More than half of all refugee children are out of school

Written by Isaac Kuugaayeng

Education is a basic human right and tool that can transform individuals’ lives and yield more significant societal change. Education empowers, enlightens, and gives protection. Maybe not everyone is fond of the traditional schooling system of their own country, but no one can deny the power of learning – and this is what we should stand for. So, useful or not, knowledge should still be easier to access. Those who want to learn should be able to do so, especially in this era of digitalization, where many valuable teaching and learning tools can now be stored and accessed on the internet. The developed world can boast about parents waking their younger kids, preparing and taking them to daycare. Older kids and teenagers eagerly enter through the gates of their educational institutions in their parents’ cars or their school buses with beaming smiles on their faces.

According to the UN High Commissioner for Refugees, school is where refugees are offered a second opportunity. Failure to make this opportunity available to refugees will be an absolute denial of the chance to acquire the requisite knowledge and skills, which will be a springboard for their future development. Pathetic enough, it appears education is only a privilege in some parts of the world. The situation is worse in conflict areas where the conditions for providing education are incredibly challenging. There are 75 million children living in places devastated by violence, which means that educational institutions are under attack, and students and teachers get hurt.  In many refugee camps, there is no daycare. There are no schools or other educational institutions, let alone universities. Some people in these parts do not even know that such establishments exist. The chances for learning are slim, and education is consistently dwindling now and then, with the illiteracy rate skyrocketing. According to the UN Refugee Agency report from August 2019, about 3.7 million refugee children do not attend school. The statistics from the UNHCR indicate that as of August of last year, only 24 % of refugee children were enrolled in secondary school, while scarcely 3 % attended university.

The gross decline in the drop out of school by refugee children could be a result of the lack of funding for refugee education. In many refugee camps, the basic infrastructure needed to support schooling are readily unavailable because of the lack of funding from central and local governments, private sector individuals, civil society organizations and NGOs, churches etc. 

Syrian refugee children attend a lesson in a UNICEF temporary classroom in northern Lebanon. Photo by Russell Watkins/DFID

Moreover, for many refugees, their survival is their principal concern. Focus on education will only be futile for some refugees because their minds are not mentally and psychologically psyched enough to take the academic burden that may set in when they enroll in schools. Hence, access to education is often overlooked and seen as a secondary matter, and its importance is degraded. The displacement of refugees usually lasts from 10 to 20 years. In a worst-case scenario, this can lead to a 20-year-old or older person without any education or the will to pursue it. It often shows that age is a massive barrier to pursuing education, especially elementary. The older people get, the less confidence they have in themselves regarding learning. Even in instances where these refugees defy the odds and make it a point to still go to school, the chances of going far and getting into university or college are so slim.

As said by Gandhi, there is a need for greater investment in refugee education to ensure that children who are victims of such circumstances do not just have their future shattered but will get the chance to be educated and make meaningful contributions to society. This implies that educating refugee children does not result in any ‘instant’ benefit. It does not provide shelter, nor does it feed hungry mouths. But it brings hope and gives purpose, drawing these children toward a better and fulfilled future. In many countries, educating refugees is daunting as they are frequently stationed in parts where the countries in question struggle with educating their citizens. Still, some refugee camps offer basic schooling. It may not be of the most excellent quality, but it helps ignite interest in learning. Studying can provide a daily structure, which is of high importance in the misplaced life of a refugee child. Many of them are alone, not accompanied by their families, and learning in classes with other children provides foundations for further education and the comforting company of others.

It is important to note that not only is the inclusion of refugee children into the school system a critical issue, but also for the greater good of society. This suffices to say that the inclusion of refugee children into the school should not be limited to just some unofficial parallel schools, but rather the recognized national education system as this will give them a chance to follow a formal, recognized curriculum through pre-primary, primary and secondary school. This will provide them with the credentials that will allow them to pursue higher education or more technical training. Education gives children a sense of normality and teaches them about life outside of their current, vulnerable environment. One of the education briefs of the UNHCR stated that “Educated children and youth stand a greater chance of becoming adults who can participate effectively in civil society in all contexts.” Going to school allows easier integration into the new environment. The approach to educating refugees will be more impactful and rewarding than ever. Turkey, for instance, provides Turkish language training to help refugees integrate more quickly. Children feel more secure going to school if they at least understand the language basics. They can better follow the lessons and feel included and like they belong.

There have been more substantial improvements in the situation than years ago. However, there is still room for bettering the situation. We cannot anticipate any significant change if we do not strive to improve the world in every way possible. Governments across the globe can contribute to making the situation better. Private individuals, churches, and societies who wish to make the world a better place can also donate to many nonprofit organizations to make better the condition of refugee children and reduce the steep decline in the dropout. Also, there are a lot of people who leave their comfortable homes and nations in order to aid and educate young children who have probably never even seen a book in their lives, and such individuals deserve the support of the world in such a great course.

Sources:

https://www.weforum.org/agenda/2019/02/millions-are-still-out-of-school-this-is-the-worlds-plan-to-change-that/

https://openknowledge.worldbank.org/bitstream/handle/10986/29956/HighCostOfNotEducatingGirls.pdf?sequence=6&isAllowed=y

https://www.unhcr.org/education.html

https://www.un.org/en/academic-impact/refugee-education-crisis-more-half-worlds-school-age-refugee-children-do-not-get#:~:text=Contact%20Us-,Refugee%20education%20in%20crisis%3A%20More%20than%20half%20of%20the%20world’s,in%20a%20report%20released%20today

Educational Challenges in Côte d’Ivoire: repercussions of conflicts and cocoa child labour

Written by Maja Przybyszewska

Imagine. Imagine children going to school daily and learning to read and write. Imagine young girls and boys sitting in the classroom and loudly repeating the alphabet or the multiplication table. Imagine their smiles and the opportunities education gives to all of us. But now, when you take a closer look, you realise. Realise that the classroom is small and dilapidated, and school supplies are lacking. Realise that more than half of the children do not know how to read or write. And you realise that most children are absent because they must work on the cocoa farms to help their parents.

