Summary of the Education Under Attack 2022 Report

In 2020 and 2021, education continued to face various types of aggression in several countries. Students, teachers, schools, and universities encountered harmful and wrongful acts committed either by armed groups or generated by political circumstances, such as wars and armed conflicts. Numerous incidents of atrocities were reported to be committed against thousands of students, staff members, and teachers. The Global Coalition to Protect Education from Attack (GCPEA) identified many attacks that resulted in the abduction, injury, or death of thousands of students and educators who were kept as hostages or were arrested. Other acts of violence also took a place, such recruiting and training children to participate in armed conflicts, sexual violence, and the use of heavy arms and explosives against hostages.


The Education under Attack 2022 report by GCPEA[i] reviews the challenges many countries’ education systems face, as well as how students, teachers, and staff members in education are affected by such issues, what kind of dangers they are subjected to, and why, in many cases, their studies or career are interrupted.


According to this report, more schools suffer from violent actions and attacks compared to universities. Moreover, due to the Covid-19 pandemic, schools became easier targets for state militaries and other armed groups to occupy, as remote teaching left the buildings empty. Consequently, according to the report, the number of attacks on educational institutions increased noticeably in 2020 and 2021, but the number of people affected by these attacks declined. According to the GCPEA, this can be explained by the decreased number of people present in school buildings due to the pandemic.


In the following, this article provides a summary of the Education Under Attack 2022 report’s findings on several countries where such attacks and issues occurred.


  • Afghanistan:

The GCPEA identified more than 130 attacks in 2020 and 2021, targeting schools in different parts of Afghanistan, where explosive weapons were used against educational institutions, and schoolteachers and students were terrorised [p.92]. Attacks were committed by groups with different profiles, such as the Afghan Air Force which bombed schools in 2020 [p.93], the ISIS in Khorasan Province, and the Taliban which increased their criminal activity in 2021 seeking territorial dominance. Moreover, after the Taliban took control of the country in May 2021 with the withdrawal of US troops from Afghanistan, there was a significant increase in atrocities targeting different civilian groups, women, and journalists meanwhile more than 250 schools closed in Afghanistan or were exposed to military occupation [p.92]. The rise to power of the Taliban severely affected Afghan education, leaving more than 4 million children out of school, 60% of whom were girls. This is because the Taliban prohibited girls from attending schools in some of the regions under their control, although in some other areas girls were allowed to go to school. Unfortunately, the report does not give any specific explanation for the different rules on girls’ education among different regions ruled by the Taliban.


  • Azerbaijan:

The six-week conflict in 2020 between Azerbaijan, Armenia, and the de facto Nagorno-Karabakh security forces resulted in the destruction of more than 130 schools in and around Nagorno-Karabakh, as well as several other schools faced obstruction due to the conflict. While the Nagorno-Karabakh authorities reported damage to more than 70 schools during the conflict, the Azerbaijani authorities reported 54 cases [p.98]. However, the Armenian authorities did not report clear numbers on school damage or attacks on educational institutions during the conflict period. According to Human Rights Watch, both Azerbaijani and Armenian forces either attacked schools using explosives or initiated air-striking targeting educational institutions. Furthermore, some schools were used as barracks or for military purposes in all territories involved, according to the GCPEA [p.99].


  • Burkina Faso:

Burkina Faso witnessed one of its fastest-growing crises in 2020 and 2021. A serious conflict escalated among different non-state armed groups fighting against each other as well as the state security forces. Brutality against civilians was not only committed by non-state armed groups but by security forces too who also arrested and killed many civilians whom they suspected to be associated with the non-state armed groups.


In Burkina Faso too, schools were easy targets for perpetrators and several schools suffered armed attacks or were reported to be occupied and used as military bases. In 2020-2021, there were more than 145 attacks on schools reported in the country according to the GCPEA, during which attacks more than 250 students and school personnel were killed, suffered injuries, or were abducted. In 2020, 70 attacks [p.101], while in 2021, 46 attacks on schools were confirmed by the UN [p.102]. However, the GCPEA identified at least 78 attacks in 2021 [p.102].


Higher education institutions also faced violence, but the reported number of attacks on universities was way lower than that of schools. Nevertheless, according to the GCPEA, both general education and university students experienced sexual violence while going to or coming back from their schools or universities.


