Nuriye Gülmen: O luptă de șase ani împotriva abuzului sistemic

Nuriye Gulmen

Acum șase ani, pe 15 julie 2016, Turcia a fost tulburată de tentativa de lovitură de stat. O zi după tentativă, guvernul Turciei a declarat stare de urgență și a adoptat decretul executiv de urgență Nr. 667-676 care cenzura, în principal, jurnaliștii și mass-media,[i] dar și mii de funcționari publici, polițiști, personal din armată și profesori de universitate. Numele acestora a fost adnotat în anexa Decretului 179, pe 6 ianuarie 2017.[ii] Acești oameni, peste 150,000 la număr, și-au pierdut locul de muncă, accesul la servicii publice și li s-a îngrădit libertatea de mișcare pe motivul suspiciunii din partea guvernului că ar fi avut legătură cu cel care ar fi instigat lovitura de stat, Fetullah Gulen. Fetullah este un intelectual cleric turc care trăiește în exil în America din propria decizie, din 1999. El a negat că ar fi avut vreo legătură cu tentativa de lovitură de stat.[iii]

Una dintre persoanele afectate este Nuriye Gülmen, fostă profesoară de literatură la universitatea Selçuk din Turcia și, înainte de tentativă, în 2015, asistentă de cercetare la universitatea Eskişehir Osmangazi. [iv] Gülmen are vastă experiență în activism, cu un bagaj de confruntări legale împotriva abuzului instituțiilor turcești după ce a fost reținută 109 de zile din cauza poziției politice. [v] Ziua în care a fost eliberată și ar fi trebuit să se întoarcă la muncă, la universitatea Eskişehir, a coincis cu ziua tentativei loviturii de stat, lucru care a rezultat în întreruperea ei la universitate a doua zi.[v] Acesta a fost rezultatul noului decret, prin care a fost acuzată, împreuna cu alte mii de oameni, că ar fi fost membră FETO, o așa-zisă organizație care îl simpatizează pe Gulen, desemnată ca fiind organizație teroristă de către guvernul Erdogan. Așa a început a doua fază a istoriei ei de activism, începând să protesteze împotriva suspensiei și refuzurilor, cerându-și slujba înapoi în fiecare zi în fața Monumentului Drepturilor Omului din Ankara, unde se află Consiliul pentru Educație Superioară.[vi] Gülmen este determinată sa urmeze “tradiția revoluționară” a activismului de a obține ce vrei prin atenție politică, de data aceasta cerând să se oprească starea de urgență, să permită lucrătorilor revoluționari democratici să se întoarcă la locul de muncă, să asigure cei 13,000 de asistenți în cercetare și să ofere siguranța locului de muncă pentru toți cei care lucrează în educație și cercetare.[vii] Gülmen a început protestele pe cont propriu și a fost arestată de 26 de ori în total, lucru care poate fi atribuit atenției din surse internaționale, dar și spectatorilor domestici care îi citeau povestea pe blog. In a 50-a zi de protest, a fost numită de CNN ca fiind una dintre cele mai remarcabile femei din 2016. [viii]

Atenția din partea publicului s-a mărit și mai mult în ianuarie 2017, când a fost respinsă, nu doar suspendată, de Eskişehir, rezultând în decizia de a face greva foamei în martie, 2017. Ea a explicat că strategia din spatele grevei consta în faptul că protestele verbale sunt norma activismului și nu stimulează atenția autorităților, dar greva foamei este o acțiune suficient de radicală ca autoritățile să se simtă mai tare presiunea unei schimbări. [x]

Cu toate acestea, reacția autorităților a fost să le acuze pe Gülmen și Özakça, o altă profesoară care se alăturase protestelor, că ar fi fost implicate în activități ilegale ale Partidului Revoluționar al Liberarii (DHKP-C) și să le dețină la închisoarea Sincan din Ankara pe parcursul lunii mai din 2017.[xi] Justiția le-a găsit vinovate sub explicația că “dacă nu ar fi fost reținute, ar fi deteriorat cursul justiției”. Totuși, aceasta declarație devine contradictorie lângă faptul ca nu a existat nicio probă pentru condamnarea lor, iar avocatul celor doua a publicat cazierul lor ca dovadă a faptului că nu există nicio legătur între cele doua profesoare și Partidul Revoluționar.[xii]

A fost temut ca cele doua profesoare să fie supuse la mai multe violări ale drepturilor umane, deoarece gardienii de închisoare și doctorii au puterea legală de a întrerupe greva foamei fără acordul lor. De asemenea, ei pot interveni și daca persoanele sunt inconștiente, sub Articolul 82 a Legii de Execuție a Judecății No. 5275, care ar viola libertatea de exprimare și ar rezulta într-un tratament inuman și degradant.[xiii] În timpul unei vizite ale președintelui Ankara Bar Association, Gülmen a descris situația în care se afla împreuna cu colega ei ca “justiția dispare la fel ca mușchii [ei]”, fiind incapabilă să își miște gâtul, brațele sau să țină un stilou fără ajutor. Ca răspuns la situația celor doua femei, președintele asociației a cerut guvernului să opreasca greva prin reconciliere și negociere cu cei impactați de decretele de urgență. [xiv]  La mijlocul anului 2017, cele două activiste au înaintat un proces cu Curtea Constituțională și Curtea Europeană a Drepturilor Omului să finalizeze detenția pe motivul faptului că greva le supune la riscuri majore de sănătate. Cu toate acestea, Curtea le-a respins aplicația cu explicația ca riscurile nu le puneau în pericol viața și cele două beneficiază de măsurile medicale corespunzătoare în caz de nevoie. [xv]

Starea de sănătate a lui Gülmen s-a înrăutățit în septembrie 2017 și a fost mutată la o celulă spitalul Numune. Curtea a condamnat-o la 6 ani și 3 luni de închisoare, dar a fost eliberată din detenție la începutul lui decembrie 2017 sub control judiciar. În ciuda eliberării, Gülmen și Özakça și-au continuat protestele în fața Monumentului Drepturilor Omului. Eventual, au fost nevoite să înceteze greva in ianuarie 2018, după ce li s-a respins cererea să le fie evaluat cazul. În schimb, s-au concentrat eforturile pe acțiunile sistemului judiciar, evidențiind că lupta lor nu se oprește aici. După 324 zile de grevă, Gülmen a ajuns de la 59 de kg la 33,8- lucru care arată nivelul de seriozitate cu care a luptat pentru drepturile ei.

 

Următoarea dată când Gülmen a preluat atenția publica a fost când a fost arestată din nou, pe 11 August 2020, în timpul unei razii de poliție. Motivul arestării rămâne necunoscut [xix]. Mai târziu în același an, Gülmen și alți colegi au fost expulzați din Uniunea Angajaților pentru Educație și Știință din cauza reputației lor ca revoluționari.[xx] In 2021, Gülmen și Özakça au înaintat un alt proces cu Curtea Constituțională prin care argumentau că autoritățile judiciare nu au fost imparțiale și nici independente în timpul procesului din 2017, violeazând drepturile la libertate și securitate. Curtea le-a respins cazul pe motiv ca cele două nu aveau suficiente probe să le susțină acuzarea. [xxii]

 

Ce este cel mai evident din toată povestea de activism a lui Nuriye Gülmen este că, din 2016, guvernul Turciei a vizat sute de miii de indivizi îmntr-un mod injust, bazat pe argumente și retorici nefondate. Mai mult, a demonstrat că cei care își apără drepturile în fața activităților opresive ale guvernului sunt mai departe intimidați prin sistemul legal. Organizația BrokenChalk condamnă guvernul Turcesc și face apel la autoritățile în faptă să își reconsidere serios acțiunile care au lăsat mii de oameni fără securitatea locului de muncă sau opțiunea de a părăsi țara să își găsească de lucru. Brokenchalk insistă în special la reluare actviității de muncă ale lui Nuriye Gülmen și Semih Özakça în sfera educației.

Written by Karl Baldacchino

Edited by Erika Grimes

Translated by Bianca Balea from:

Nuriye Gülmen: A Six-Year Struggle Against Systematic Abuses

 

Surse:

[i] Grabenwarter, C. et al. (2017) ‘Draft Opinion on the Measures Provided in the Recent Emergency Decree Laws with Respect to Freedom of the Media’. European Commission for Democracy Through Law (Venice Commission). Available online from: https://www.venice.coe.int/webforms/documents/default.aspx?pdffile=CDL(2017)006-e [Accessed on 08/03/2022], pp. 3-4.

[ii] Decree-Law No. 679 (6th January 2017) ‘Measures Regarding Public Personnel’. Available online from: https://insanhaklarimerkezi.bilgi.edu.tr/media/uploads/2017/02/09/KHK_679_ENG.pdf [Accessed 08/03/2022], p. 1.

[iii] Jones, T. (2018) ‘Two Turkish Teachers End Almost 11-Month Hunger Strike’.  DW. Available online from: https://www.dw.com/en/two-turkish-teachers-end-almost-11-month-hunger-strike/a-42318478 [Accessed 08/03/2022]; Işık, A. (2017) ‘In Turkey, Hope for ‘Justice is Fading Away Just like my Muscles’’. DW. Available online from: https://www.dw.com/en/in-turkey-hope-for-justice-is-fading-away-just-like-my-muscles/a-39482207 [Accessed 08/03/2022].

[iv] Halavut, H. (2017) ‘Interview with Nuriye Gülmen: ‘I Have More Hope Today Than I Did on the First Day’’.  5 Harliler. Available online from: https://www.5harfliler.com/interview-with-nuriye-gulmen/ [Accessed on 08/03/2022].

[v] Ibid.

[vi] Ibid.

[vii] Ibid.; see also Gülmen, N. (2016) ‘DİRENİŞİN TALEPLERi’. Available online from: https://nuriyegulmendireniyor.wordpress.com/2016/11/08/basin-aciklamasina-cagri/ [Accessed on 08/03/2022]; see also Wikipedia (2022) ‘Nuriye Gülmen’. Available online from: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nuriye_G%C3%BClmen#cite_note-18 [Accessed 08/03/2022].

[viii] Ibid.

[ix] Ibid.; see also Amnesty International (2017) ‘Urgent Action: Fear for Hunger Strikers’ Wellbeing’. Available online from: https://www.amnesty.org/en/wp-content/uploads/2021/05/EUR4463402017ENGLISH.pdf [Accessed on 08/03/2022].

[x] Ibid.

[xi] ‘Urgent Action: Fear for Strikers’ Wellbeing’.

[xii] Cumhuriyet (2017) ‘Criminal Record of Gülmen and Özakça, Declared ‘Terrorists’ by Minister Soylu’. Available online from: https://www.cumhuriyet.com.tr/haber/bakan-soylunun-terorist-ilan-ettigi-gulmen-ve-ozakcanin-adli-sicil-kaydi-748105 [Accessed on 08/03/2022]; see also NTV (2017) ‘Statements by Minister Soylu about Semih Özakça and Nuriye Gülmen’. Available online from: https://www.ntv.com.tr/turkiye/bakan-soyludan-aclik-grevi-yapan-nuriye-gulmenle-ilgili-aciklamalar,Jg2i0I634EyPWqK_cXdIbg [Accessed on 08/03/2022]; see also Milliyet (2017) ‘The Unending Scenario of a Terrorist Organisation: “The Truth of Nuriye Gülmen and Semih Özakça”’. Available online from: https://web.archive.org/web/20170813220846/http://www.milliyet.com.tr/bir-teror-orgutunun-bitmeyen-senaryosu-ankara-yerelhaber-2179760/ [Accessed on 08/03/2022].

[xiii] ‘Urgent Action: Fear for Strikers’ Wellbeing’; see also ‘In Turkey, Hope for ‘Justice is Fading Away Just like My Muscles’.

[xiv] ‘In Turkey, Hope for ‘Justice is Fading Away Just like My Muscles’.

[xv] Armutcu, O. (2017) ‘The Constitutional Court Rejected the Appeal Against the Detention of Nuriye Gülmen and Semih Özakça’ Hurriyet. Available online from: https://www.hurriyet.com.tr/gundem/anayasa-mahkemesi-nuriye-gulmen-ve-semih-ozakcanin-tutukluluguna-yapilan-itirazi-reddetti-40503721 [Accessed on 08/03/2022]; see also Cakir, A. (2017) ‘ECHR Rejects Semih Özakça and Nuriye Gülmen’s Application’. Voice of America. Available online from: https://www.amerikaninsesi.com/a/aihm-semih-ozakca-ve-nuriye-gulmen-in-basvurusunu-reddetti/3969669.html [Accessed on 08/03/2022].

[xvi] Bianet (2017) ‘Nuriye Gülmen Released’. Available online from: https://bianet.org/english/human-rights/192100-nuriye-gulmen-released [Accessed on 08/03/2022].

[xvii] ‘Two Turkish Teachers End Almost 11-Month Hunger Strike’.

[xviii] Ibid.

[xix] Duvar English (2020) ‘Dismissed Turkish Academic, Known for Hunger Strike, Arrested Again’. Available online from: https://www.duvarenglish.com/human-rights/2020/08/11/dismissed-turkish-academic-known-for-hunger-strike-arrested-again [Accessed on 08/03/2022].

[xx] Yeni Bir Mecra (2020) ‘Critical Decisions in Eğitim-Sen: Nuriye Gülmen was Expelled’. Available online from: https://yeni1mecra.com/egitim-sende-kritik-kararlar-nuriye-gulmen-ihrac-edildi/ [Accessed on 08/03/2022].

[xi] Duvar English (2021) ‘Turkey’s Top Court Rules Dismissed Educators’ Rights Not Violated’. Available online from: https://www.duvarenglish.com/turkeys-top-court-rules-rights-of-dismissed-educators-nuriye-gulmen-and-semih-ozakca-not-violated-news-59436 [Accessed on 08/03/2022].