When you eat chocolate, do you ever wonder how it was produced or who was involved in the process? Are the working conditions appropriate? What if it is forced labour? Before buying any product and supporting particular practices, these questions should come to our minds. By reflecting on that, we show our support for fair trade and protecting fundamental human rights, such as the right to education.

In Côte d’Ivoire, over 40% of the world’s cocoa production is produced, and the practice of child labour is unfortunately commonplace. In 2013, an estimated 1.4 million children, of which 49% worked in the agriculture sector (UNICEF, 2019).

Therefore, this article aims to raise awareness about the educational challenges in Côte d’Ivoire. Why this country? The motivation is the prolonged issue of child labour and the state’s role in the global production of cocoa. Moreover, this piece will focus on the following matters: providing a brief history of the political instability in the country that negatively affects schooling, describing the cocoa child labour, discussing the current educational picture in the country and looking for possible solutions for developing the education sector.

Children join farmers in breaking cocoa pods on an Ivory Coast farm. Photo by: © BENJAMIN LOWY (2016)

The brief history of political instability

Ivory Coast has suffered from several years of political instability and internal conflicts disrupting the country and changing the lives of generations. In brief, the state experienced two civil wars, in 2002 and 2011, and the instability was caused by constant tensions between two politicians with presidential ambitions, Laurent Gbagbo from the Ivorian Popular Front and Alassane Quattara from the Rally of the Republicans party. The supporters of these parties were involved in violent fights with each other as they disagreed with the results of the elections. Moreover, during the demonstrations in 2000-2004, hundreds were killed, and the government was accused of human rights abuses. In the 2010 elections, Quattara won and rules to date.

Nevertheless, in 2011 the violence escalated, and the fights were fierce; over 3000 people lost their lives. The events drew the international community’s attention, and the decision to intertwine was made. Since 2011, Gbagbo has been in the custody of the International Criminal Court and was charged with crimes against humanity (Global Security, n.d.).

Consequently, these wars take a toll on civilians and affect children’s education. Even though a conflict ends, its dramatic repercussions influence the economy of the country and its society for the following years, for instance, increasing poverty and the spread of diseases. It should be noted that children become the victims of such conflicts because they are often recruited as soldiers or experience violence. Furthermore, the schools are usually destroyed, which stops further schooling as there is a lack of appropriate infrastructure. From an economic perspective, many families lose their financial resources and need help to ensure their children a decent education. In light of Idrissa Ouili’s research, children who were about to start school during the time of instability had a 10% lower chance of beginning their education. Moreover, many students experienced more than a year’s drop in their years of schooling due to the conflicts (Ouili, 2017). Considering all of these things, they illustrate the multidimensional challenges children and their teachers experience in their education path marked by violence.

Child labour in the cocoa industry

Another critical point is the issue of the high rates of child labour in the cocoa industry. The data show that over 40% of the world’s cocoa production comes from the Ivory Coast (Busquet, Bosma and Hummels, 2021). On the one hand, this means there is a labour demand for the workforce, and some parents instruct their children to work on family farms instead of going to school. On the other hand, the cocoa industry is so deeply integrated into the lives of the local communities that they consider child labour a regular part of their childhood and culture. Research made in 2012-2015 by the ILO (2015) presents that

girls and boys are at high risk and the dangers of working in the cocoa industry due to reinforcing community-based and institutional mechanisms.

Furthermore, studies reveal that in West Africa, the levels of child labour in cocoa production have increased between 2008 and 2014 to 2 million children aged from 5 to 17 years old (Busquet, Bosma and Hummels, 2021). In addition, studies from 2018 indicate that around 90% of minors perform hazardous work, which means working with sharp tools, for example, a machete, clearing land, using agrochemicals, and carrying heavy items (Busquet, Bosma and Hummels, 2021). In a series of interviews with the farmers and their families, the importance of education is hardly discussed due to a belief that farming is an experience from

which children are assumed to benefit in their future lives and careers (Busquet, Bosma and Hummels, 2021).

In other words, many children cannot fully enjoy educational opportunities because they have to help on farms or split their time between school and demanding physical work. These activities negatively impact their lives as their intellectual growth is stalling, and a lack of basic literacy skills will cause them concerns in looking for job prospects in the future labour market.

Another substantial aspect is the child’s right to education. Children and youth in Ivory Coast should not be excluded from achieving quality education because of economic or cultural reasons. Moreover, the state has an obligation to respect, protect, and fulfil the right to education under the Convention against Discrimination in Education (UNESCO, n.d. ). Therefore, the country has to take more conclusive and adequate actions to increase children’s enrollment in schools and end child labour practices.

Efforts to secure children’s rights in a conflict-torn context are still insufficient. Photo by: ©EC/ECHO/Anouk Delafortrie

Current educational picture

The educational picture in Ivory Coast is unfortunately upsetting. Even though the government spends more money on education compared to other sub-Saharan African countries, the results are not satisfactory as there are still immense inequalities between rural and urban regions and basic literacy skills are continually neglected (Finch, Wolf and Lichand, 2022). According to a report by the OECD in 2015, every second young person is illiterate, and more than half of children cannot read and write, with the majority of girls, about 60% (OECD, n.d.).

However, on the bright side, in 2016, the government ruled on making school compulsory and accessible for all children aged 6 to 16 and increased the full-time employment age from 14 to 16. In addition, the decision was preceded by an awareness-raising campaign about child trafficking, exploitation, and hazardous work (The Guardian, 2022).

Moreover, international organisations, such as UNICEF, have greatly helped by strengthening the educational infrastructure and organising extra classes for children. Some initiatives focused primarily on girls because of persisting gender inequality in schooling and high dropping-out rates.