  • Cameroon:

Attacks on schools and students are not new phenomena in Cameroon, and the period from 2020 to 2021 was no different from previous years. Attacks were committed by different armed groups, such as Boko Haram, and the ISWAP group which is a splinter group from Boko Haram in the Far-North region. [p.105].


In 2020 and 2021, schools were often used as military bases in different parts of the country, such as the Far North, the North-West, and the South-West regions [p.105]. Furthermore, the GCPEA confirmed more than 55 attacks on students and more than 65 attacks on schools in those two years.  However, these numbers are still significantly decreased compared to prior years, like 2019, when the number of reported attacks against students reached almost 4000 cases while teachers experienced atrocities on 1124 occasions.


In 2020 and 2021, cases of sexual violence and sexual abuse targeting higher education students and teachers were also reported [p.108], while in 2021, there were also several reported cases of abducting students and staff [p.109].



  • Central African Republic:

The Central African Republic experienced significant brutality associated with elections. Conflict emerged between non-state armed groups and state forces supported by pro-government allied groups. All of these conflicting parties, including the police, occupied or attacked schools during the period from 2020 to 2021 at least on 85 occasions [p.110]. The GCPEA reported 2 attacks targeting students, teachers, and academic personnel. Furthermore, the GCPEA reported 45 cases of using schools for military purposes in the highlighted period [p.111].  In 2021, the UN verified that multiple dozens of schools were occupied by different military or armed forces, but the GCPEA identified only 5 cases in the same year, which resulted in unclear numbers and information [p.112].


  • Colombia:

Armed conflict continued to be present in Colombia in 2020 and 2021. The conflicted parties were the Columbian government, the Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia (FARC), and other armed groups that escalated chaos in the country in 2020. Due to these issues, accessibility to education suffered major limitations which were exacerbated by the spread of Covid-19. Because of the pandemic, large numbers of children were out of school and have become easy targets of recruiters for groups participating in the armed conflict [p.113].


According to GCPEA reports, at least 35 schools, mostly in rural areas, were targeted by different non-state armed groups, who often used explosives and engaged in fights with each other or with state forces near schools [p.113, 114]. Some schools ended up being used for military purposes. However, while the GCPEA identified 6 cases in the 2020 to 2021 period, the UN confirmed only 1 incident in 2020 [p.116] which makes it difficult to access clear and certain information on the number of attacks.


Higher education institutions were not safe from attacks either; in 2020 and 2021, 19 cases were reported [p.118]. Furthermore, the GCPEA identified more than 60 attacks targeting students and members of staff in 2020 and 2021, with most of these incidents occurring in 2020. Furthermore, 2 cases of sexual violence were reported by the GCPEA in 2021 [p.117].


Eventually, some teachers received threats from non-state armed groups for their involvement in teachers’ unions, while also threatening non-local teachers to keep them out of certain regions. This prompted state authorities to move some teachers to safer locations [p.115].


  • Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) :

Armed conflict has been significantly affecting the Democratic Republic of Congo, where clashes among state forces and 130 different non-state armed groups are spreading chaos around the country. The fighting negatively affected thousands of students and prohibited them from attending school, which was further exacerbated by the spread of Covid-19, leaving millions of students without education.


More than 600 attacks by armed groups on schools were confirmed by the GCPEA in 2020 and 2021. The organisation also reported on the occupation of 25 schools that were used for military purposes [p.120, 123], while higher education institutions were targeted 12 times in this period [p.124].


  • Ethiopia:

Ethiopia has been suffering from political-regional clashes among different governmental and non-state groups, such as the Central Government Troops, the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), militias from the Amhara region, and others [p.126].

Attacks on schools committed by several different armed groups noticeably increased from 15 cases in the period 2018 to 2019 to 32 cases in the period from 2020 to 2021. Furthermore, almost 70 cases of schools used as military bases were identified by the GCPEA in 2020 and 2021. In addition, the GCPEA reported 14 incidents of proceeded attacks on higher education institutions during this period [p.129].


  • India:

Increasing political tension between India and Pakistan, as well as other domestic issues in India, have triggered some armed clashes and attacks in the country. In 2020 and 2021, attacks on students and teachers were reported in Jammu, Kashmir, and some eastern states more than 55 times according to GCPEA estimates. Attacks on schools included threatening, arresting, and detaining more than 1600 students and educators [p.131]. As for the military use of schools, the UN confirmed that a total of 7 schools were used for these purposes in 2020 [p.132].