[xii] Ibid.

Nuriye Gülmen: Ein sechsjähriger Kampf gegen systematischen Missbrauch

Nuriye Gulmen

Vor fast sechs Jahren wurde die Türkei durch den mutmaßlichen Putschversuch vom 15. Juli 2016 erschüttert. Einen Tag nach dem Putschversuch verhängte die türkische Regierung rasch den Ausnahmezustand und erließ die Notstandsverordnungen Nr. 667-676. Mit diesen wurden vor allem Medien und Journalisten zensiert,[i] dessen Einfluss wurde aber am 6. Januar 2017 in den Anhängen der Verordnung Nr. 679 namentlich auf Tausende Beamte, Polizisten, Angehörige der Streitkräfte, Universitätsprofessoren und Mitarbeiter ausgedehnt.[ii]  Dies führte dazu, dass insgesamt mehr als 150 000 Menschen nicht nur ihren Arbeitsplatz, sondern auch Zugang zu sozialen Diensten verloren. Des weiteren wurden sie in ihrer Bewegungsfreiheit eingeschränkt und ihr Leben durch die Anschuldigung der Regierung beeinträchtigt. Ihr Leben wurde dadurch eingeschränkt, da sie sie mit dem Putsch in Verbindung gebracht wurden, der angeblich von Fetullah Gülen, einem türkischen Gelehrten und Geistlichen, verursacht wurde. Gülen lebt seit 1999 in den USA im Exil und weist die Anschuldigungen aus Ankara hartnäckig zurück.[iii]

Eine der Personen, die von den Folgen dieser Ereignisse betroffen ist, ist Nuriye Gülmen, eine ehemalige türkische Professorin der Vergleichende Literaturwissenschaft an der Selçuk-Universität. Gülmen wurde 2012, vor dem Putschversuch 2015, als wissenschaftliche Hilfskraft an die Eskişehir Osmangazi Universität berufen.[iv] Gülmen ist nicht nur Akademikerin, sondern hat viele Erfahrungen mit Aktionismus und juristischen Kämpfen gegen den Missbrauch von Institutionen in der Türkei. Nach ihrer Ernennung wurde sie aufgrund einer politischen Klage 109 Tage lang festgehalten, wodurch sich ihr Studium und ihre Wiedereinstellung an der Eskişehir-Universität verzögerten. [v]  Der Tag, an dem sie wieder zu ihrer Forschungsstelle berufen wurde, war der Tag des Putschversuchs. Dies führte dazu, dass sie am folgenden Tag von Eskişehir suspendiert wurde. Grund dafür waren die neuen Verordnungen, in denen sie, wie Tausende mit ihr, beschuldigt wurde, Mitglied der FETO zu sein. FETO meint die sogenannte Organisation der Anhänger des im Exil lebenden Gulen, welche von Erdogan und seiner Regierung als terroristische Organisation beschuldigt wurde. Dies löste die nächste Phase in Gülmen’s Aktivistengeschichte aus, in der sie seit dem 9. November 2016 jeden Tag vor dem Menschenrechtsdenkmal in der Yüksel-Straße in Ankara gegen ihre Suspendierung und schließlich Entlassung protestierte und beharrlich ihre Stelle in Eskişehir zurückforderte, wo der Hochschulrat seinen Sitz hat, und auf ihre Forderungen eingehen muss. [vi] Gülmen erklärt, dass es sich um eine “revolutionäre Tradition” handelt, bei der es darum geht, Aufmerksamkeit zu erregen und zu bekommen, was man will. In diesem Fall ist ihr Objekt der Begierde die Aufhebung des Ausnahmezustands, die Rückkehr der entlassenen revolutionär-demokratischen Staatsbediensteten an ihren Arbeitsplatz, eine Arbeitsplatzgarantie für die 13.000 wissenschaftlichen Assistenten des OYP sowie Arbeitsplatzsicherheit für alle Beschäftigten in Bildung und Wissenschaft. [vii] Gülmen begann ihren Protest weitgehend auf eigene Faust und wurde insgesamt 26 Mal verhaftet, was auf die zunehmende Aufmerksamkeit von ausländischen und inländischen Zuschauer zurückzuführen ist, die ihre Aktionen verfolgten und ihre Erfahrungen in ihrem Online-WordPress-Blog lasen. Schließlich wurde sie von CNN als eine der acht herausragenden Frauen des Jahres 2016 an ihrem fünfzigsten Tag des Protests ernannt.[viii]

 

Die Aufmerksamkeit, die Gülmen zukam, wurde nach dem Dekret vom 6. Januar 2017 noch vergrößert, als Gülmen aus Eskişehir entlassen wurde. Folge dessen trat sie am 9. März 2017 in einen Hungerstreik ein und somit den nächsten Schritt anging. Während Gülmen zusammen mit dem Grundschullehrer Semih Özakça in Polizeigewahrsam saß, erlebten die Frauen die Auswirkungen der Notstandsverordnungen hautnah mit. [ix] Der Grund für den Streik war, dass verbale Proteste in der Regel zu den Werkzeugen der Aktivisten gehören, die oft nicht genug Aufmerksamkeit von den Behörden erhalten. Jedoch ist ein Hungerstreik eine starke Aktion, die die beteiligten Akteure mit den ernsthaften Gesundheitsrisiken, die auf dem Spiel stehen in eine ähnliche Position bringt, wie das, was Gülmen als “notwendig, um den Widerstand auf die nächste Ebene zu bringen” und um “wirklich Druck auf sie auszuüben, damit sie etwas unternehmen” beschreibt. [x] Als Reaktion auf den Hungerstreik wurde am 2. Mai 2017 eine Anklageschrift beim 19. Strafgerichtshof in Ankara eingereicht. In jener Anklageschrift wurden sowohl Gülmen als auch Özakça beschuldigt, Mitglieder der Revolutionären Volksbefreiungspartei-Front (DHKP-C) zu sein und an deren illegalen Aktivitäten beteiligt gewesen zu sein. Dies führte zu ihrer Inhaftierung im Sincan-Gefängnis in Ankara am 23. Mai 2017. [xi] Das Gericht befand die beiden für schuldig, weil “eine Nichtinhaftierung der Justiz schaden würde”, was angesichts des Mangels an Beweisen für die erhobenen Vorwürfe widersprüchlich erscheint. Zudem bestreiten die beiden Lehrer weiterhin jede Beteiligung an der DHKP-C. Folge dessen veröffentlichte ihr Anwalt sogar ihre Vorstrafen als Beweis für das Fehlen einer solchen Beteiligung und wirkte somit den Bemühungen von Innenminister Süleyman Soylu und des Forschungs- und Studienzentrums seines Ministeriums, die Vorwürfe zu verfestigen, entgegen.[xii]

 

Es wurde befürchtet, dass den beiden Lehrern weitere Menschenrechtsverletzungen drohen würden, da es Gefängniswärtern und Ärzten gesetzlich erlaubt ist, einzugreifen und einen Hungerstreik, ohne die Zustimmung der Lehrer zu beenden. Sie können auch eingreifen, wenn sie bewusstlos sind, wie es in Artikel 82 des Gesetzes über die Vollstreckung des Urteils Nr. 5275 heißt, was infolgedessen die Meinungsfreiheit verletzen würde und mit hoher Wahrscheinlichkeit zu grausamer, unmenschlicher oder erniedrigender Behandlung oder Bestrafung führen könnte. [xiii] Während eines Besuchs von Hakan Canduran, dem Präsidenten der Anwaltskammer Ankara, und einiger seiner Kollegen, beklagte Gülmen die schlimme Situation in der sie und Özakça sich befanden, in dem sie Canduran beschrieb, dass sie sah, dass “die Gerechtigkeit genauso schwand wie [ihre] Muskeln”. Diese Aussage gab Gülmen, während sie nicht in der Lage war, ihren Hals ohne Hilfe hochzuhalten, ihre Arme zu bewegen oder einen Stift zu halten. Im Gegenzug forderte Canduran die Regierung auf, den Hungerstreik durch gesellschaftliche Versöhnung zu beenden und mit denjenigen zu verhandeln, die unfairerweise von den Notstandsverordnungen betroffen sind.[xiv] Mitte 2017 reichte das Duo beim Verfassungsgericht und auch beim Europäischen Gerichtshof für Menschenrechte einen Antrag auf Beendigung der Haft ein, mit der Begründung, dass ihr Hungerstreik inzwischen ein offensichtliches Gesundheitsrisiko darstellte. Doch beide Gerichte lehnten ihren Antrag ab, da sie diese Risiken nicht als lebensbedrohlich sahen und die entsprechenden medizinischen Maßnahmen vorhanden gewesen wären, um ihnen zu helfen, falls sie diese benötigt hätten.[xv]

 

Gülmens Gesundheitszustand verschlechterte sich schließlich so sehr, dass sie am 26. September 2017 in eine Insassinenzelle im Krankenhaus in Numune verlegt wurde. Sie wurde dann am 1. Dezember aus der Haft entlassen, als das 19. Schwere Strafgericht sie zu 6 Jahren und 3 Monaten Haft verurteilte, aber ihre Freilassung unter richterlicher Kontrolle zuließ.  [xvi] Trotz ihrer Freilassung setzten Gülmen und Özakça ihren Protest vor dem Menschenrechtsdenkmal fort, mussten ihren Hungerstreik aber schließlich am 26. Januar 2018 beenden, nachdem eine von der Regierung eingesetzte Kommission zur Überprüfung ihrer Fälle abgelehnt worden war. Stattdessen versuchten sie, ihre Bemühungen künftig auf das nationale Justizsystem zu richten, wobei sie betonten, dass ihr Widerstand nicht beendet sei und weitergehen werde. [xvii] Nach 324 Tagen ihres Hungerstreiks hatte Gülmen einen beträchtlichen Teil ihres ursprünglichen Gewichts von 59 Kilogramm verloren, und wog jetzt nur noch 33,8 Kilogramm, was zeigt, wie ernst ihre Bemühungen um den Erhalt ihres Arbeitsplatzes und die Achtung ihrer Rechte waren.[xviii]

 

Das nächste Mal stand Gülmen im Rampenlicht, als sie am 11. August 2020 bei einer Polizeirazzia am 5. August im Istanbuler Idil-Kulturzentrum, das von der linken Folk-Band Grup Yurum betrieben wird, erneut verhaftet wurde, wobei die Gründe dafür ungeklärt blieben. [xix] Später im selben Jahr wurden Gülmen und weitere ihrer Kollegen aus der Gewerkschaft für Bildung und Wissenschaft (Eğitim-Sen) ausgeschlossen, weil sie in der Öffentlichkeit als “Yüksel-Widerständler” oder Widerstandskämpfer dargestellt wurden..[xx] Zuletzt hatten die beiden am 4. November 2021 vor dem Verfassungsgericht geklagt, das später ihre Aussage zurückwies. Gülmen und Özakça klagten mit dem Grund, dass die Anklage vom 2. Mai 2017 dieselben Beweise verwendet habe wie eine frühere Untersuchung vom 14. März 2017, die zu ihrer Verhaftung geführt hatte. Diese Anklage wurde aber später abgewiesen und sie wurde unter richterlicher Kontrolle freigelassen. [xxi] Das Gericht wies ihre Klage mit der Begründung ab, dass es Gülmen und Özakça an konkreten Beweisen fehle und deswegen ihre verletzten Rechte nicht geltend gemacht werden könnten. Zudem hätten die beiden nicht alle innerstaatlichen Möglichkeiten ausgeschöpft, bevor sie ihre Klage einreichten.[xxii]

 

Nuriye Gülmens mutiger Aktivismus macht deutlich, dass die türkische Regierung seit 2016 Hunderttausende von Menschen mit haltlosen Argumenten zu Unrecht ins Visier genommen hat. Diejenigen, die am stärksten betroffen sind und sich entscheiden, sich den Maßnahmen der Regierung zu widersetzen, sind erheblicher Unterdrückung durch Inhaftierung und rechtliche Einschüchterung ausgesetzt. Broken Chalk fordert die türkische Regierung und die zuständigen Behörden auf, ihre Maßnahmen ernsthaft zu überdenken, die dazu geführt haben, dass Tausende von Menschen weder einen sicheren Arbeitsplatz haben, noch die Möglichkeit, das Land zu verlassen und im Ausland Arbeit zu finden. Broken Chalk fordert insbesondere die Wiedereinsetzung von Nuriye Gülmen und Semih Özakça nebst vielen anderen in ihre jeweiligen Positionen im Bildungsbereich. Der Verlust ihrer Arbeitsstellen hat den Zugang und die Qualität der Bildung in der Türkei sicherlich verringert.

 

von Karl Baldacchino

Edited by Erika Grimes

Translated by Vivien Kretz from https://brokenchalk.org/nuriye-gulmen-a-six-year-struggle-against-systematic-abuses/

Sources:

[i] Grabenwarter, C. et al. (2017) ‘Draft Opinion on the Measures Provided in the Recent Emergency Decree Laws with Respect to Freedom of the Media’. European Commission for Democracy Through Law (Venice Commission). Available online from: https://www.venice.coe.int/webforms/documents/default.aspx?pdffile=CDL(2017)006-e [Accessed on 08/03/2022], pp. 3-4.

[ii] Decree-Law No. 679 (6th January 2017) ‘Measures Regarding Public Personnel’. Available online from: https://insanhaklarimerkezi.bilgi.edu.tr/media/uploads/2017/02/09/KHK_679_ENG.pdf [Accessed 08/03/2022], p. 1.