Solutions

In short, education is crucial for the children’s well-being and the country’s further development. Among farmers, there is no understanding of long-term and harmful consequences, which means disrupting the healthy development of many youths and producing future generations of the unskilled workforce in the national economy. From an economic perspective, circumstances negatively affecting schooling, political instability, or child labour can hamper the state’s economic growth. The primary aim of the government of Côte d’Ivoire should be the protection of children and securing their education.

First, the authorities should pay more attention to early childhood education and effectively raise societal awareness. Free and early schooling may incentivise parents to send their children to school instead of the cocoa fields. Also, appropriate monitoring tools and transparent allocation of funds would increase the educational standards in the country.

Secondly, providing the infrastructure. After years of conflicts, many schools were destroyed, and many continue to be ramshackle buildings. Rebuilding and adequately equipping them would allow students and teachers to enjoy learning and teaching much more.

Lastly, as society strongly supports the educational value of work, it would be an excellent initiative to open more vocational centres. Such centres help maintain the primary education path and equip youths with practical skills and abilities needed for the changing labour market.

The consequences of civil wars, the deeply rooted cultural importance of work, and the child labour in the cocoa industry influence education in the Ivory Coast. With the support of international organisations and improved governmental policies, hundreds of Ivorian children could spend more time learning and playing instead of working.

But what can we do about it? Some may say that we do not have any power. Yet, we often forget that we are the consumers and the power is literally in our hands. The next time you buy chocolate, look for a “FAIRTRADE” Mark. Buying those products means safer working conditions for many children.

Every child deserves a safe childhood and quality education.

References:

Busquet, Milande, Niels Bosma, and Harry Hummels. 2021. “A Multidimensional Perspective on Child Labor in the Value Chain: The Case of the Cocoa Value Chain in West Africa.” World Development 146: 105601.

Finch, Jenna E, Sharon Wolf, and Guilherme Lichand. 2022. “Executive Functions, Motivation, and Children’s Academic Development in Côte d’Ivoire.” Developmental Psychology 58, no. 12: 2287–2301

Global Security. n.d. “Ivory Coast Conflict.” Accessed April 6, 2023. https://www.globalsecurity.org/military/world/war/ivory-coast.htm?utm_content=cmp-true.

ILO. 2015. “Creating a Protective Environment for Children in Cocoa-Growing Communities.” Accessed April 6, 2023. https://www.ilo.org/wcmsp5/groups/public/—dgreports/—exrel/documents/publication/wcms_409587.pdf.

OECD. n.d. “Key Issues affecting Youth in Côte d’Ivoire.” Accessed April 6, 2023. https://www.oecd.org/countries/cotedivoire/youth-issues-in-cote-ivoire.htm.

Ouili, Idrissa. 2017. “Armed Conflicts, Children’s Education and Mortality: New Evidence from Ivory Coast.” Journal of Family and Economic Issues 38, no. 2: 163–83.

The Guardian. 2022. “How Ivory Coast is winning the fight to keep its children out of the cocoa fields.” Accessed April 6, 2023. https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2022/dec/27/how-ivory-coast-is-winning-the-fight-to-keep-its-children-out-of-the-cocoa-fields.

UNESCO. n.d. “State obligations and responsibilities on the right to education.” Accessed April 6, 2023. https://www.unesco.org/en/right-education/state-obligations-responsibilities?hub=70224.

UNESCO. n.d. “Convention against Discrimination in Education.” Accessed April 6, 2023. https://www.unesco.org/en/legal-affairs/convention-against-discrimination-education#item-3.

UNICEF. 2019. “Promoting the Rights of children in the Cocoa Producing Areas in Côte d’Ivoire.” Accessed April 6, 2023. https://open.unicef.org/sites/transparency/files/2020-06/Cote-d-Ivoire-TP5-2018.pdf.

The United Nations and the right to education

Written by Camille Boblet-Ledoyen

The 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights, is the cornerstone of the United Nations and our international order: ” Everyone has the right to education. Education shall be free, at least in the elementary and fundamental stages. Elementary education shall be compulsory. Technical and professional education shall be made generally available and higher education shall be equally accessible to all based on merit.”[1] Since then, education has undergone spectacular development in the history of humanity: but today, dictated by economic rather than humanistic choices, the right to education seems to be falling all around the globe.

Children write their own Declaration of Human Rights at the UN in Vienna. Photo by UNIS Vienna.

The survey conducted by U-Report, a project coordinated by UNICEF, on the theme of basic education among a panel focusing on young people (only 5% of respondents were aged over 31), clearly shows the colossal challenges facing the right to education. 32,847 individuals were surveyed, with a response rate of 91%; 65% of respondents were male (10,891) and 35% were female (5,738). Sub-Saharan African countries, in particular Nigeria, had the most respondents, with 1,836, followed by Congo-Kinshasa with 1,839. By contrast, Europe was the region with the least participation: the United Kingdom was the region with the most respondents, with 160 people polled. When asked “How often do you feel you learn at school”, 42% of respondents said “Always”. However, this response differed according to gender: while 45% of men answered “always”, only 36% of women gave this answer. Women were more likely to answer ‘often’ at 32% (compared with 28% of men) and ‘sometimes’ at 25% (compared with 20% of men). The question “Did you receive enough help at school to acquire basic skills (such as reading and maths) to continue learning and find a job after graduating? 77% of the French answered “yes”, followed by 70% of the Congolese and 58% of the British. The next question reflects respondents’ concerns about the erosion of the right to education: 74% of those questioned believe that the learning crisis will have a negative impact on the future of their country. The Germans, Malaysians, and Dutch are all convinced of this, with 100% positive responses, followed by the Greeks at 83%, the Indians at 82%, and Nigeria at 80%. Respondents aged 25 and over were the most pessimistic, at over 80%. On the subject of the political response to the challenges undermining basic education, those aged 25 and over were the most skeptical, with over 38% giving a negative response. Among Belgians, 68% responded ‘more or less’, while among Canadians 59% were ‘satisfied’ and ‘more or less satisfied’ with the policies being pursued, while among Chileans 78% disapproved. The Germans gave a negative response of 55%, and none of them gave a positive response. French and Indian respondents were more divided: 26% and 25% respectively felt that their governments were providing effective responses to the education crisis, 36% and 34% respectively considered this response to be ‘more or less’ relevant, and 33% disapproved. Finally, when asked “What do you think is the most urgent action that governments should take to tackle the crisis in education and training? 34% of those polled voted in favor of the issue of education funding, 39% of men and 35% of women. Moreover, 28% of women gave priority to helping children who have dropped out of school, compared with 22% of male respondents.

