of International Labor Reports. 2021. “Child Labor and Forced Labor Reports.” Accessed April 10, 2023. https://www.dol.gov/agencies/ilab/resources/reports/child-labor/bangladesh.

UNICEF. 2019. “Bangladesh Education Fact Sheets 2020.” Accessed April 13, 2023. file:///Users/annakordesch/Downloads/Bangladesh-Education-Fact-Sheets_V7%20(1).pdf.

World Bank. 2018. “National Education Profile.” Accessed April 14, 2023. https://www.epdc.org/sites/default/files/documents/EPDC_NEP_2018_Bangladesh.pdf.

Anna Kordesch

Anna Kordesch

As a second-year undergraduate student at Leiden University, pursuing a Bachelor's degree in International Studies with a specialisation in Europe, I am excited about the opportunity to apply my academic knowledge and skills to practical research work in the field of human rights.

Universal Periodic Review of Bangladesh

  • Broken Chalk drafted this report to contribute to Bangladesh’s fourth Universal Periodic Review (UPR). Since Broken Chalk is specifically concerned with human rights and inequalities in education, this report focuses on human rights, particularly in the education field of Bangladesh.
  • This report first explores the main issues in education in Bangladesh while also reflecting on the recommendations Bangladesh received in the last review and its progress since 2018. Then, Broken Chalk offers some practical suggestions to Bangladesh on further improving human rights in education.
  • In the last review, Bangladesh received 251 recommendations and accepted 178. 11% of the recommendations focused on reducing inequalities, 17% on gender equality and 7% on reducing poverty, all interconnected with education.
  • High-quality, accessible and inclusive education is essential for a country’s long-term sustainable development. Education shapes the people of future society, helps integrate minorities and foreigners, and enables innovation and growth. According to the Human Rights Measurement Initiative, Bangladesh is doing 82.5% of what it could do with its national income to ensure the right to education[1]. Although this score is relatively high, it still illustrates the gap between actual and feasible states regarding education.
by Réka Gyaraki

Download PDF

44th_Session_UN-UPR_Country_Review_Bangladesh

[1] Human Rights Measurement Initiative. (2022). Rights to Education

Cover image by Fredrik Rubensson on Wikimedia Commons.