[iii] Jones, T. (2018) ‘Two Turkish Teachers End Almost 11-Month Hunger Strike’.  DW. Available online from: https://www.dw.com/en/two-turkish-teachers-end-almost-11-month-hunger-strike/a-42318478 [Accessed 08/03/2022]; Işık, A. (2017) ‘In Turkey, Hope for ‘Justice is Fading Away Just like my Muscles’’. DW. Available online from: https://www.dw.com/en/in-turkey-hope-for-justice-is-fading-away-just-like-my-muscles/a-39482207 [Accessed 08/03/2022].

[iv] Halavut, H. (2017) ‘Interview with Nuriye Gülmen: ‘I Have More Hope Today Than I Did on the First Day’’.  5 Harliler. Available online from: https://www.5harfliler.com/interview-with-nuriye-gulmen/ [Accessed on 08/03/2022].

[v] Ibid.

[vi] Ibid.

[vii] Ibid.; see also Gülmen, N. (2016) ‘DİRENİŞİN TALEPLERi’. Available online from: https://nuriyegulmendireniyor.wordpress.com/2016/11/08/basin-aciklamasina-cagri/ [Accessed on 08/03/2022]; see also Wikipedia (2022) ‘Nuriye Gülmen’. Available online from: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nuriye_G%C3%BClmen#cite_note-18 [Accessed 08/03/2022].

[viii] Ibid.

[ix] Ibid.; see also Amnesty International (2017) ‘Urgent Action: Fear for Hunger Strikers’ Wellbeing’. Available online from: https://www.amnesty.org/en/wp-content/uploads/2021/05/EUR4463402017ENGLISH.pdf [Accessed on 08/03/2022].

[x] Ibid.

[xi] ‘Urgent Action: Fear for Strikers’ Wellbeing’.

[xii] Cumhuriyet (2017) ‘Criminal Record of Gülmen and Özakça, Declared ‘Terrorists’ by Minister Soylu’. Available online from: https://www.cumhuriyet.com.tr/haber/bakan-soylunun-terorist-ilan-ettigi-gulmen-ve-ozakcanin-adli-sicil-kaydi-748105 [Accessed on 08/03/2022]; see also NTV (2017) ‘Statements by Minister Soylu about Semih Özakça and Nuriye Gülmen’. Available online from: https://www.ntv.com.tr/turkiye/bakan-soyludan-aclik-grevi-yapan-nuriye-gulmenle-ilgili-aciklamalar,Jg2i0I634EyPWqK_cXdIbg [Accessed on 08/03/2022]; see also Milliyet (2017) ‘The Unending Scenario of a Terrorist Organisation: “The Truth of Nuriye Gülmen and Semih Özakça”’. Available online from: https://web.archive.org/web/20170813220846/http://www.milliyet.com.tr/bir-teror-orgutunun-bitmeyen-senaryosu-ankara-yerelhaber-2179760/ [Accessed on 08/03/2022].

[xiii] ‘Urgent Action: Fear for Strikers’ Wellbeing’; see also ‘In Turkey, Hope for ‘Justice is Fading Away Just like My Muscles’.

[xiv] ‘In Turkey, Hope for ‘Justice is Fading Away Just like My Muscles’.

[xv] Armutcu, O. (2017) ‘The Constitutional Court Rejected the Appeal Against the Detention of Nuriye Gülmen and Semih Özakça’ Hurriyet. Available online from: https://www.hurriyet.com.tr/gundem/anayasa-mahkemesi-nuriye-gulmen-ve-semih-ozakcanin-tutukluluguna-yapilan-itirazi-reddetti-40503721 [Accessed on 08/03/2022]; see also Cakir, A. (2017) ‘ECHR Rejects Semih Özakça and Nuriye Gülmen’s Application’. Voice of America. Available online from: https://www.amerikaninsesi.com/a/aihm-semih-ozakca-ve-nuriye-gulmen-in-basvurusunu-reddetti/3969669.html [Accessed on 08/03/2022].

[xvi] Bianet (2017) ‘Nuriye Gülmen Released’. Available online from: https://bianet.org/english/human-rights/192100-nuriye-gulmen-released [Accessed on 08/03/2022].

[xvii] ‘Two Turkish Teachers End Almost 11-Month Hunger Strike’.

[xviii] Ibid.

[xix] Duvar English (2020) ‘Dismissed Turkish Academic, Known for Hunger Strike, Arrested Again’. Available online from: https://www.duvarenglish.com/human-rights/2020/08/11/dismissed-turkish-academic-known-for-hunger-strike-arrested-again [Accessed on 08/03/2022].

[xx] Yeni Bir Mecra (2020) ‘Critical Decisions in Eğitim-Sen: Nuriye Gülmen was Expelled’. Available online from: https://yeni1mecra.com/egitim-sende-kritik-kararlar-nuriye-gulmen-ihrac-edildi/ [Accessed on 08/03/2022].

[xi] Duvar English (2021) ‘Turkey’s Top Court Rules Dismissed Educators’ Rights Not Violated’. Available online from: https://www.duvarenglish.com/turkeys-top-court-rules-rights-of-dismissed-educators-nuriye-gulmen-and-semih-ozakca-not-violated-news-59436 [Accessed on 08/03/2022].

[xii] Ibid.

Nuriye Gülmen: Hatéves küzdelem a Törökországban történő rendszeres visszaélések ellen

Nuriye Gulmen

Közel hat évvel ezelőtt, 2016. július 15-én Törökországot megrázta egy puccskísérlet, amelyet a török kormány szerint Fetullah Gülen, az 1999 óta az Egyesült Államokban önszántából száműzetésben élő török tudós-klerikus tervelt ki. Gülen kitartóan tagad minden ilyen jellegű vádat.[i] A kísérletet követő napon a török kormány szükségállapotot rendelt el, és elfogadta a 667-676. számú sürgősségi végrehajtási rendeleteket, amelyek elsősorban a médiát és az újságírókat cenzúrázták,[ii] majd 2017. január 6-án a 679. számú rendelet mellékleteiben név szerint kiterjesztette a hatályt több ezer köztisztviselőre, rendőrre, fegyveres erő alkalmazottjára, egyetemi tanárra és más egyetemi alkalmazottakra.[iii] Ennek következtében összesen több mint 150 000 ember veszítette el az állását, a szociális szolgáltatásokhoz való hozzáférését, mozgásszabadságukat korlátozták, és életük folyásának meghatározó részévé vált a kormány azon vádja, hogy kapcsolatban álltak a puccsal.

 

Ezen események által érintett személlyé vált Nuriye Gülmen is, aki 2012-ben még a Selçuk Egyetem török összehasonlító irodalomtudományi professzoraként dolgozott, a puccskísérletet megelőzően, 2015-ben pedig az Eskişehir Osmangazi Egyetem kutatóasszisztenseként tevékenykedett.[iv] Gülmen akadémiai tevékenységei mellett a törökországi intézményekben történő visszaélések elleni aktivizmus és jogi csaták történetével is foglalkozott, mivel professzori kinevezése után személyesen is érintetté vált egy politikai perben, melynek során 109 napig volt jogtalanul őrizetben. Ez késleltette tanulmányait és az Eskişehirbe való visszahelyezését is.[v]

Gülment pont a puccskísérlet napján helyezték vissza kutatói állásába azonban az események fényében másnap az Eskişehirből újból felfüggesztették azon frissen kiadott rendeletek nyomán, amelyek több ezer tudóssal együtt Gülment is azzal vádolták, hogy tagja a FETÖ-nek, azaz a török kormány által terrorista szervezetnek nyilvánított Gülent támogató mozgalomnak.

Amikor Gülment 2016. november 9-én felfüggesztették, aktív ellenállásba kezdett. Gülmen a jogtalan felfüggesztések és elbocsájtások ellen tiltakozott és minden nap kitartóan követelte az Eskişehiri pozíciójába való visszahelyezését az ankarai Yüksel utcában található Emberi Jogi Emlékmű előtt. Az emlékmű a Felsőoktatási Tanács székhelyénél van elhelyezve, mely intézménynek hivatali kötelessége lenne válaszolni minden felsőoktatási rendszerben történő igazságtalansággal kapcsolatban megfogalmazott követelésre, így Gülmenére is.[vi] Az Emberi Jogi Emlékmű előtt történő tiltakozás Gülmen szerint egy „forradalmi hagyomány” volt, amelynek célja a figyelem felkeltése és nyomásgyakorlás a kitűzött cél eléréséhez, ebben az esetben a szükségállapot megszüntetésének és az közalkalmazotti és tudományos területen történt elbocsátások semmissé tételének eléréséhez.[vii]

Gülmen egyedül kezdte meg a tiltakozást, mely során összesen 26 alkalommal tartóztatták le. Tevékenységét egyre nagyobb érdeklődéssel követte nyomon mind a külföldi és a hazai sajtó: az online WordPress blogján publikálták Gülmen tapasztalatait megmozdulásaival kapcsolatban, míg a CNN a 2016-os év nyolc kiemelkedő nője közé választotta Gülment tiltakozásának ötvenedik napján.[viii] A nőt érő figyelem még jelentősebbé vált a 2017. január 6-i kormányrendelet után, mely értelmében többek között Gülment is végleg elbocsátották az Eskişehirből.

A nő ennek következtében ellenállási stratégiáit új szintre emelte, és 2017. március 9-én éhségsztrájkba kezdett Semih Özakça általános iskolai tanárral együtt.[ix] Az éhségsztrájk hatására 2017. május 2-án a kormány vádiratot nyújtott be az ankarai büntetőbírósághoz, amelyben Gülment és Özakçát a terrorszervezetként nyilvántartott Forradalmi Népi Felszabadítási Párt-Front (DHKP-C) tagjaiként azonosították és azzal vádolták őket, hogy részt vesznek a párt tiltott tevékenységeiben. A vádirat nyomán Gülmen és Özakça 2017. május 23-ig rendőrségi őrizetbe került és az ankarai Sincan börtönben raboskodott.[x] A bíróság azzal indokolta letartóztatásukat, hogy „szabadlábon akadályoznák az igazságszolgáltatást”. A bíróság indoklása azonban nem volt megalapozott, tekintve, hogy a két tanár ellen benyújtott vádak nem tartalmaztak bizonyítékokat, továbbá Gülmen és Özakça is tagadta a DHKP-C-vel való bármilyen kapcsolatát. Ennek alátámasztására a tanárok ügyvédje még a bűnügyi nyilvántartásukat is nyilvánosságra hozta, hogy bebizonyítsa, Gülmennek és Özakçának semmilyen kapcsolata nincs a szervezettel. Mindeközben Szulejmán Soylu belügyminiszter és minisztériumának kutatási és tanulmányi központja mindent megtett, hogy megszilárdítsák a vádakat a tanárok ellen.[xi]

 

A tanárok további emberi jogi jogsértésekkel néztek szembe, mivel a börtönőrök a törvény szerint az érintett személyek beleegyezése nélkül is beavatkozhatnak és véget vethetnek az éhségsztrájknak. Ez azonban sérti a véleménynyilvánítás szabadságát, és kegyetlen, embertelen és megalázó bánásmódot vagy büntetést is eredményezhet az érintett személyek irányába.[xii]

Az Ankarai Ügyvédi Kamara elnöke, Hakan Canduran és néhány kollégájának látogatása során Gülmen kifejezte, milyen szörnyű helyzetbe kerültek Özakçával, ahol „az igazságszolgáltatás éppúgy épül le, mint [Gülmen] izmai” az éhségsztrájk következtében. Ekkor a nő már képtelen volt nyakát segítség nélkül felemelni, mozgatni a karját vagy tollat fogni. Canduran ennek hatására felszólította a kormányt, hogy a társadalmi megbékélés érdekében vessen véget az éhségsztrájknak, és tárgyaljon a tanárokkal és azokkal, akiket igazságtalanul érintettek a szükségállapot-rendeletek.[xiii] Ezen kérések azonban nem teljesültek, így 2017 közepén Gülmen és Özakça az Alkotmánybírósághoz és az Emberi Jogok Európai Bíróságához is beadvánnyal fordult szabadságvesztésük megszüntetése érdekében, mivel éhségsztrájkjuk addigra már nyilvánvaló egészségügyi kockázatot jelentett. Keresetüket azonban mindkét bíróság elutasította arra hivatkozva, hogy az éhségsztrájk következtében felmerülő kockázatok nem voltak életveszélyesek, illetve életveszély esetén is a megfelelő orvosi intézkedések állnának rendelkezésükre.[xiv]

Gülmen egészségi állapota egyre súlyosabbá vált, így végül 2017. szeptember 26-án átszállították a Numune kórházi cellába. Közben a bíróság Gülment bűnösnek találta a DHKP-C-vel fenntartott (állítólagos) kapcsolatai miatt, és 6 év 3 hónap börtönbüntetésre ítélte. Azonban Gülmen a bíróság döntése elleni fellebbezésének elbírálásáig és Özakça októberi szabadlábra helyezése után, december 1-jén végül a nőt is szabadon engedték bírósági felügyelet mellett.[xv]

Szabadulásukkal Gülmen és Özakça folytatták tiltakozásukat az Emberi Jogi Emlékmű előtt, azonban 2018. január 26-án felhagytak az éhségsztrájkkal, miután a Szükségállapoti Kormánybizottság elutasította őket, mely bizottság a munkájukból a szükségállapot elrendelésével felmentett dolgozók fellebbezését vizsgálta felül. Gülmen és Özakça így újból az igazságszolgáltatási rendszerben igyekeztek erőfeszítéseiknek érvényt szerezni, hangsúlyozva, hogy ellenállásuk nem ért véget.[xvi] A 324 napos éhségsztrájk után Gülmen 59 kilogrammról 33,8 kilogrammra fogyott, mely demonstrálja a nő elkötelezettségét követelései mellett, vagyis a kormány visszaéléseinek megszüntetését, munkahelyi pozíciókba történő visszahelyezéseket, illetve emberi jogok tiszteletben tartását.[xvii]

Gülmen legközelebb akkor került reflektorfénybe, amikor 2020. augusztus 11-én tisztázatlan körülmények között ismét letartóztatták az isztambuli Idil kulturális központban tartott rendőrségi razzia során, mely központot a Grup Yurum nevű baloldali népzenei együttes működtette.[xviii] Még abban az évben Gülment és más letartóztatott személyeket kizártak az Oktatási és Tudományos Dolgozók Szakszervezetéből (Eğitim-Sen), mivel a nyilvánosság előtt „Yüksel Resistanceistaként”, azaz ellenállóként szerepeltek.[xix]

Az utolsó nyomon követhető fejlemény Gülmennel és Özakçával kapcsolatban 2021. november 4-én történt, amikor a páros az Alkotmánybírósághoz fordult az őket ért jogsérelmekkel kapcsolatban. Ezen beadványukat azonban elutasították arra hivatkozva, hogy egy régebbi ügy során ugyanezeket a bizonyítékokat mutatták be a tanárok, valamint, hogy beadványuk nem tartalmazott konkrét bizonyítékokat azzal kapcsolatban, hogy valóban jogsérelem érte őket munkahelyi pozíciójuk elvesztése és letartóztatásuk során. A bíróság azt is szóvá tette, hogy szerinte a két tanár nem merített ki minden hazai eszközt ügyük érdekében az Alkotmánybírósághoz benyújtott keresetük előtt.[xx]

Nuriye Gülmen történetén keresztül kirajzolódik, hogyan vett a török kormány és intézkedéseik több százezer embert igazságtalanul és alaptalanul célba 2016 óta. Akik pedig úgy döntöttek, hogy ezen igazságtalanságokkal szembe szállnak, súlyos retorzióval és elnyomással néztek és néznek szembe a mai napig.