What interpretation can be given to all these responses? First of all, there is no schism between the so-called “North” and “South” countries, as might have been expected. The crisis in education is therefore global, and economic choices have a lot to do with it. Whereas education was the only issue common to both blocs of the Cold War – in Maoist China as much as in the United States of America, in Nasserite Egypt as much as in Kubitschek’s Brazil, and Europe – the Washington Consensus of 1989 put an end to this fundamental notion of “right”. It is important to remember the neo-liberal shift that has been imposed on education: the “reorientation of public spending priorities” introduces the principle of profitability into the public service and will be particularly devastating in Third World countries. The case of Latin America is particularly interesting: as a kind of laboratory for neoliberalism, the right to education has been severely undermined, as in Argentina, Brazil, and, more recently, Chile, where educational structures are gradually being privatized. The public authorities in South Korea have largely delegated education to the private sector (shadow education): 74.5% of South Koreans under the age of twelve were in private education in 2019, according to data from the Korean Statistical Information Office. The introduction of competitiveness at and between higher education institutions is a problem highlighted by the UNICEF survey. Tuition fees have been introduced to address the lack of academic infrastructure, but this response is neither relevant nor effective. The story of a Chilean student in France gathered in 2018 by the newspaper Libération as part of an investigation into the increase in tuition fees is just one example of the iniquitous nature of this method:

“These new tuition fees are too high, especially as I’m already 10,000 euros in debt from my degree in Chile, where the fees are also enormous. I chose France for several reasons: for the language, for the excellent training in social and political sciences. And, of course, the tuition fees, were quite affordable, unlike in Chile where the education system is privatized and only accessible to a minority. In my country, education is very expensive. For those who aren’t lucky enough to get a grant based on social or academic criteria, the only option is to go into debt for several years after graduation.”[2]

Political choices are undermining the very principle of the right to education. The crucial need for investment in education has been exacerbated by the coronavirus pandemic, and this is true across the board: in developed and developing countries alike, the privatization of education has shown the extent of the devastation: according to the World Bank, “COVID-19 has caused the worst crisis in education and learning for a century”.[3] Above all, the pandemic has highlighted the damage caused by the disengagement of public authorities. The right to education depends on quality infrastructure and, therefore, investment to match. All respondents, whatever their country of origin, are in favor of massive refinancing of education.

Children’s conference on human rights at the UN in Vienna. Photo by UNIS Vienna/Lilia Jiménez-Ertl.

It is worrying to note that the conservative trajectory extends across all the world’s continents, from the rewriting of common history in countries such as India, where Muslim memory is obliterated; to Russia, where revisionism is the narrative employed at the highest levels of the State; but also more traditional democracies such as Japan, where the work of remembrance relating to the Second World War remains problematic, and South Korea, where the Korean War is largely revisited by the new history textbooks.[4] The fact that India, the world’s largest democracy, has embarked on a panoptic shift is dramatic in terms of individual freedoms, particularly academic freedom, which is a pillar of social development, and in geopolitical terms, with the risk of alignment with the Russian Federation and China. Narendra Modi is today a Prime Minister courted by the Great Powers, who have no hesitation in casting a modest veil over his most aggressive policies in the hope – more akin to wishful thinking than anything else – of bringing Delhi closer to the Western bloc.[5] The revision of Indian school textbooks completely obliterates the legacy of some three hundred years of the Muslim Mughal Empire, the assassination of Gandhi by the Hindu nationalist Nathuram Godse in 1948, and the bloody repression of the Gujarat riots in 2002, for which Prime Minister Modi is held responsible.[6]

The frequency of learning differs significantly between the two sexes, and this issue deserves to be highlighted. Admittedly, the survey has its limitations, since it is not a question of the resources put in place but of the personal feelings of each respondent: by its very nature, the response is therefore biased. Nevertheless, the 9-point gap between men and women should not be underestimated. This factor can be explained in several ways: education systems designed for men and favoring activities that favor them; lower self-esteem among women than among men; external conditions that undermine women’s education and learning. Bullying at school, low enrolment rates for girls, and sexism are undeniably among the causes. It would have been interesting if the survey had asked respondents about this.

According to the results of the survey, the educational crisis is particularly acute in Germany, Malaysia, and the Netherlands. In Germany, an investigation carried out by journalists from Spiegel and published on 17 March this year, entitled “The education fiasco” (Der Schule-Fiasko), caused quite a stir: “Postponing investment in the younger generation means saving for fools”, says Aladin El-Mafaalani[7] . No one will be left behind in this major transformation”, declared Social Democrat Chancellor Olaf Scholz to the Bundestag (the German Federal Parliament) two years earlier. Unfortunately, this promise has come to nothing. In Germany, according to a 2018 OECD study, it takes 180 years on average for a student from a social class background to “approach the average income”.

To conclude in a few words, the UNICEF survey highlights not only young people’s pessimism and concern about the decline in the right to education but also and above all their unshakeable attachment to the principle of education as an inalienable human right. The pandemic has not only revealed but also aggravated these inequalities in education. The young people interviewed are well aware of the devastation caused by decades of privatization and unbridled competition in education.

[1] Article XXVI of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.

[2] Delmas, Aurélie, Hadni, Dounia and Thomas, Marlène, “Tuition fees: international students testify“, Libération, 17 December 2018.