The Covid-19 pandemic further exacerbated issues regarding the accessibility of education in India. The government’s measures to contain the virus and stop its spreading included shifting in-person teaching to remote education which resulted in severe negative effects on more than 290 million students [p.130]. Among other issues, many of these students did not have internet access to participate in online classes.

In the period from 2020 to 2021, students and higher education staff also encountered almost 65 attacks, 28 of which were committed by the government to suppress protests [p.133]. However, the reported number of incidents targeting higher education institutions was lower than in 2018 and 2019.


  • Iraq:

Iraqi educational institutions experienced an increasing number of attacks in the 2020 to 2021 period, some of which were committed by the Iraqi government itself. Several attacks targeted protestors who were demonstrating against corruption, the poor quality of public services, and low wages. In some regions of the country, teachers participated in the protests because of immense delays in receiving their wages. Multiple attacks targeted higher education students and staff too; altogether 10 cases were recognised by the GCPEA [p.137].

In 2020 and 2021, 11 attacks were reported by the GCPEA on schools used as polling centres in the Iraqi elections. Attacks were executed by planting explosive devices in schools or nearby them to disrupt the elections or to target police guarding the building [p.135]. Furthermore, the GCPEA reported the use of schools for military purposes on 33 occasions.


  • Kenya:

The decade-long conflict in the North-Eastern region of Kenya between the government and the Al Shabab Islamic fundamentalist armed group has spread instability across the country and negatively affected the education sector, among others.

Teachers were in particular danger in Kenya in 2020 and 2021, as the Al Shabab repeatedly attacked teachers who the group considered to be outsiders and/or Christians. This aggression led to the closing of hundreds of schools, thousands of teachers fled, while teachers originally from the area where the attacks occurred were transferred from the region. The GCPEA also recorded 5 incidents where the Al Shabab targeted students [p.139].

The GCPEA identified only 1 case of a school being used for military purposes between 2020 and 2021. However, attacks on higher education institutions reached a much higher number of 10 incidents [p.140]. These attacks were committed by the government which ordered the police to use teargas against protesters demonstrating against the government [p.141].


  • Libya:

In 2020, violent acts committed by non-state armed groups increasingly targeted schools and universities leading many of them to close which negatively affected more than 127,000 students. The GCPEA reported 22 attacks on schools in the period from 2020 to 2021, most of which were committed by shelling school buildings [p.142]. According to the UN, between 2019 and 2021 around 700 schools were closed because of conflict. Furthermore, 8 attacks on higher education institutions were reported by the GCPEA [p.144].


  • Mali:

Clashes between non-state armed groups, state forces, and international forces [p.145] continued in the 2020 to 2021 period in Mali, particularly in the northern, central, and southern territories of the country. In these 2 years, the hostility rate, and the number of victims dramatically increased: the GCPEA identified more than 620 attacks on educational facilities and teachers. Moreover, several cases of schools being used as military bases were reported by the GCPEA and the UN. There were also numerous cases of recruitment of children for armed conflict in schools which majorly reduced the willingness of parents to send their children to school [p.147].


  • Mozambique:

In 2020 and 2021, armed conflict continued between government forces, non-state armed groups, and the Al Shabab Islamic terrorist organisation in Mozambique. The GCPEA identified several cases of attacks on educational facilities, particularly in Delgado province, which has been the most affected by the conflict. Delgado experienced more than 100 violent attacks against schools, which led to the severe damage and destruction of educational institutions, leaving many children without access to education. However, schools in the rest of the country were not free from atrocities either: according to the UN, a minimum of 220 schools encountered violent attacks in 2021 in Mozambique [p.149]. Moreover, according to Human Rights Watch there have been incidents of kidnapping children and women, and enslaving them or sexually abusing them [p.148].


  • Myanmar:

The country witnessed severe political instability in the period from 2020 to 2021: a military coup overthrew the government, and in reaction to this, anti-coup protests began, while wide-scale strikes left the country in a state of chaos and insecurity.