A Broken Chalk felszólítja a török kormányt és az érintett hatóságokat, hogy komolyan vizsgálják felül intézkedéseiket, melyek ezreket fosztottak meg munkahelyeiktől vagy akár a lehetőségtől, hogy elhagyhassák Törökországot. A szervezet különösen fontosnak tartja Nuriye Gülmen és Semih Özakça, és a velük hasonló sorsra jutott személyek visszahelyezését az oktatás területén betöltött pozícióikba, ugyanis eltávolításuk minden bizonnyal csökkentette az oktatáshoz való hozzáférést és annak minőségét Törökországban.

 

 

Írta: Karl Baldacchino

Fordította: Farkas Johanna

Translated from : https://brokenchalk.org/nuriye-gulmen-a-six-year-struggle-against-systematic-abuses/

Sources:

[i] Jones, T. (2018) ‘Two Turkish Teachers End Almost 11-Month Hunger Strike’.  DW. Available online from: https://www.dw.com/en/two-turkish-teachers-end-almost-11-month-hunger-strike/a-42318478 [Accessed 08/03/2022]; Işık, A. (2017) ‘In Turkey, Hope for ‘Justice is Fading Away Just like my Muscles’’. DW. Available online from: https://www.dw.com/en/in-turkey-hope-for-justice-is-fading-away-just-like-my-muscles/a-39482207 [Accessed 08/03/2022].

[ii] Grabenwarter, C. et al. (2017) ‘Draft Opinion on the Measures Provided in the Recent Emergency Decree Laws with Respect to Freedom of the Media’. European Commission for Democracy Through Law (Venice Commission). Available online from: https://www.venice.coe.int/webforms/documents/default.aspx?pdffile=CDL(2017)006-e [Accessed on 08/03/2022], pp. 3-4.

[iii] Decree-Law No. 679 (6th January 2017) ‘Measures Regarding Public Personnel’. Available online from: https://insanhaklarimerkezi.bilgi.edu.tr/media/uploads/2017/02/09/KHK_679_ENG.pdf [Accessed 08/03/2022], p. 1.

[iv] Halavut, H. (2017) ‘Interview with Nuriye Gülmen: ‘I Have More Hope Today Than I Did on the First Day’’.  5 Harliler. Available online from: https://www.5harfliler.com/interview-with-nuriye-gulmen/ [Accessed on 08/03/2022].

[v] Ibid.

[vi] Ibid.

[vii] Ibid.; see also Gülmen, N. (2016) ‘DİRENİŞİN TALEPLERi’. Available online from: https://nuriyegulmendireniyor.wordpress.com/2016/11/08/basin-aciklamasina-cagri/ [Accessed on 08/03/2022]; see also Wikipedia (2022) ‘Nuriye Gülmen’. Available online from: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nuriye_G%C3%BClmen#cite_note-18 [Accessed 08/03/2022].

[viii] Ibid.

[ix] Ibid.; see also Amnesty International (2017) ‘Urgent Action: Fear for Hunger Strikers’ Wellbeing’. Available online from: https://www.amnesty.org/en/wp-content/uploads/2021/05/EUR4463402017ENGLISH.pdf [Accessed on 08/03/2022].

[x] ‘Urgent Action: Fear for Strikers’ Wellbeing’.

[xi] Cumhuriyet (2017) ‘Criminal Record of Gülmen and Özakça, Declared ‘Terrorists’ by Minister Soylu’. Available online from: https://www.cumhuriyet.com.tr/haber/bakan-soylunun-terorist-ilan-ettigi-gulmen-ve-ozakcanin-adli-sicil-kaydi-748105 [Accessed on 08/03/2022]; see also NTV (2017) ‘Statements by Minister Soylu about Semih Özakça and Nuriye Gülmen’. Available online from: https://www.ntv.com.tr/turkiye/bakan-soyludan-aclik-grevi-yapan-nuriye-gulmenle-ilgili-aciklamalar,Jg2i0I634EyPWqK_cXdIbg [Accessed on 08/03/2022]; see also Milliyet (2017) ‘The Unending Scenario of a Terrorist Organisation: “The Truth of Nuriye Gülmen and Semih Özakça”’. Available online from: https://web.archive.org/web/20170813220846/http://www.milliyet.com.tr/bir-teror-orgutunun-bitmeyen-senaryosu-ankara-yerelhaber-2179760/ [Accessed on 08/03/2022].

[xii] ‘Urgent Action: Fear for Strikers’ Wellbeing’; see also ‘In Turkey, Hope for ‘Justice is Fading Away Just like My Muscles’.

[xiii] ‘In Turkey, Hope for ‘Justice is Fading Away Just like My Muscles’.

[xiv] Armutcu, O. (2017) ‘The Constitutional Court Rejected the Appeal Against the Detention of Nuriye Gülmen and Semih Özakça’ Hurriyet. Available online from: https://www.hurriyet.com.tr/gundem/anayasa-mahkemesi-nuriye-gulmen-ve-semih-ozakcanin-tutukluluguna-yapilan-itirazi-reddetti-40503721 [Accessed on 08/03/2022]; see also Cakir, A. (2017) ‘ECHR Rejects Semih Özakça and Nuriye Gülmen’s Application’. Voice of America. Available online from: https://www.amerikaninsesi.com/a/aihm-semih-ozakca-ve-nuriye-gulmen-in-basvurusunu-reddetti/3969669.html [Accessed on 08/03/2022].

[xv] Bianet (2017) ‘Nuriye Gülmen Released’. Available online from: https://bianet.org/english/human-rights/192100-nuriye-gulmen-released [Accessed on 08/03/2022].

[xvi] ‘Two Turkish Teachers End Almost 11-Month Hunger Strike’.

[xvii] Ibid.

[xviii] Duvar English (2020) ‘Dismissed Turkish Academic, Known for Hunger Strike, Arrested Again’. Available online from: https://www.duvarenglish.com/human-rights/2020/08/11/dismissed-turkish-academic-known-for-hunger-strike-arrested-again [Accessed on 08/03/2022].

[xix] Yeni Bir Mecra (2020) ‘Critical Decisions in Eğitim-Sen: Nuriye Gülmen was Expelled’. Available online from: https://yeni1mecra.com/egitim-sende-kritik-kararlar-nuriye-gulmen-ihrac-edildi/ [Accessed on 08/03/2022].

[xx] Ibid.

 

Nuriye Gülmen : Une lutte de six ans contre les abus systématiques du gouvernement turc

Nuriye Gulmen

Il y a près de six ans, la Turquie a été secouée par la prétendue tentative de coup d’État du 15 juillet 2016. Un jour après la tentative, le gouvernement turc a rapidement établi l’état d’urgence et adopté les décrets exécutifs d’urgence nos 667-676 qui a censuré les médias et les journalistes, [i] mais a ensuite étendu sa portée à des milliers de fonctionnaires, de policiers, de membres des forces armées, de professeurs d’université et de personnel nommément dans les annexes du décret 679 du 6 janvier 2017. [ii]  Cela a abouti à un total de plus de 150 000 de personnes perdant leur emploi, l’accès aux services sociaux, leur liberté de mouvement est devenue restreinte, leur vie ternie par l’accusation du gouvernement selon laquelle elles étaient liées au coup d’État prétendument provoqué par Fetullah Gulen, un érudit turc qui vit en exil aux États-Unis depuis 1999 et qui a constamment nié l’accusation venant d’Ankara.[iii]

L’une de ces personnes touchées à la suite de ces événements est Nuriye Gülmen, une ancienne professeure turcque de littérature comparée à l’Université de Selçuk en 2012 et qui, avant la tentative de coup d’État, a été nommée assistante de recherche à l’Université Eskişehir Osmangazi en 2015. [iv] Gülmen est non seulement universitaire, mais a également une histoire d’activisme et de batailles juridiques contre l’abus des institutions en Turquie en raison d’un procès politique après sa nomination et l’a vue détenue pendant 109 jours, retardant ses études et sa réintégration à Eskişehir. [v]

Le jour où elle a été nommée à son poste de rechercheuse était le jour de la tentative de coup d’État, qui a conduit à sa suspension d’Eskişehir le lendemain. Cela était dû aux nouveaux décrets qui l’ont accusée, comme des milliers avec elle, d’être membre de FETO, la soi-disante organisation de partisans des exilés Gulen qu’Erdogan et le gouvernement l’accusait d’être une organisation terroriste. Cela a déclenché la phase suivante de son histoire de militante et depuis le 9 novembre 2016, où elle avait protesté contre sa suspension, son licenciement éventuel et réclamé avec insistance son travail à Eskişehir tous les jours auprès du monument des droits de l’homme situé dans la rue Yüksel, Ankara, où siège le Conseil de l’enseignement supérieur et qui doit répondre à ses exigences. [vi] Gülmen explique qu’il s’agit d’une “tradition révolutionnaire” déterminée à attirer l’attention et à obtenir ce que vous voulez, exigeant dans ce cas la fin de l’état d’urgence, permettant aux travailleurs publics démocratiques révolutionnaires qui ont été licenciés de reprendre leur travail, et demande de sécurité d’emploi pour tous les travailleurs de l’éducation et des sciences.[vii] Gülmen a commencé sa manifestation en grande partie par elle-même, étant arrêtée 26 fois au total, ce qui peut être attribué à l’attention croissante des spectateurs étrangers et nationaux observant ses actions, lisant son expérience sur son blog WordPress en ligne, et finalement nommée par CNN comme l’une des huit femmes exceptionnelles de 2016 par son 50e jour de protestation. [viii]

Cette situation s’est considérablement détériorée après le décret du 6 janvier 2017, lorsque Gülmen a été renvoyée d’Eskişehir, ce qui l’a amenée à passer à la vitesse supérieure en engageant une grève de la faim le 9 mars 2017. Gülmen, alors qu’elle était en garde à vue aux côtés de l’institutrice principale Semih Özakça, ont été victimes de tortures. [ix] La justification de la grève était que les protestations verbales ont tendance à être la norme dans la boîte à outils des militants, qui le plus souvent n’attirent pas suffisamment l’attention des autorités, mais une grève de la faim est une action forte qui positionne les acteurs qui s’y engagent.[x] En réaction à la grève de la faim, un acte d’accusation a été déposé le 2 mai 2017 auprès de la 19e Cour pénale d’Ankara accusant à la fois Gülmen et Özakça d’être membres et impliqués dans les activités illicites du Parti révolutionnaire de libération du peuple-Front. (DHKP-C), conduisant à leur tour à leur détention à la prison de Sincan à Ankara le 23 mai 2017. [xi]  Le tribunal a déclaré les deux femmes coupable parce que “s’ils n’étaient pas placés en détention provisoire, ils nuiraient au cours de la justice”, une ligne qui semble contradictoires compte tenu du manque de preuves dans les accusations portées et alors que les deux enseignantes restent vigilantes en niant toute implication avec DHKP-C au point que leur avocat a même rendu public leur casier judiciaire comme preuve qu’une telle implication n’existe pas et a contré les efforts du ministre de la Intérieur Suleyman Soylu et le centre de recherche et d’études de son ministère pour tenter de solidifier les accusations. [xii]