[3] World Bank, “Faced with the consequences of COVID-19 on education, we must act quickly and effectively“, World Bank, 22 January 2021.

[4] Im Eun-Byel, “New textbook guidelines spark controversy“, The Korea Herald, 1er  September 2022.

[5] This is borne out by the somewhat insistent invitation extended by French President Emmanuel Macron to Prime Minister Modi to take part in the French bank holidays celebrations on 14 July.

[6] Mansoor, Sanya, “India’s School Textbooks Are the Latest Battleground for Hindu Nationalism“, Time, 6 April 2023.

[7] Olbrisch, Miriam, “Soziologe zum Zustand der Jugend: Es ist erstaunlich, dass viele so ruhig bleiben“, Der Spiegel, 17 March 2023.

Babies behind bars

Written by Sara Ahmed

Turkish President Erdoğan has been targeting followers of the Gülen movement since the corruption investigations of December 2013. According to data from January 2023, around 520 children under six are in prison with their mothers in Turkey. Around 14.000 women are in Turkish prisons; children accompany 470. The facilities and conditions in which these babies and children live are deplorable. No child should have to go through that.

After the aftermath of a coup attempt in July 2016, thousands of women were unlawfully jailed in Turkish prisons. The number of children accompanying their mothers in prison skyrocketed in Turkey after the coup attempt. Children and their mothers are being illegally held in prisons in poor conditions. The actual problem is not the conditions of the prisons, but the problem is that the babies are in prison. Prisons are not a place for babies and small children to grow up. These are the most fundamental years for children to grow up and enjoy life. Being held in prison and not exposed to real life can lead to traumas in later life. Children should be free and explore the world, not be stored in a place lacking the facilities to host these babies and children.

Turkey’s penal code states that mothers with children younger than six months should have their prison sentences suspended. This rule, however, doesn’t apply when individuals are convicted of having links to a terrorist organization. Many of these women are often being accused of being “FETO” members, which, most of the time, are baseless accusations. If the father is at home, the children are still forced to grow up in prison instead of with the child’s father.

Inmates are suffering from freezing temperatures, foul drinking water and poor treatment. The adverse effects were even worse during the Covid Pandemic, which lowered the already low prison standards. The research by the Rights of Life Association (published in September 2021) made several recommendations, including deferred sentences for women who have a child younger than six-years-old and access to gynecologists for pregnant women and pediatricians for infants and children constantly.

These babies and children have done nothing wrong and should not be punished for something their parents might have done. Children should not have to grow up behind bars.

Children are being cut off from the outside world and cannot participate in social and cultural activities. That harms physical and mental well-being and will cause problems connecting with society later in life. Turkey should consider how this impacts the child’s and the parent’s lives.

References:

Sezgin Tanrıkulu: 470 anne, 520 bebekle cezaevinde

https://www.dw.com/en/turkey-babies-behind-bars/a-49320769

520 children under the age of 6 in prison with their mothers in Turkey: report

L’invasione russa in Ucraina: Chi paga il prezzo di questa guerra?

Mahmud Darwish una volta ha disse riguardo alla guerra:

“La guerra finirà. I leader si stringeranno la mano. L’anziana donna continuerà̀ ad aspettare il figlio martire. Quella ragazza aspetterà il suo amato marito. E quei bambini aspetteranno il loro padre eroe. Non so chi abbia venduto la nostra patria, ma ho visto chi ne ha pagato il prezzo”.[1]

Nel corso degli anni, molti Paesi sono stati distrutti dalla guerra e dalla dittatura. Molti di questi erano abbastanza civilizzati prima che la guerra li rovinasse; pieni di cultura, sviluppo e civiltà̀, come Siria, Palestina, Libia, Afghanistan, Iraq, Somalia, Yemen e molti altri.

L’avidità e l’egoismo di dittatori e politici corrotti hanno causato solo perdite a questi Paesi. Molte vite innocenti sono andate perdute; molti Paesi soffrono la povertà̀ a causa del cattivo governo da parte di regimi oppressivi. Le infrastrutture nazionali sono crollate a causa della guerra e anche l’ambiente ne ha risentito pesantemente.

The Costs of War Project, Watson institute of international and public affairs, Brown University, 2021

L’Ucraina si è ora unita al treno dei Paesi devastati dalla guerra a causa dell’avidità dei dittatori. Vladimir Putin non solo ha invaso uno Stato sovrano confinante, ma il suo regime sta anche esercitando la censura totale all’interno del territorio russo. I media russi indipendenti e i giornalisti che si esprimono contro il regime di Putin e su come i russi stiano soffrendo sotto la sua guida vengono molestati, intimiditi e detenuti illegalmente. Lo stesso trattamento viene riservato ai manifestanti che si oppongono a Putin e ai crimini commessi dal suo regime in Ucraina, come ad esempio costringere i giovani russi ad arruolarsi nelle forze armate senza informarli che parteciperanno all’invasione dell’Ucraina. Quanto descritto illustra bene l’immagine di uno “Stato totalitario”.

Come è stata influenzata l’istruzione?

L’impatto della guerra è chiaramente visibile nel settore dell’istruzione, in quanto l’accesso a quest’ultima sarà limitato a causa della scarsità di materiale didattico, dalla ristrettezza delle risorse economiche, fattore determinante nelle problematiche legate all’istruzione, e la propaganda diffusa dai dittatori per giustificare l’invasione o i crimini commessi dagli stessi contro i propri cittadini.