On craignait que les deux enseignantes soient confrontés à de nouvelles violations des droits humains, puisque les gardiens de prison et les médecins sont légalement autorisés à intervenir et à mettre fin à une grève de la faim sans le consentement des enseignants. Ils peuvent également intervenir lorsqu’ils sont inconscients, comme le stipule l’article 82 de la loi sur l’exécution de l’arrêt n° 5275, ce qui violerait la liberté d’expression et est susceptible d’entraîner à des peines ou traitements cruels, inhumains ou dégradants.[xiii] Lors d’une visite du président de l’association du barreau d’Ankara, Hakan Canduran, et de certains de ses collègues, Gülmen a exprimé la situation désastreuse dans laquelle elle et Özakça se sont retrouvées. À son tour, nous avons vu Canduran appeler le gouvernement à mettre fin à la grève de la faim par la réconciliation sociale et à négocier avec ceux qui sont injustement touchés par les décrets d’urgence. [xiv]  Tout au long de la mi-2017, les deux enseignantes ont déposé une demande auprès de la Cour constitutionnelle et de la Cour européenne des droits de l’homme pour mettre fin à leur détention au motif que leur grève de la faim avait alors posé des risques évidents pour leur santé, mais les deux tribunaux ont rejeté leur demande parce que ces risques ne mettaient pas leur vie en danger et les mesures médicales appropriées étaient en place pour les aider si cela devenait le cas. [xv]

L’état de santé de Gülmen est finalement devenu grave et, le 26 septembre 2017, avait justifié son transfert dans une cellule de l’hôpital de Numune. Elle a ensuite été libérée de sa détention le 1er décembre, date à laquelle le tribunal l’a condamnée à 6 ans et 3 mois de prison, autorisant toutefois sa libération sous contrôle judiciaire.[xvi] Malgré leur libération, Gülmen et Özakça ont poursuivi leur manifestation devant le Monument des droits de l’homme, mais ont finalement dû mettre fin à leur grève de la faim le 26 janvier 2018, suite au rejet d’une commission gouvernementale chargée d’examiner leurs cas, et à la place ont cherché à concentrer leurs efforts au sein du système judiciaire national pour aller de l’avant, soulignant que leur résistance n’avait pas pris fin et qu’elles poursuivraient leur effort. [xvii]  Après 324 jours de grève de la faim, Gülmen avait perdu une quantité importante de son poids initial, passant de 59 kilogrammes à 33,8 kilogrammes, ce qui montre à quel point ses efforts étaient sérieux pour conserver son emploi et le respect de ses droits.[xviii]

La prochaine fois que Gülmen a été sous les feux de la rampe, c’est lorsqu’elle a de nouveau été arrêtée le 11 août 2020, lors d’une patrouille de police au centre culturel Idil d’Istanbul, un centre dirigé par le groupe folk de gauche Grup Yurum, dont les raisons restent inexpliquées. [xix]  Plus tard cette année-là, Gülmen et d’autres collègues ont été expulsés du Syndicat des travailleurs de l’éducation et des sciences (Eğitim-Sen) en raison de leur image de «résistants Yüksel» ou de combattants de la résistance aux yeux du gouvernement. [xx]  Le dernier développement était le 4 novembre 2021, lorsque le couple avait déposé une plainte auprès de la Cour constitutionnelle qui a ensuite rejeté leurs allégations selon lesquelles l’acte d’accusation du 2 mai 2017 utilisait les mêmes preuves qu’une enquête antérieure du 14 mars 2017, qui a conduit à leur arrestation mais ont ensuite été démis de leurs fonctions et libérés sous contrôle judiciaire, indiquant que l’acte d’accusation du 2 mai et la détention du 23 mai 2017 ont violé leurs droits à la liberté et à la sécurité, précisant en outre que les autorités judiciaires statuant sur l’affaire n’étaient ni impartiales ni indépendantes . [xxi]  La Cour a rejeté leur affaire parce que les demandes de Gülmen et Özakça manquaient de preuves concrètes, que leurs droits violés étaient inacceptables à faire valoir et qu’ils n’avaient pas épuisé tous les moyens internes avant de déposer leurs demandes.[xxii]

Ce qui ressort cruellement de l’activisme audacieux de Nuriye Gülmen, c’est que depuis 2016, le gouvernement turc a injustement ciblé des centaines de milliers d’individus sur la base d’arguments qui ne tiennent pas la route, et ceux qui ont été les plus touchés et décident de s’opposer à l’action du gouvernement. Et ces actions font systématiquement l’objet d’une répression importante par la détention et l’intimidation légale. Broken Chalk appelle le gouvernement turc et les autorités compétentes à reconsidérer sérieusement ses actions qui ont laissé des milliers de personnes sans sécurité d’emploi ou la possibilité de quitter le pays et de trouver un emploi à l’étranger. Broken Chalk demande en particulier la réintégration de Nuriye Gülmen et Semih Özakça, parmi tant d’autres, à leurs postes respectifs dans le domaine de l’éducation, dont leur retrait a certainement réduit l’accès et la qualité de l’éducation en Turquie.

 

Par Karl Baldacchino  Translated from Englsih Version : https://brokenchalk.org/nuriye-gulmen-a-six-year-struggle-against-systematic-abuses/

Edited by Erika Grimes

 

Sources:

[i] Grabenwarter, C. et al. (2017) ‘Draft Opinion on the Measures Provided in the Recent Emergency Decree Laws with Respect to Freedom of the Media’. European Commission for Democracy Through Law (Venice Commission). Available online from: https://www.venice.coe.int/webforms/documents/default.aspx?pdffile=CDL(2017)006-e [Accessed on 08/03/2022], pp. 3-4.

[ii] Decree-Law No. 679 (6th January 2017) ‘Measures Regarding Public Personnel’. Available online from: https://insanhaklarimerkezi.bilgi.edu.tr/media/uploads/2017/02/09/KHK_679_ENG.pdf [Accessed 08/03/2022], p. 1.

[iii] Jones, T. (2018) ‘Two Turkish Teachers End Almost 11-Month Hunger Strike’.  DW. Available online from: https://www.dw.com/en/two-turkish-teachers-end-almost-11-month-hunger-strike/a-42318478 [Accessed 08/03/2022]; Işık, A. (2017) ‘In Turkey, Hope for ‘Justice is Fading Away Just like my Muscles’’. DW. Available online from: https://www.dw.com/en/in-turkey-hope-for-justice-is-fading-away-just-like-my-muscles/a-39482207 [Accessed 08/03/2022].

[iv] Halavut, H. (2017) ‘Interview with Nuriye Gülmen: ‘I Have More Hope Today Than I Did on the First Day’’.  5 Harliler. Available online from: https://www.5harfliler.com/interview-with-nuriye-gulmen/ [Accessed on 08/03/2022].

[v] Ibid.

[vi] Ibid.

[vii] Ibid.; see also Gülmen, N. (2016) ‘DİRENİŞİN TALEPLERi’. Available online from: https://nuriyegulmendireniyor.wordpress.com/2016/11/08/basin-aciklamasina-cagri/ [Accessed on 08/03/2022]; see also Wikipedia (2022) ‘Nuriye Gülmen’. Available online from: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nuriye_G%C3%BClmen#cite_note-18 [Accessed 08/03/2022].

[viii] Ibid.

[ix] Ibid.; see also Amnesty International (2017) ‘Urgent Action: Fear for Hunger Strikers’ Wellbeing’. Available online from: https://www.amnesty.org/en/wp-content/uploads/2021/05/EUR4463402017ENGLISH.pdf [Accessed on 08/03/2022].

[x] Ibid.

[xi] ‘Urgent Action: Fear for Strikers’ Wellbeing’.

[xii] Cumhuriyet (2017) ‘Criminal Record of Gülmen and Özakça, Declared ‘Terrorists’ by Minister Soylu’. Available online from: https://www.cumhuriyet.com.tr/haber/bakan-soylunun-terorist-ilan-ettigi-gulmen-ve-ozakcanin-adli-sicil-kaydi-748105 [Accessed on 08/03/2022]; see also NTV (2017) ‘Statements by Minister Soylu about Semih Özakça and Nuriye Gülmen’. Available online from: https://www.ntv.com.tr/turkiye/bakan-soyludan-aclik-grevi-yapan-nuriye-gulmenle-ilgili-aciklamalar,Jg2i0I634EyPWqK_cXdIbg [Accessed on 08/03/2022]; see also Milliyet (2017) ‘The Unending Scenario of a Terrorist Organisation: “The Truth of Nuriye Gülmen and Semih Özakça”’. Available online from: https://web.archive.org/web/20170813220846/http://www.milliyet.com.tr/bir-teror-orgutunun-bitmeyen-senaryosu-ankara-yerelhaber-2179760/ [Accessed on 08/03/2022].

[xiii] ‘Urgent Action: Fear for Strikers’ Wellbeing’; see also ‘In Turkey, Hope for ‘Justice is Fading Away Just like My Muscles’.

[xiv] ‘In Turkey, Hope for ‘Justice is Fading Away Just like My Muscles’.

[xv] Armutcu, O. (2017) ‘The Constitutional Court Rejected the Appeal Against the Detention of Nuriye Gülmen and Semih Özakça’ Hurriyet. Available online from: https://www.hurriyet.com.tr/gundem/anayasa-mahkemesi-nuriye-gulmen-ve-semih-ozakcanin-tutukluluguna-yapilan-itirazi-reddetti-40503721 [Accessed on 08/03/2022]; see also Cakir, A. (2017) ‘ECHR Rejects Semih Özakça and Nuriye Gülmen’s Application’. Voice of America. Available online from: https://www.amerikaninsesi.com/a/aihm-semih-ozakca-ve-nuriye-gulmen-in-basvurusunu-reddetti/3969669.html [Accessed on 08/03/2022].

[xvi] Bianet (2017) ‘Nuriye Gülmen Released’. Available online from: https://bianet.org/english/human-rights/192100-nuriye-gulmen-released [Accessed on 08/03/2022].

[xvii] ‘Two Turkish Teachers End Almost 11-Month Hunger Strike’.

[xviii] Ibid.

[xix] Duvar English (2020) ‘Dismissed Turkish Academic, Known for Hunger Strike, Arrested Again’. Available online from: https://www.duvarenglish.com/human-rights/2020/08/11/dismissed-turkish-academic-known-for-hunger-strike-arrested-again [Accessed on 08/03/2022].

[xx] Yeni Bir Mecra (2020) ‘Critical Decisions in Eğitim-Sen: Nuriye Gülmen was Expelled’. Available online from: https://yeni1mecra.com/egitim-sende-kritik-kararlar-nuriye-gulmen-ihrac-edildi/ [Accessed on 08/03/2022].

[xxi] Duvar English (2021) ‘Turkey’s Top Court Rules Dismissed Educators’ Rights Not Violated’. Available online from: https://www.duvarenglish.com/turkeys-top-court-rules-rights-of-dismissed-educators-nuriye-gulmen-and-semih-ozakca-not-violated-news-59436 [Accessed on 08/03/2022].

[xxii] Ibid.

Нурие Гюлмен: 6 годишна борба срещу злоупотребите на системата

Nuriye Gulmen

Преди 6 години, Турция бе разтърсена от предполагаемия опит за държавен преврат на 15 Юли 2016. Ден след опита, турското правителство моментално въведе извънредно положение и прие извънредни изпълнителни укази, които основно цензорираха медии и журналисти. След това обхвата се разшири до хиляди държавни служители, полицаи, служители на въоражените сили, университетски преподаватели и служители поименно в приложенията към Указ 679 от 6 Януари 2017 г. Тези действия оставиха повече от 150,000 без работа, без социални услуги и без достъп на свобода на движение. Животът им беше опетнен от обвиненията на правителството за участие в преврата, за който се твърди, че е организиран от Фетуллах Гюлен. Гюлен е турски учен и духовник, който живее в изгнание в САЩ от 1999г и отрича всякаква връзка с опита за преврат. 

Едно от лицата засегнати от тези събития е Нурие Гюлмен, бивш турски професор по сравнителна литература в университета в Селчук през 2012 г. През 2015 я назначават за научен сътрудник  в университета Ескишехир Османгази. Гюлмен е не само академик, но също така е водила и правни битки срещу злоупотребата с институциите в Турция. Поради политически съдебен процес, след назначаването и тя е задържана за 109 дни, което забавя постъпването и в Ескишехир. Денят, в който е назначена отново съвпада с деня на преврата, което води до отстраняването на Гюлмен още на следващия ден. Това се дължи на новите укази според, които тя и още хиляди са били част от ФЕТО, така определената от Ердоган терористична организация на изгнаника Фетхула Гюлен. Това предизвиква следващата част от нейната активистка история и от 9 Ноември 2016 г. всеки ден тя протестира с искането да получи работата си обратно. Гюлмен протестира пред паметника на човешките права, намиращ се в Анкара, където се намира и съветът за висше образование, който трябва да отговори на нейните искания. Гюлмен обяснява, че това е „революционна традиция“, с която трябва да привлечеш внимание и да получиш каквото искаш. В този случай, прекратяване на извънредното положение и разрешение на всички уволнение работници да се върнат на работа, както и сигурност на местата на всички работници в сферата на образованието и науката. Гюлмен започва протестите си общо взето сама, като е арестувана общо 26 пъти, което вероятно се дължи и на нарастващото внимание от страна на местни и чуждестранни зрители, които следят действията и блоговете й. В крайна сметка тя е оценена от CNN, които я обявяват за една от осемте най-смели жени на 2016 г. 

 

CNN, които я обявяват за една от осемте най-смели жени на 2016 г. 