Molte strutture educative, come scuole e asili, sono state distrutte e danneggiate a causa della guerra in corso, la quale che minaccia il futuro dei bambini nel Pease, lasciandoli privi di accesso ad un sistema educativo.[2]

L’UNICEF ha recentemente pubblicato un rapporto sull’impatto dell’invasione russa sull’Ucraina. Secondo il rapporto, l’invasione ha lasciato più di 350.000 bambini senza accesso all’istruzione, a causa del danneggiamento di numerose infrastrutture scolastiche, mentre le metodologie di insegnamento insufficienti limitano l’accesso all’istruzione, lasciando i bambini senza accesso a un riparo sicuro, all’acqua e all’istruzione.[3]

L’effetto della guerra sui rifugiati ucraini e sugli studenti internazionali in Ucraina:

Molti ucraini hanno cercato rifugio in diversi Paesi dall’inizio della guerra. C’è stata molta preoccupazione per i bambini rifugiati e per il loro inserimento nei sistemi scolastici di altri Paesi, soprattutto a causa di eventuali barriere linguistiche. Le scuole polacche hanno accolto i bambini ucraini rifugiati nelle loro scuole e gli insegnanti polacchi li hanno aiutati a superare le menzionate barriere, adattandosi al sistema scolastico locale.[4]   D’altra parte, i bambini ucraini rifugiati nel Regno Unitosi trovano a dover superare numerosi ostacoli, poiché la maggior parte delle scuole inglesi stanno superando le loro capacità di registrazione. Inoltre, l’insufficienza dei finanziamenti per il settore dell’istruzione mette le scuole sotto pressione e facendo sì che gli studenti rifugiati vengano respinti.[5]

 

Anche gli studenti internazionali che studiavano nelle università ucraine, molti dei quali provengono dall’Africa, dall’Asia meridionale e dal Medio Oriente, sono vittime della guerra in corso. Molti di loro non sono riusciti a completare gli studi e sono stati costretti a fuggire in altri Paesi nella speranza di poter tornare presto in Ucraina e completare il corso di studi.[6] Molti di questi studenti stranieri hanno effettivamente lottato per trovare rifugio o per fuggire e, cosa più terribile, almeno due studenti in visita sono stati uccisi nei primi giorni di guerra.[7]

 

L’effetto della guerra sugli Stati post-sovietici e sulla Russia:

Dopo l’invasione dell’Ucraina da parte della Russia, i cittadini degli Stati post-sovietici temono che il controllo di Putin si estenda sui loro Paesi , ancor più la firma di un accordo di alleanza fra il presidente russo e quello azero Ilham Aliyev. L’accordo in 43 punti include un’alleanza economica ed educativa che aumenterà il controllo del regime di Putin in Azerbaigian .[8][9] Per esempio, lo studio della lingua russa diventerà obbligatorio negli istituti scolastici, più di quanto non lo fosse in precedenza negli Stati post-sovietici.[10]

Ultimamente, il Ministero dell’Istruzione russo ha iniziato a diffondere la propaganda nell’istruzione online, nel tentativo di influenzare i bambini con ideologie che glorificano la leadership di Putin e giustificano l’invasione russa dell’Ucraina . Queste lezioni online cercano di spiegare “perché la missione di liberazione in Ucraina era necessaria”.[11]C’è il rischio che queste lezioni contribuiscano a creare una generazione che incoraggia la guerra e sostiene la dittatura in Russia.

Certamente, arriverà un giorno in cui la guerra finirà, e gli sfollati torneranno nelle patrie dove hanno lasciato i loro cari per cercare rifugio in altre terre. I leader si stringeranno la mano per stabilire la pace nel mondo, ma a quale costo questo avverrà, quando tanti danni sono già stati fatti? Come dice Mahmoud Darwish “Non so chi ha venduto la nostra patria, ma ho visto chi ne ha pagato il prezzo”.

 

 

Di Zinat Asadova

[1] “La guerra finirà” Poesia di Mahmud Darwish

[2] Save the Children. (2022). Ucraina: Gli attacchi alle scuole mettono in pericolo la vita e il futuro dei bambini. Recuperato da https://www.savethechildren.net/news/ukraine-attacks-schools-endangering-children-s-lives-and- futures

[3] Regione Europa e Asia Centrale (ECAR) dell’UNICEF. (2022). Rapporto sulla situazione in Ucraina – 24 febbraio 2022 (p. 2). Recuperato da https://www.unicef.org/media/116031/file/Ukraine-Humanitarian-SitRep-24-February-2022.pdf

[4] Deutsche Welle (DW). (2022). La Polonia lotta per dare ai bambini ucraini accesso all’istruzione [Video]. Retrieved from https://www.dw.com/en/poland-fights-to-give-ukrainian-kids-access-to-education/av- 61185207#:~:text=Circa%202%20milioni%20di%20Ucraini%20hanno,il%20sistema%20educativo%20della%20Polonia%20è%20 enorme.

[5] Abrams, F. (2022). I rifugiati ucraini potrebbero faticare a trovare posto nelle scuole inglesi, dicono i consigli. The Guardian. Recuperato da https://www.theguardian.com/education/2022/mar/05/ukraine-refugees-may-struggle-to-find-places-in- english-schools-councils-say

[6] Fallon, K. (2022). Gli studenti stranieri in fuga dalla guerra russa contro l’Ucraina sperano di tornare. Aljazeera.com. Recuperato da https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2022/3/5/they-told-us-to-go-home-student-recounts-ukraine-war

[7] La risposta dell’istruzione internazionale alla guerra in Ucraina. Monitor ICEF – Informazioni di mercato per il reclutamento internazionale di studenti. (2022). Recuperato da https://monitor.icef.com/2022/03/international-educations-continuing- response-to-the-war-in-ukraine/

[8] Azərbaycan Respublikası Xarici İşlər Nazirliyi. (2022). No:056/22, Azərbaycan Respublikası Xarici İşlər Nazirliyinin Mətbuat xidməti idarəsinin məlumatı (AZ/RU). Recuperato da https://www.mfa.gov.az/az/news/no05622

 

[9] Presidente della Repubblica dell’Azerbaigian Ilham Aliyev. (2022). Dichiarazione sull’interazione tra la Repubblica dell’Azerbaigian e la Federazione Russa. Recuperato da https://president.az/en/articles/view/55498