На 9 Март 2017 г. Гюлмен прави действията си още по-сериозни, като обявява гладна стачка. Заедно с началната учителка Семих Йозакча, двете изпитаха несгодите от нововъведените кризисни укази. Разбирането зад гладната стачка е, че стачка само с думи не привлича достатъчно внимание от старна на властите, но гладната стачка е следващото ниво. Както Гюлмен сама казва „Необходимо е съпротивата да бъде на следващото стъпало и наистина да ги притиснем, за да предприемат някакви действия“. В отговор на гладната стачка е внесен обвинителен акт в 19-ти наказателен съд, обвинявайки Гюлмен и Йозакча, че са членове и участват в незаконната Революционно-народоосвободителна партия. Това довежда до задържането им в затвора Синджан в Анкара до 23 Май 2017 г. Съдът намира и двете за виновни, защото „ ако не са задържани под надзор, те биха навредили на хода на правосъдието“. Цитат, който си противоречи, предвид липсата на каквито и да е доказателства по обвиненията. Дори адвокатът на обвиняемите публикува криминалните им досиета като доказателство, че не участват в никаква партия, противопоставяйки се на Министъра на вътрешните работи Сюлейман Сойлу, който се опитва да докаже правотата на повдигнатите обвинения. 

Има опасения, че още човешки права ще бъдат нарушени, тъй като надзирателите в затвора и докторите имат право да се намесят и да прекратят гладна стачка без съгласието на учителите. По време на посещение от Хакан Кандуран, който е президент на адвокатската колегия в Анкара, той заявява следното: „ справедливостта изчезва точно като нея (Гюлмен). Тя не може да държи главата си изправена без помощ, да вдига ръцете си, нито да държи химикал“. На свой ред видяхме как Кандуран призовава правителството да прекрати гладната стачка чрез обществено примирие и да преговаря с онези, които са засегнати от извънредните укази. В средата на 2017, Гюлмен и Йозакча подават иск в Касационния, както и в Европейския съд по правата на човека за прекратяване на задържането им с мотива, че гладната им стачка е представлява очевидна заплаха за здравето им. И двете институции отхвърлят исковете, тъй като заплахата не е била животозастрашаваща и са били взети необходимите медицинскки мерки, ако състоянието им се влоши. 

В крайна сметка здравето на Гюлмен се влошава и на 26 Септември 2017 г. се налага преместването й в затворничереска килия в Нумуне. До 1-ви Декември тя е свободна, докато 19-ти районен съд не я осъжда на 6 години и 3 месеца затвор, под условие, че освобождаването й е под съдебен контрол.  Въпреки освобождаването им, Гюлмен и Йозакча продължават протестите си пред паметника на човешките права. В крайна сметка на 26 Януари, 2018 г. те приключват гладната си стачка, поради отказа на съдебната система да разгледат случая. Това не сломява двете бунтовнички и те продължават със стачата си. 324 дни по-късно, Гюлмен е загубила повече от 20 килограма, показвайки колко усилия влага в това да запази работата и да извоюва правата си.  

Следващият път, в който Гюлмен бе под светлината на прожекторите беше през 2020 година, когато отново бе арестувана по време на полицейска акция в Истанбулския културен център Идил на 5-ти Август. Центърът е управляван от лявата фолк група „Юрум“, а причините за нападението все още са неизяснени. По-късно същата година, Гюлмен и други нейни колеги са изключени от синдиката на работниците в образованието и науката, тъй като чрез имиджа си на „ бойци на съпротивата“ оронват престижа на синдиката. Последното развитие по-случая е неотдавна, на 4 Ноември 2021 г. двойката подава молба до конституционния съд. Гюлмен и Йозакча твърдят, че обвинителен акт от 2 Май, 2017 г. съдържа същите обвинения срещу тях като тези в обвинителен акт от Март същата година. Обвиненията водят до техния арест, но в последствие са освободени под съдебен контрол, което доказва, че те са задържани неправомерно. Това също доказва, че съдебните органи, които се занимават със случая не са нито безпристрастни, нито независими.  Съдът отхвърля исканията им, като причини за това посочва, че липсват конкретни доказателстваи не са използвали всички местни институции преди това. 

Това, което явно се забелязва от смелият активизъм на Гюлмен е, че от 2016 г. насам, правителството несправедливо е сложило мишени на гърбовете на стотици хиляди хора, въз основа на фалшиви аргументи. Тези, които се противопоставят на правителството ще бъдат подложени на репресия чрез арести и законово сплашване. „Броукън Чолк“ призовава турското правителство и съответните власти сериозно да преразгледат, своите действия, които оставиха стотици хиляди без работа или възможност да напуснат страната, за да потърсят ново начало. „Броукън Чолк“ призовава връщането на Нурие Гюлмен и Семих Йозакча, и много други потърпевши, на съответните им работни позиции в образователната система. Отстраняването на тези хора със сигурност е намалило качеството на образованието в Турция.

 

Original text: Karl Baldacchino

Translated by: Ivan Evstatiev  from [Nuriye Gülmen: A Six-Year Struggle Against Systematic Abuses]

 

Sources:

[i] Grabenwarter, C. et al. (2017) ‘Draft Opinion on the Measures Provided in the Recent Emergency Decree Laws with Respect to Freedom of the Media’. European Commission for Democracy Through Law (Venice Commission). Available online from: https://www.venice.coe.int/webforms/documents/default.aspx?pdffile=CDL(2017)006-e [Accessed on 08/03/2022], pp. 3-4.

[ii] Decree-Law No. 679 (6th January 2017) ‘Measures Regarding Public Personnel’. Available online from: https://insanhaklarimerkezi.bilgi.edu.tr/media/uploads/2017/02/09/KHK_679_ENG.pdf [Accessed 08/03/2022], p. 1.

[iii] Jones, T. (2018) ‘Two Turkish Teachers End Almost 11-Month Hunger Strike’.  DW. Available online from: https://www.dw.com/en/two-turkish-teachers-end-almost-11-month-hunger-strike/a-42318478 [Accessed 08/03/2022]; Işık, A. (2017) ‘In Turkey, Hope for ‘Justice is Fading Away Just like my Muscles’’. DW. Available online from: https://www.dw.com/en/in-turkey-hope-for-justice-is-fading-away-just-like-my-muscles/a-39482207 [Accessed 08/03/2022].

[iv] Halavut, H. (2017) ‘Interview with Nuriye Gülmen: ‘I Have More Hope Today Than I Did on the First Day’’.  5 Harliler. Available online from: https://www.5harfliler.com/interview-with-nuriye-gulmen/ [Accessed on 08/03/2022].

[v] Ibid.

[vi] Ibid.

[vii] Ibid.; see also Gülmen, N. (2016) ‘DİRENİŞİN TALEPLERi’. Available online from: https://nuriyegulmendireniyor.wordpress.com/2016/11/08/basin-aciklamasina-cagri/ [Accessed on 08/03/2022]; see also Wikipedia (2022) ‘Nuriye Gülmen’. Available online from: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nuriye_G%C3%BClmen#cite_note-18 [Accessed 08/03/2022].

[viii] Ibid.

[ix] Ibid.; see also Amnesty International (2017) ‘Urgent Action: Fear for Hunger Strikers’ Wellbeing’. Available online from: https://www.amnesty.org/en/wp-content/uploads/2021/05/EUR4463402017ENGLISH.pdf [Accessed on 08/03/2022].

[x] Ibid.

[xi] ‘Urgent Action: Fear for Strikers’ Wellbeing’.

[xii] Cumhuriyet (2017) ‘Criminal Record of Gülmen and Özakça, Declared ‘Terrorists’ by Minister Soylu’. Available online from: https://www.cumhuriyet.com.tr/haber/bakan-soylunun-terorist-ilan-ettigi-gulmen-ve-ozakcanin-adli-sicil-kaydi-748105 [Accessed on 08/03/2022]; see also NTV (2017) ‘Statements by Minister Soylu about Semih Özakça and Nuriye Gülmen’. Available online from: https://www.ntv.com.tr/turkiye/bakan-soyludan-aclik-grevi-yapan-nuriye-gulmenle-ilgili-aciklamalar,Jg2i0I634EyPWqK_cXdIbg [Accessed on 08/03/2022]; see also Milliyet (2017) ‘The Unending Scenario of a Terrorist Organisation: “The Truth of Nuriye Gülmen and Semih Özakça”’. Available online from: https://web.archive.org/web/20170813220846/http://www.milliyet.com.tr/bir-teror-orgutunun-bitmeyen-senaryosu-ankara-yerelhaber-2179760/ [Accessed on 08/03/2022].

[xiii] ‘Urgent Action: Fear for Strikers’ Wellbeing’; see also ‘In Turkey, Hope for ‘Justice is Fading Away Just like My Muscles’.

[xiv] ‘In Turkey, Hope for ‘Justice is Fading Away Just like My Muscles’.

[xv] Armutcu, O. (2017) ‘The Constitutional Court Rejected the Appeal Against the Detention of Nuriye Gülmen and Semih Özakça’ Hurriyet. Available online from: https://www.hurriyet.com.tr/gundem/anayasa-mahkemesi-nuriye-gulmen-ve-semih-ozakcanin-tutukluluguna-yapilan-itirazi-reddetti-40503721 [Accessed on 08/03/2022]; see also Cakir, A. (2017) ‘ECHR Rejects Semih Özakça and Nuriye Gülmen’s Application’. Voice of America. Available online from: https://www.amerikaninsesi.com/a/aihm-semih-ozakca-ve-nuriye-gulmen-in-basvurusunu-reddetti/3969669.html [Accessed on 08/03/2022].

[xvi] Bianet (2017) ‘Nuriye Gülmen Released’. Available online from: https://bianet.org/english/human-rights/192100-nuriye-gulmen-released [Accessed on 08/03/2022].

[xvii] ‘Two Turkish Teachers End Almost 11-Month Hunger Strike’.

[xviii] Ibid.

[xix] Duvar English (2020) ‘Dismissed Turkish Academic, Known for Hunger Strike, Arrested Again’. Available online from: https://www.duvarenglish.com/human-rights/2020/08/11/dismissed-turkish-academic-known-for-hunger-strike-arrested-again [Accessed on 08/03/2022].

[xx] Yeni Bir Mecra (2020) ‘Critical Decisions in Eğitim-Sen: Nuriye Gülmen was Expelled’. Available online from: https://yeni1mecra.com/egitim-sende-kritik-kararlar-nuriye-gulmen-ihrac-edildi/ [Accessed on 08/03/2022].

[xi] Duvar English (2021) ‘Turkey’s Top Court Rules Dismissed Educators’ Rights Not Violated’. Available online from: https://www.duvarenglish.com/turkeys-top-court-rules-rights-of-dismissed-educators-nuriye-gulmen-and-semih-ozakca-not-violated-news-59436 [Accessed on 08/03/2022].

[xii] Ibid.

Nuriye Gülmen: een zesjarige strijd tegen systematisch misbruik

Nuriye Gulmen

Bijna zes jaar geleden werd Turkije opgeschrikt door de vermeende poging tot staatsgreep op 15 juli 2016. Een dag na de poging stelde de Turkse regering snel de noodtoestand in en nam ze nooduitvoeringsdecreten nrs. 667-676 aan die voornamelijk gecensureerde media en journalisten, ,[i] maar breidde het bereik vervolgens uit tot duizenden ambtenaren, politieagenten, strijdkrachten, universiteitsprofessoren en personeel met naam in de bijlagen van decreet 679 op 6 januari 2017. [ii] Dit resulteerde in een totaal van meer dan 150.000 mensen die hun baan verliezen, toegang tot sociale diensten, hun bewegingsvrijheid wordt beperkt, hun leven bezoedeld door de beschuldiging van de regering dat ze betrokken waren bij de staatsgreep die zou zijn veroorzaakt door Fetullah Gülen, een Turkse geleerde-geestelijke die in zelfballingschap heeft geleefd in de VS sinds 1999 en die de aanklacht uit Ankara hardnekkig heeft ontkend.[iii]

Een van die personen die getroffen is in de nasleep van deze gebeurtenissen is Nuriye Gülmen, een voormalige Turkse professor in vergelijkende literatuurwetenschap aan de Selçuk Universiteit in 2012 en die, voorafgaand aan de poging tot staatsgreep, werd aangesteld als onderzoeksassistent aan de Eskişehir Osmangazi Universiteit in 2015.[iv] Gülmen is niet alleen een academicus, maar heeft ook een geschiedenis van activisme en juridische strijd tegen het misbruik van instellingen in Turkije als gevolg van een politieke rechtszaak na haar benoeming en zag haar 109 dagen vastzitten, waardoor haar studies vertraging opliepen en ze opnieuw werd opgenomen in Eskişehir.[v] De dag dat ze weer in haar onderzoekspositie werd benoemd, was de dag van de poging tot staatsgreep, wat leidde tot haar schorsing uit Eskişehir de volgende dag. Dit was te wijten aan de nieuwe decreten waarin haar werd beschuldigd, zoals duizenden met haar, van lidmaatschap van FETO, de zogenaamde organisatie van aanhangers van de verbannen Gülen die Erdogan en zijn regering ervan beschuldigden een terroristische organisatie te zijn. Dit leidde tot de volgende fase van haar activistische geschiedenis en sinds 9 november 2016, waarin ze had geprotesteerd tegen haar schorsing, eventueel ontslag, en hardnekkig elke dag vroeg om haar baan bij Eskişehir voor het Mensenrechtenmonument in Yüksel Street, Ankara, waar de Raad voor Hoger Onderwijs is gevestigd en die aan haar eisen moet voldoen. [vi] Gülmen legt uit dat dit een ‘revolutionaire traditie’ is die vastbesloten is aandacht te trekken en te krijgen wat je wilt, waarbij in dit geval wordt geëist een einde te maken aan de noodtoestand, zodat de revolutionaire democratische ambtenaren die werden ontslagen en ontslagen weer aan het werk konden gaan. zekerheid voor de 13.000 OYP-onderzoeksassistenten en het vragen van werkzekerheid voor alle onderwijs- en wetenschapswerkers. [vi] Gülmen begon haar protest grotendeels alleen, ze werd in totaal 26 keer gearresteerd, wat kan worden toegeschreven aan de toenemende aandacht van buitenlandse en binnenlandse toeschouwers die haar acties observeren, haar ervaring lezen op haar online WordPress-blog en uiteindelijk door CNN worden genoemd als een van de acht uitmuntende vrouwen van 2016 op haar 50e dag van protest. [viii]

Deze aandacht werd aanzienlijk vergroot na het decreet van 6 januari 2017 toen Gülmen werd ontslagen uit Eskişehir, wat ertoe leidde dat ze haar strategie naar een volgende versnelling verlegde door op 9 maart 2017 in hongerstaking te gaan. onderwijzer Semih Özakça, de vrouwen hebben de weerslag van de nooddecreten meegemaakt. [ix]  De grondgedachte achter de staking was dat verbale protesten de norm zijn in de activistische toolkit, die vaker wel dan niet genoeg aandacht van de autoriteiten krijgt, maar een hongerstaking is een krachtige actie die actoren die zich ermee bezighouden, plaatst met de ernstige gezondheidsproblemen. risico’s die op het spel staan, vergelijkbaar met wat Gülmen uitlegt als ‘noodzakelijk om het verzet naar een hoger niveau te tillen’ en ‘ze echt onder druk te zetten om actie te ondernemen’.[x]  Als reactie op de hongerstaking werd op 2 mei 2017 een aanklacht ingediend bij het 19e zware strafhof in Ankara, waarbij zowel Gülmen als Özakça werden beschuldigd van lidmaatschap van en betrokkenheid bij de illegale activiteiten van het Revolutionaire Volksbevrijdingspartijfront (DHKP-C), wat op zijn beurt leidde tot hun detentie op 23 mei 2017 in de Sincan-gevangenis in Ankara. [xi] De rechtbank vond het paar schuldig omdat ‘als ze niet werden teruggezonden, ze de rechtsgang zouden schaden’, een regel die lijkt tegenstrijdig gezien het gebrek aan bewijs in de ingediende aanklachten en wanneer beide docenten waakzaam blijven in het ontkennen van enige betrokkenheid bij DHKP-C tot het punt dat hun advocaat zelfs hun strafblad openbaar maakte als bewijs dat een dergelijke betrokkenheid niet bestaat en de inspanningen van de minister van Justitie tegengingen Binnenlandse Zaken Suleyman Soylu en het onderzoeks- en studiecentrum van zijn ministerie om te proberen de beschuldigingen te staven. [xii]

 

Er werd gevreesd dat beide leraren zouden worden geconfronteerd met verdere mensenrechtenschendingen, aangezien gevangenisbewakers en artsen wettelijk mogen ingrijpen en een hongerstaking beëindigen zonder de toestemming van de leraren. Ze kunnen ook ingrijpen wanneer ze bewusteloos zijn, zoals vermeld in artikel 82 van de wet op de tenuitvoerlegging van vonnis nr. 5275, wat als gevolg daarvan de vrijheid van meningsuiting zou schenden en waarschijnlijk zal leiden tot bij wrede, onmenselijke of onterende behandeling of bestraffing.[xiii] Tijdens een bezoek van de voorzitter van de Orde van Advocaten van Ankara, Hakan Canduran, en enkele van zijn collega’s, uitte Gülmen de benarde situatie waarin zij en Özakça zich bevinden, en vertelde Canduran dat ze ziet ‘het recht vervaagt net als [haar] spieren’ terwijl ze niet in staat is haar nek zonder hulp omhoog te houden, haar armen te bewegen of een pen vast te houden. Op zijn beurt zagen we Canduran de regering oproepen om een ​​einde te maken aan de hongerstaking door middel van maatschappelijke verzoening en te onderhandelen met degenen die onterecht zijn getroffen door de nooddecreten.[xiv] Medio 2017 diende het duo bij het Grondwettelijk Hof en ook bij het Europees Hof voor de Rechten van de Mens een verzoek in om een ​​einde te maken aan hun detentie omdat hun hongerstaking tegen die tijd duidelijke gezondheidsrisico’s met zich meebracht, maar beide rechtbanken wezen hun verzoek af omdat deze risico’s niet levensbedreigend waren en de juiste medische maatregelen waren getroffen om hen bij te staan ​​als dat het geval zou zijn. [xv]

De gezondheid van Gülmen werd uiteindelijk ernstig en tegen 26 september 2017 had ze haar overplaatsing naar een gevangenencel in het Numune-ziekenhuis gerechtvaardigd. Ze werd vervolgens op 1 december uit haar detentie vrijgelaten, toen het 19e zware strafhof haar veroordeelde tot 6 jaar en 3 maanden gevangenisstraf, maar haar vrijlating onder gerechtelijk toezicht mogelijk maakte. [xvi] Ondanks hun vrijlating bleven Gülmen en Özakça protesteren voor het Mensenrechtenmonument, maar moesten uiteindelijk hun hongerstaking beëindigen op 26 januari 2018, na de afwijzing van een regeringscommissie die was aangetikt om hun zaken te beoordelen, en in plaats daarvan probeerden hun inspanningen in de toekomst te concentreren op het binnenlandse rechtssysteem, waarbij ze benadrukten dat hun verzet niet was geëindigd en zou voortduren.[xvii]  Na 324 dagen in hongerstaking te zijn gegaan, had Gülmen een aanzienlijk deel van haar oorspronkelijke gewicht verloren, van 59 kilogram naar 33,8 kilogram, wat aantoont hoe serieus haar inspanningen waren om haar baan te behouden en haar rechten te respecteren.[xviii]

De volgende keer dat Gülmen in de schijnwerpers stond, was toen ze op 11 augustus 2020 opnieuw werd gearresteerd tijdens een politie-inval in het Idil Culture Centre in Istanbul op 5 augustus, een centrum dat wordt gerund door de linkse folkband Grup Yurum, waarvan de redenen onverklaard blijven.[xix] Later dat jaar werden Gülmen en andere collega’s van haar uit de Education and Science Workers’ Union (Eğitim-Sen) gezet vanwege hun imago als ‘Yüksel Resistanceists’ of verzetsstrijders in de publieke belangstelling. [xx] De laatste ontwikkeling was zo recent als 4 november 2021, toen het paar een klacht indiende bij het Grondwettelijk Hof, dat later hun beweringen verwierp dat de aanklacht van 2 mei 2017 hetzelfde bewijs gebruikte als een eerder onderzoek op 14 maart 2017, wat leidde tot tot hun arrestatie, maar werd vervolgens ontslagen en werden vrijgelaten onder gerechtelijk toezicht, wat aangeeft dat de aanklacht en detentie op 2 mei 2017 hun recht op vrijheid en veiligheid schonden, verder stellend dat de gerechtelijke autoriteiten die over de zaak beslisten, onpartijdig of onafhankelijk waren .[xxi] Het Hof verwierp hun zaak omdat de beweringen van Gülmen en Özakça geen concreet bewijs bevatten, dat hun geschonden rechten onaanvaardbaar waren om naar voren te brengen en dat ze niet alle binnenlandse middelen hadden uitgeput voordat ze hun vorderingen indienden.[xxii]

Wat duidelijk blijkt uit het gedurfde activisme van Nuriye Gülmen, is dat de regering van Turkije sinds 2016 honderdduizenden individuen onterecht heeft aangevallen op basis van argumenten die geen steek houden, en degenen die het meest getroffen zijn en besluiten zich te verzetten tegen de regeringsbesluiten. acties zullen te maken krijgen met aanzienlijke repressie door middel van detentie en juridische intimidatie. Broken Chalk roept de Turkse regering en de juiste autoriteiten op om haar acties ernstig te heroverwegen, waardoor duizenden mensen geen werkzekerheid meer hebben of de mogelijkheid hebben om het land te verlaten en werk te zoeken in het buitenland. Broken Chalk roept in het bijzonder op tot het herstel van onder meer Nuriye Gülmen en Semih Özakça, in hun respectievelijke banen op het gebied van onderwijs, en hun verwijdering heeft de toegang en kwaliteit van het onderwijs in Turkije zeker verminderd.

 

Door Karl Baldacchino

Edited by Erika Grimes

Vertaald door Karl Baldacchino uit  Nuriye Gülmen: A Six-Year Struggle Against Systematic Abuses

Sources:

[i] Grabenwarter, C. et al. (2017) ‘Draft Opinion on the Measures Provided in the Recent Emergency Decree Laws with Respect to Freedom of the Media’. European Commission for Democracy Through Law (Venice Commission). Available online from: https://www.venice.coe.int/webforms/documents/default.aspx?pdffile=CDL(2017)006-e [Accessed on 08/03/2022], pp. 3-4.

[ii] Decree-Law No. 679 (6th January 2017) ‘Measures Regarding Public Personnel’. Available online from: https://insanhaklarimerkezi.bilgi.edu.tr/media/uploads/2017/02/09/KHK_679_ENG.pdf [Accessed 08/03/2022], p. 1.

[iii] Jones, T. (2018) ‘Two Turkish Teachers End Almost 11-Month Hunger Strike’.  DW. Available online from: https://www.dw.com/en/two-turkish-teachers-end-almost-11-month-hunger-strike/a-42318478 [Accessed 08/03/2022]; Işık, A. (2017) ‘In Turkey, Hope for ‘Justice is Fading Away Just like my Muscles’’. DW. Available online from: https://www.dw.com/en/in-turkey-hope-for-justice-is-fading-away-just-like-my-muscles/a-39482207 [Accessed 08/03/2022].

[iv] Halavut, H. (2017) ‘Interview with Nuriye Gülmen: ‘I Have More Hope Today Than I Did on the First Day’’.  5 Harliler. Available online from: https://www.5harfliler.com/interview-with-nuriye-gulmen/ [Accessed on 08/03/2022].

[v] Ibid.

[vi] Ibid.

[vii] Ibid.; see also Gülmen, N. (2016) ‘DİRENİŞİN TALEPLERi’. Available online from: https://nuriyegulmendireniyor.wordpress.com/2016/11/08/basin-aciklamasina-cagri/ [Accessed on 08/03/2022]; see also Wikipedia (2022) ‘Nuriye Gülmen’. Available online from: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nuriye_G%C3%BClmen#cite_note-18 [Accessed 08/03/2022].

[viii] Ibid.

[ix] Ibid.; see also Amnesty International (2017) ‘Urgent Action: Fear for Hunger Strikers’ Wellbeing’. Available online from: https://www.amnesty.org/en/wp-content/uploads/2021/05/EUR4463402017ENGLISH.pdf [Accessed on 08/03/2022].

[x] Ibid.

[xi] ‘Urgent Action: Fear for Strikers’ Wellbeing’.

[xii] Cumhuriyet (2017) ‘Criminal Record of Gülmen and Özakça, Declared ‘Terrorists’ by Minister Soylu’. Available online from: https://www.cumhuriyet.com.tr/haber/bakan-soylunun-terorist-ilan-ettigi-gulmen-ve-ozakcanin-adli-sicil-kaydi-748105 [Accessed on 08/03/2022]; see also NTV (2017) ‘Statements by Minister Soylu about Semih Özakça and Nuriye Gülmen’. Available online from: https://www.ntv.com.tr/turkiye/bakan-soyludan-aclik-grevi-yapan-nuriye-gulmenle-ilgili-aciklamalar,Jg2i0I634EyPWqK_cXdIbg [Accessed on 08/03/2022]; see also Milliyet (2017) ‘The Unending Scenario of a Terrorist Organisation: “The Truth of Nuriye Gülmen and Semih Özakça”’. Available online from: https://web.archive.org/web/20170813220846/http://www.milliyet.com.tr/bir-teror-orgutunun-bitmeyen-senaryosu-ankara-yerelhaber-2179760/ [Accessed on 08/03/2022].

[xiii] ‘Urgent Action: Fear for Strikers’ Wellbeing’; see also ‘In Turkey, Hope for ‘Justice is Fading Away Just like My Muscles’.

[xiv] ‘In Turkey, Hope for ‘Justice is Fading Away Just like My Muscles’.

[xv] Armutcu, O. (2017) ‘The Constitutional Court Rejected the Appeal Against the Detention of Nuriye Gülmen and Semih Özakça’ Hurriyet. Available online from: https://www.hurriyet.com.tr/gundem/anayasa-mahkemesi-nuriye-gulmen-ve-semih-ozakcanin-tutukluluguna-yapilan-itirazi-reddetti-40503721 [Accessed on 08/03/2022]; see also Cakir, A. (2017) ‘ECHR Rejects Semih Özakça and Nuriye Gülmen’s Application’. Voice of America. Available online from: https://www.amerikaninsesi.com/a/aihm-semih-ozakca-ve-nuriye-gulmen-in-basvurusunu-reddetti/3969669.html [Accessed on 08/03/2022].

[xvi] Bianet (2017) ‘Nuriye Gülmen Released’. Available online from: https://bianet.org/english/human-rights/192100-nuriye-gulmen-released [Accessed on 08/03/2022].

[xvii] ‘Two Turkish Teachers End Almost 11-Month Hunger Strike’.

[xviii] Ibid.

[xix] Duvar English (2020) ‘Dismissed Turkish Academic, Known for Hunger Strike, Arrested Again’. Available online from: https://www.duvarenglish.com/human-rights/2020/08/11/dismissed-turkish-academic-known-for-hunger-strike-arrested-again [Accessed on 08/03/2022].

[xx] Yeni Bir Mecra (2020) ‘Critical Decisions in Eğitim-Sen: Nuriye Gülmen was Expelled’. Available online from: https://yeni1mecra.com/egitim-sende-kritik-kararlar-nuriye-gulmen-ihrac-edildi/ [Accessed on 08/03/2022].