[10] Aliyeva, J. (2022). Il presidente dell’Azerbaigian sottolinea l’importanza della lingua russa. Agenzia di stampa Report. Recuperato da https://report.az/en/foreign-politics/azerbaijani-president-notes-importance-of-russian-language/

[11] Pagina ufficiale del Ministero dell’Istruzione russo su Vkontakte. (2022). Una lezione aperta “I difensori della pace” (Открытый урок “Защитники мира”) [Video]. https://vk.com/video-30558759_456242419?list=8411aa6de207bc39a2

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Dayikên ku bi tirkî Nizan bûn Zarokên ku bi kurdî Nizanin Mezin Kirin

Hema bêje di tevahiya zimanan de zimanê dayikê, zimanê dayê jê re tê gotin. Gelo çi tişt bi qas î mirovekî hînî zimanê ku dayika wî pê dipeyive hîn bibe, bi wê bipeyive û bi wî bifikire mafekî xwezayî dibe?

Li Tirkiyê dema mesele bibe kurd, rewş qet wî awayî nabe. Zarokên Kurdan yan qet î nikarin hîn bibin û an jî piştî hînbûnê di demekê de ji bîr dikin û winda dibe. Nifşên ku ji dayika xwe, ji mala xwe û ji çanda xwe biyanî digihêjin. Ew ji zimanê xwe biyanî bûyîn, piranî jî di metrepolên ku bi milyonan kurd koçberî wan bûyîn de hêj zêdetir jî didome. Zarok dema ji zimanê xwe derbasî zimanê Tirkî dibin û taybetî jî di wexta dibistana seretayî û ya navîn de, pir zoriyê dibînin.

Bi taybetî jî dema dibistana seretayî de zimanê dayikê pir girîng e. Çimkî wexta zarok zimanê xwe yê dayikê di pêş de dibin, di heman demê de fikra rexneyê, xwendin-nivîsîn û her wekî din çendan kêrhateyên xwe yên bingehîn jî di pêş de dibin. Van kêrhatyên xwe yên bingehîn bi zimanê dayika xwe bihêsantir dikarin derbasî wî wî zimanî jî bikin.

Mînakek, zarokek wateya peyvekê wateya peyvekê texmîn bike û an jî kêrhatiya wî ya bi navrêz xwendinê derxistina wateyê pêş ketibe, dema di zimanekî duyemîn de jî bixebite bi hêsanî dikare van kêrhatyên xwe derbasî wî jî bike. Bi vê re jî, van kêrhatyên xwe yên nedîtbar bi rêya zimanekî din û rasterast danfêhkirin pir zehmetir e. Ji ber vê yekê jî jiyana bi zimanê xwe ve, kêrhatiya zarokî ya xwendin û   nivîsîn û pêşxistina fikra rexnegirîyê de jî dibe alîkar.

Bi rastî jî zimanê dayikê ewas girîng e?

Ji Zanîngeha Torontoyê Profesor Jîm Cummîns bersiva vê pirsê wiha dide; zarokên zimanekî zexim ê wan yê dayikê hebe, zimanê duyemîn jî bi hêsantir dikare hîn bibe û kifş kir ku di kêrhatiya xwendin û nivîsîn jî bi pêştir dixin; kêrhate û zanîna zarokan di navbera zimanan de derbasdar e.[1]

Li Tirkiyeyê perwerdeya zimanê dayikê ya bi kurdî deynin aliyekî, bi salan çav û guhên xwe ji heyîna kurdî re girtin û girtin û înkar kirin. Piştî ewqas êş û janan, ew jî di sala 2009 an de vekirina kanaleke televîzyonê hate qebûlkirin. TRT Kurdî, pîştî gotina Mesut Yilmaz a 1999 an ya li Amedê gotibû “rêya YE yê di Amedê re derbas dibe” 10 sal şûn de hate sazkirin.[2] Îro di ser vê daxuyaniyê re 21sal derbas bûye lê hêca jî Tirkîye pir di şûn mafên bingehîn û demokratîkbûnê de ye. Tirkiye astengên li pêşiya perwerdehiya zimanê dayikê ye, ranake. Di bin hêceta dê xaka welêt qet bike de, bi salan e qedexeya li ser kurdî awayekî nepenî didomîne. Halbûkî dewleta me tam di vir de dixapiya. Çawan zimanê ku dayika min pê dipeyive dikare dewletê qet bike?

 

Astengkirina perwerdeya zimanê dayikê ne tenê dibe sebeba fêhmnekirina zarokan, di heman demê de têkiliya wan a çand û kevneşopiya wan re jî bi temamî qut dikir. Hişmendiya civakî ya bi giradana herêma xwe ve jî tine dike; ewilî ji stran, çîrok û lotikên dayik û pîrikan biyanî dike û pey re jî dibe sebeba windabûyîn û tunekirina wê. Em ji mîrasa xwe ya çanda Mezopotamya ya bi hezaran salan ji dest didin. Halbûkî ya me heve girê dide qey ne jiyayiyên me yên hevbeş, stranên evînên me rave dikin û an jî ne re çîrok in? Ew ciwanên hevbeşiya jiyana wan a ku bibêje “erê, ew jî mîna min evîndar bûye, ew jî êşa min jiyaye weke min” tinebe, dê çawan bê hêvîkirin ku tevahiya jêparan de bibin yek? Veqetandina ciwanên Kurdan a ji dayik û çenda wan, tenê tije dilê wan kîna vê xakê dike. Tişta jê xeyidîyîn û jê biyanî bûyîn ne tenê çanda wan e, ev xaka heye jî.

Di dema nêzîk ya ku mirov bibêje duhî ye, li rojhilat û başûrê rojhilat de kurdî, Erebê, Tirkî û Ermenkî di heman kolanê de dipeyivin. Me wê rojê ji îro pêhtir ji hev hez dikir û nêzê hev bûn. Îro hema bêje di kolanên rojhilat de peyivîna  zimanekî tenê, ne wekî têye zenkirin ku em nêzî hev kirine, kîna me ji hev re çêkir û em ji hev dûr kirin.