[xxi] Duvar English (2021) ‘Turkey’s Top Court Rules Dismissed Educators’ Rights Not Violated’. Available online from: https://www.duvarenglish.com/turkeys-top-court-rules-rights-of-dismissed-educators-nuriye-gulmen-and-semih-ozakca-not-violated-news-59436 [Accessed on 08/03/2022].

[xxii] Ibid.

Nuriye Gülmen: A Six-Year Struggle Against Systematic Abuses

Nuriye Gulmen

Nearly six years ago, Turkey was rocked by the alleged coup d’état attempt on the 15th of July 2016. A day after the attempt, the Turkish government swiftly established a state of emergency and passed emergency executive decrees Nos. 667-676 that mainly censored media outlets and journalists,[i] but then extended its reach to thousands of civil servants, police officers, armed forces personnel, University professors and staff by name in the annexes of Decree 679 on 6th January 2017.[ii] This resulted in a total of more than 150,000 people losing their jobs, access to social services, their freedom of movement being restricted, their lives tarnished by the government’s accusation that they were tied to the coup allegedly caused by Fetullah Gulen, a Turkish scholar-cleric who has been living in self-exile in the U.S. since 1999 and who has persistently denied the charge coming from Ankara.[iii]

One such person affected in the aftermath of these events is Nuriye Gülmen, a former Turkish professor of comparative literature at Selçuk University in 2012 and who, prior to the coup attempt, was appointed as a research assistant to Eskişehir Osmangazi University in 2015.[iv] Gülmen is not only an academic but also has a history of activism and legal battles against the abuse of institutions in Turkey due to a political lawsuit after her appointment and saw her detained for 109 days, delaying her studies and reinstatement at Eskişehir.[v] The day she was appointed back into her research position was the day of the coup attempt, which led to her suspension from Eskişehir the following day. This was due to the new decrees which found her accused, like thousands with her, of being a member of FETO, the so-called organization of supporters of the exiled Gulen that Erdogan and his government accused of being a terrorist organization. This triggered the next phase of her activist history and since the 9th of November 2016, wherein she had protested against her suspension, eventual dismissal, and persistently requested her job at Eskişehir back every day in front of the Human Rights Monument located in Yüksel Street, Ankara, where the Council of Higher Education is based and who must answer to her demands.[vi] Gülmen explains that this is a ‘revolutionary tradition’ determined in garnering attention and getting what you want, demanding in this case an end to the state of emergency, allowing the revolutionary democratic public labourers that were dismissed and fired to return to their jobs, start assurance for the 13,000 OYP research assistants, and requesting job security for all education and science workers.[vii] Gülmen started her protest largely on her own, being arrested for a total of 26 times which can be attributed to the increasing attention by foreign and domestic spectators observing her actions, reading her experience on her online WordPress blog, and ultimately being named by CNN as one of the eight outstanding women of 2016 by her 50th day of protest.[viii]

This attention was majorly increased after the 6th January Decree of 2017 when Gülmen was dismissed from Eskişehir, resulting in her shifting her strategy to the next gear by engaging in a hunger strike on the 9th of March, 2017. Gülmen, whilst in police custody alongside primary teacher Semih Özakça, he women texperienced the backlash of the Emergency Decrees.[ix] The rationale behind the strike was that verbal protests tend to be the norm in the activist toolkit, which more often than not don’t garner enough attention from authorities, but a hunger strike is a strong action that positions actors engaging in it with the serious health risks at stake, similarly to what Gülmen explains as ‘necessary to take the resistance to the next level’ and to ‘really pressure them to take action’.[x] In reaction to the hunger strike, an indictment was filed on the 2nd of May, 2017, to the 19th Heavy Penal Court in Ankara accusing both Gülmen and Özakça of being members of and involved in the illicit activities of the Revolutionary People’s Liberation Party-Front (DHKP-C), in turn leading to their detention at Sincan Prison in Ankara by 23rd May, 2017.[xi] The court found the pair guilty because ‘if they were not remanded, they would damage the course of justice’, a line that seems contradictory given the lack of evidence in the charges filed and when both teachers remain vigilant in denying any involvement with DHKP-C to the point that their lawyer even publicised their criminal records as proof that no such involvement exists and countered the efforts by Minister for the Interior Suleyman Soylu and his ministry’s research and studies centre to try and solidify the charges.[xii]

It was feared that both teachers would face further human rights violations, since prison guards and doctors are legally allowed to intervene and end a hunger strike without the consent of the teachers. They can also intervene when they are unconscious, as stated under Article 82 of the Law on the Execution of Judgement No. 5275, which as a result would violate freedom of expression and is likely to result in cruel, inhumane or degrading treatment or punishment.[xiii] During a visit by the President of the Ankara Bar Association, Hakan Canduran, and some of his colleagues, Gülmen expressed the dire situation in which she and Özakça have found themselves in, telling Canduran that she sees ‘justice is fading just like [her] muscles’ while being unable to hold her neck up without assistance, move her arms or hold a pen. In turn, we saw Canduran call upon the government to end to the hunger strike through societal reconciliation and negotiate with those unjustly impacted by the emergency decrees.[xiv] Throughout mid-2017, the duo filed in the Constitutional Court and also to the European Court of Human Rights to end their detention on the grounds that their hunger strike had by then posed evident health risks, yet both Courts rejected their application because these risks were not life threatening and the proper medical measures were in place to assist them if that became the case.[xv]

Gülmen’s health eventually did become serious and by 26th September, 2017, had warranted her transfer to an inmate cell in Numune Hospital. She was then released from her detention by 1st December, when the 19th Heavy Penal Court sentenced her to 6 years and 3 months in prison, however allowing for her release under judicial control.[xvi] Despite their release, Gülmen and Özakça kept up their protest in front of the Human Rights Monument, but eventually had to end their hunger strike on the 26th of January, 2018, following the rejection of a government commission tapped to review their cases, and instead sought to focus their efforts within the domestic judicial system going forwards, emphasising that their resistance had not ended and would continue.[xvii] After 324 days of engaging in their hunger strike, Gülmen had lost a significant amount of her original weight, dropping from 59 kilograms to 33.8 kilograms, this showing the extent of how serious her efforts were in retaining her job and respect for her rights.[xviii]

The next time Gülmen was in the limelight was when she was once again arrested on 11th August, 2020, during a police raid on the Istanbul’s Idil Culture Centre on the 5th of August, a centre that is run by the leftist folk band Grup Yurum, the reasons for which remain unexplained.[xix] Later that year, Gülmen and other colleagues of hers were expelled from the Education and Science Workers’ Union (Eğitim-Sen) due their image as ‘Yüksel Resistanceists’ or resistance fighters in the public eye.[xx] The last development was as recent as 4th November, 2021, when the pair had filed to the Constitutional Court which later rejected their claims that the 2nd May, 2017, indictment used the same evidence as an earlier investigation on 14th March, 2017, which led to their arrest but was subsequently dismissed and were released under judicial control, indicating that the 2nd May indictment and detention on 23rd May, 2017, violated their rights to liberty and security, further stating that the judicial authorities deciding the case were neither impartial nor independent.[xxi] The Court dismissed their case because Gülmen and Özakça’s claims lacked concrete evidence, that their violated rights was unacceptable to put forward, and that they had not exhausted all domestic means before filing their claims.[xxii]

What is sorely evident from the bold activism of Nuriye Gülmen is that since 2016, the government of Turkey has unjustly targeted hundreds of thousands of individuals based on arguments that do not hold water, and those who have been most affected and decide to oppose the government’s actions will face significant repression through detention and legal intimidation. Broken Chalk calls upon the Turkish Government and proper authorities to seriously reconsider its actions which have left thousands without job security or the option to leave the country and find employment abroad. Broken Chalk especially calls for the reinstatement of Nuriye Gülmen and Semih Özakça, amongst many others, to their respective job positions in the sphere of education, their removal from which has surely reduced the access and quality of education in Turkey.

 

Written by Karl Baldacchino

Edited by Erika Grimes

 

Sources:

[i] Grabenwarter, C. et al. (2017) ‘Draft Opinion on the Measures Provided in the Recent Emergency Decree Laws with Respect to Freedom of the Media’. European Commission for Democracy Through Law (Venice Commission). Available online from: https://www.venice.coe.int/webforms/documents/default.aspx?pdffile=CDL(2017)006-e [Accessed on 08/03/2022], pp. 3-4.

[ii] Decree-Law No. 679 (6th January 2017) ‘Measures Regarding Public Personnel’. Available online from: https://insanhaklarimerkezi.bilgi.edu.tr/media/uploads/2017/02/09/KHK_679_ENG.pdf [Accessed 08/03/2022], p. 1.

[iii] Jones, T. (2018) ‘Two Turkish Teachers End Almost 11-Month Hunger Strike’.  DW. Available online from: https://www.dw.com/en/two-turkish-teachers-end-almost-11-month-hunger-strike/a-42318478 [Accessed 08/03/2022]; Işık, A. (2017) ‘In Turkey, Hope for ‘Justice is Fading Away Just like my Muscles’’. DW. Available online from: https://www.dw.com/en/in-turkey-hope-for-justice-is-fading-away-just-like-my-muscles/a-39482207 [Accessed 08/03/2022].

[iv] Halavut, H. (2017) ‘Interview with Nuriye Gülmen: ‘I Have More Hope Today Than I Did on the First Day’’.  5 Harliler. Available online from: https://www.5harfliler.com/interview-with-nuriye-gulmen/ [Accessed on 08/03/2022].

[v] Ibid.

[vi] Ibid.

[vii] Ibid.; see also Gülmen, N. (2016) ‘DİRENİŞİN TALEPLERi’. Available online from: https://nuriyegulmendireniyor.wordpress.com/2016/11/08/basin-aciklamasina-cagri/ [Accessed on 08/03/2022]; see also Wikipedia (2022) ‘Nuriye Gülmen’. Available online from: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nuriye_G%C3%BClmen#cite_note-18 [Accessed 08/03/2022].

[viii] Ibid.

[ix] Ibid.; see also Amnesty International (2017) ‘Urgent Action: Fear for Hunger Strikers’ Wellbeing’. Available online from: https://www.amnesty.org/en/wp-content/uploads/2021/05/EUR4463402017ENGLISH.pdf [Accessed on 08/03/2022].

[x] Ibid.

[xi] ‘Urgent Action: Fear for Strikers’ Wellbeing’.

[xii] Cumhuriyet (2017) ‘Criminal Record of Gülmen and Özakça, Declared ‘Terrorists’ by Minister Soylu’. Available online from: https://www.cumhuriyet.com.tr/haber/bakan-soylunun-terorist-ilan-ettigi-gulmen-ve-ozakcanin-adli-sicil-kaydi-748105 [Accessed on 08/03/2022]; see also NTV (2017) ‘Statements by Minister Soylu about Semih Özakça and Nuriye Gülmen’. Available online from: https://www.ntv.com.tr/turkiye/bakan-soyludan-aclik-grevi-yapan-nuriye-gulmenle-ilgili-aciklamalar,Jg2i0I634EyPWqK_cXdIbg [Accessed on 08/03/2022]; see also Milliyet (2017) ‘The Unending Scenario of a Terrorist Organisation: “The Truth of Nuriye Gülmen and Semih Özakça”’. Available online from: https://web.archive.org/web/20170813220846/http://www.milliyet.com.tr/bir-teror-orgutunun-bitmeyen-senaryosu-ankara-yerelhaber-2179760/ [Accessed on 08/03/2022].

[xiii] ‘Urgent Action: Fear for Strikers’ Wellbeing’; see also ‘In Turkey, Hope for ‘Justice is Fading Away Just like My Muscles’.

[xiv] ‘In Turkey, Hope for ‘Justice is Fading Away Just like My Muscles’.

[xv] Armutcu, O. (2017) ‘The Constitutional Court Rejected the Appeal Against the Detention of Nuriye Gülmen and Semih Özakça’ Hurriyet. Available online from: https://www.hurriyet.com.tr/gundem/anayasa-mahkemesi-nuriye-gulmen-ve-semih-ozakcanin-tutukluluguna-yapilan-itirazi-reddetti-40503721 [Accessed on 08/03/2022]; see also Cakir, A. (2017) ‘ECHR Rejects Semih Özakça and Nuriye Gülmen’s Application’. Voice of America. Available online from: https://www.amerikaninsesi.com/a/aihm-semih-ozakca-ve-nuriye-gulmen-in-basvurusunu-reddetti/3969669.html [Accessed on 08/03/2022].

[xvi] Bianet (2017) ‘Nuriye Gülmen Released’. Available online from: https://bianet.org/english/human-rights/192100-nuriye-gulmen-released [Accessed on 08/03/2022].

[xvii] ‘Two Turkish Teachers End Almost 11-Month Hunger Strike’.

[xviii] Ibid.

[xix] Duvar English (2020) ‘Dismissed Turkish Academic, Known for Hunger Strike, Arrested Again’. Available online from: https://www.duvarenglish.com/human-rights/2020/08/11/dismissed-turkish-academic-known-for-hunger-strike-arrested-again [Accessed on 08/03/2022].

[xx] Yeni Bir Mecra (2020) ‘Critical Decisions in Eğitim-Sen: Nuriye Gülmen was Expelled’. Available online from: https://yeni1mecra.com/egitim-sende-kritik-kararlar-nuriye-gulmen-ihrac-edildi/ [Accessed on 08/03/2022].

[xi] Duvar English (2021) ‘Turkey’s Top Court Rules Dismissed Educators’ Rights Not Violated’. Available online from: https://www.duvarenglish.com/turkeys-top-court-rules-rights-of-dismissed-educators-nuriye-gulmen-and-semih-ozakca-not-violated-news-59436 [Accessed on 08/03/2022].

[xii] Ibid.