Hêza vê xakê, ji zengînbûna wê ye. Parastina vê zengîniyê jî tenê bi lêxwedî derketina zimanên vê xakê pêk tê.  Perwerdeya zimanê dayikê, me parçe nake; berûvajiyê wê me hîn zêdetir nêzê hev dike.

 

Li ser kursîyê meclîsan bi bextewarî qala Ehmedê Xanî û Feqiyê Teyran kirin û lê destûrnedana bi Kurdî xwendina dîwanên wan û yên mîna wan bi sedan kesan, pirsgirêka nejidilîyê ye. Divê neyê jibîrkirin ku perwerdeya bi zimanê dayikê mafekî bingehîn e. Peyama Mafên Mirovan a Ewropayê ya ku em jî alîgirê wê ne jî, mafê perwerdehîya zimanê dayikê bibîr aniye. Mîna hemî gelan, lazime mafê Kurdan jî yê perwerdeya zimanê dayikê bêye dayîn. Ji bo mafên bingehîn yên mirovîn daxuyaniyek û an jî avêtina gavekê, lazime bi dehan salan xwemijûlkirin çênebe. Lazime demek zûtirîn mafên Kurdan yên bingehîn bêne dayîn.

 

Ji bo vê sebebê di change. org’ê de kampanyaya perwerdeya zimanê dayikê hatiye destpêkirin, alîkariya ji we jî dixwaze û ji bo rakirina vê nejaqiyê em we jî dawetî destgirtinê dikin.

Ji bo alîkariyê link

Fadil AKSU

 

[1] https://ie-today.co.uk/people-policy-politics/the-importance-of-mother-tongue-in-education/

[2] https://www.yenisafak.com/politika/avrupaya-giden-yol-diyarbakirdan-gecer-598002

The kids who do not know Kurdish which of those mothers who do not know Turkish

In almost all languages, the language of the mother is expressed as the mother tongue. What could be more natural for a person to learn, speak, and think with their mother’s language?

In Turkey, this is not the case for the Kurdish minority.

Kurdish children either do not learn their mothers’ language or forget and lose it after a while. Generations that are foreign to their mother, home, and culture are growing up. This language alienation is happening more rapidly in the big metropolises where millions of Kurds have migrated. In the transition from their mother tongue to Turkish, children experience serious learning difficulties, especially in primary and secondary school years.

The mother’s tongue is especially important in primary school age. Because when children develop their mother tongue, they also develop a range of other basic skills such as critical thinking and literacy skills. They learn these basic skills faster and naturally, in their native language, and when a second language is learned, it is easier to transfer these skills and learnings to the newly learned language.

 

For example, if a child has developed the ability to guess the meaning of a word through its context or derive meaning by reading between the lines, these skills are easily transferred when they start studying in a second language. However, it is much more difficult to teach these abstract skills directly in a second language.

 

Therefore, using the mother tongue helps the child develop critical thinking and literacy skills.

 

Is the mother tongue that important?

Professor Jim Cummins from the University of Toronto answers this question: He discovered that children with a strong native language learn a second language and improve their literacy skills more easily. He concluded that the children’s knowledge and skills were transferred between languages. [1]

Leaving mother tongue education aside, Turkey has not even acknowledged the existence of the Kurdish language. It was only able to recognize Kurdish in 2009, after dozens of sufferings, by opening a television channel. TRT Kürdi channel was founded 10 years after Mesut Yılmaz’s statement of “The EU’s Road Passes through Diyarbakır” in 1999.[2] Today, 21 years have passed over this statement, but Turkey is still far behind in these fundamental human rights. Turkey does not remove any obstacles to mother tongue education. With the allegation that the state’s integrity would be endangered, the de facto ban on Kurdish continued for years.

 

However, the Turkish state is clearly wrong. How can the language my mother speaks divide the state?

The prevention of mother tongue education causes children’s learning difficulties and completely disconnects them with their culture and history. They lose the social memory of the region they belong to. First, they become alienated from their mother’s grandmothers’ folk tales and lullabies and lose them completely. Thus, we lose our collective cultural heritage in Mesopotamia for thousands of years.

However, aren’t the folk songs or stories telling about our common experiences and loves that keep us together? How can we expect young people who do not have a past to say, “Yes, he/she felt love and/or pain just like me,” to meet on a common ground today? Breaking off the Kurdish youth from their mothers and their culture only offends them to these lands. It is not their own culture that they are embarrassed and alienated but only these lands.

In the recent past, which is close as yesterday, Kurdish, Arabic, Turkish and Armenian were spoken in the same street in the southeast and east. We loved each other and were closer those days more than today. Today, almost one language is spoken in the east’s streets has not brought us closer to each other; contrary to popular belief, it has made us angry and distant. The strength of these lands stems from their wealth. Preserving this wealth is only possible by protecting the languages of this land. Education in the mother tongue does not divide us; it brings us closer to each other.

There is a problem of sincerity if the parliament members praise Ahmedi Xani and Feqiye Teyra, amongst other important Kurdish writers, but restrict reading their works in their original language: Kurdish.

It should not be forgotten that mother tongue education is a fundamental right. The right to mother tongue education is emphasized in the European Convention on Human Rights, to which Turkey is a party. Like all people, Kurds should be given the right to mother tongue education. For the most humane fundamental rights, one should not wait for decades for a positive statement or a step; fundamental rights should be given as soon as possible.

 

If you do not want a language, a history, a culture, and a nation not to disappear, please support this campaign.

 

To sign the petition of KDH (Kurdish Language movement)

Fadil AKSU

 

[1] https://ie-today.co.uk/people-policy-politics/the-importance-of-mother-tongue-in-education/

[2] https://www.yenisafak.com/politika/avrupaya-giden-yol-diyarbakirdan-gecer-598002