According to the GCPEA, more than 200 attacks on schools took place, most of which included the use of explosive weapons, while using arson, bombing, and airstrikes were frequent too. Furthermore, students, teachers, and educational personnel were targeted in several attacks, while the GCPEA also confirmed more than 220 cases of schools and universities being used for military purposes [p.153].


  • Niger:

Conflict among several armed groups continued in Niger in 2020 and 2021, which significantly impacted the safety of the civilian population of the country. The western Tillabéri and Tahoua regions and the eastern Diffa region are the most affected by the conflict, which also affects the education sector. According to the GCPEA, more than 40 schools were attacked, threatened, or set on fire in 2020 and 2021 [p.156]. Students, teachers, and educational staff also faced violent atrocities on 17 reported occasions [p.157].


  • Nigeria:

Armed conflict among the state military forces, the Islamic State militias in West Africa Province, and other fragmented armed groups continued to be present in Nigeria in 2020 and 2021. The conflict seriously affected general safety in the country as well as the education sector, among others [p.159]. According to the GCPEA, 21 attacks on schools occurred in 2020 and 2021, and more than 1850 students, teachers, and educational personnel were injured, killed, or abducted. Since some of the injured or abducted students were relatives of “high-profile” personnel, the government developed stricter measures and closed more than 600 schools to prevent similar tragic incidents [p.160]. However, cases of abduction and murder targeting higher education staff and students also rose, which affected more than 100 people in 2020 and 2021 [p.162]. The GCPEA also reported multiple cases of sexual violence committed by all parties in the conflict, including state authorities, such as the police.


  • Pakistan:

Violent attacks targeting the education sector, as well as students, teachers, and educational staff, were committed by various actors in Pakistan. While the conflict of non-state armed groups significantly affected the education sector, the government did also stand behind some atrocities targeting protesting students and educational staff. More than 250 students, teachers, and educational staff were arrested in 2020 and 2021.

The GCPEA confirmed 7 attacks on schools by armed groups in the period from 2020 and 2021. One of these incidents was a bomb attack which injured more than 130 people and caused 7 deaths [p.164]. Moreover, higher education institutions were also terrorised: 18 attacks were reported by the GCPEA which resulted in the death of 4 female vocational trainers and the arrest of more than 140 students and staff members [p.166].


  • Palestine:

Clashes between Palestinian armed groups and the Israeli state authorities continued in 2020 and 2021. As a result of the conflict, 429 kindergartens, schools, and universities became victims of violent attacks according to the GCPEA. However large this number may seem, it is still less than the number of attacks committed in 2019, when the Coronavirus pandemic also severely affected the education sector [p.168].

The GCPEA reported at least 85 attacks on students and educational staff in the observed period. Intimidation, detention, and opening fire on unarmed school students and staff on the way to or from school were among the most common types of atrocities [p.171]. Furthermore, the GCPEA identified 19 attacks on higher education students, staff, and facilities too [p.173].


  • The Philippines:

The conflict between state forces and non-state armed groups continued in 2020 and 2021, as the Philippine government began a campaign to combat the spread and trade of illegal drugs. The armed clashes largely affected the education sector, among others, which prevented thousands of students from accessing appropriate education and educational facilities. The period from 2020 to 2021 showed a decline in the number of attacks targeting schools with only 8 attacks reported by the GCPEA, while, from 2017 to 2019, 62 attacks were recorded by the UN [p.175]. Students, teachers, and educational staff were also targeted on 5 different occasions and suffered from detention and shootings [p.176].


  • Somalia:

Somalia has been experiencing a series of crises in the forms of armed conflicts between non-state armed groups and international forces, political instability and poor general security, as well as natural crises, such as floods and the Covid-19 pandemic. While all of these issues severely affected the education sector, the armed conflicts were particularly damaging in 2020 and 2021, as they left over 3 million children without education. Moreover, different armed forces recruited more than 1716 boys to join fights, while many girls became victims of sexual violence [p.178].

In 2020 and 2021, the GCPEA confirmed 84 attacks on schools by using explosive weapons planted at or near schools [p.178]. Students, teachers, and educational personnel were also targeted on several occasions, and the GCPEA identified 146 abduction cases.


  • South Sudan:

Despite the peace agreement that was signed to settle the conflict between the government and oppositional groups and to facilitate the establishment of a transitional government, political tension continued to be present in South Sudan in 2020 and 2021. The conflict affected the education sector as well; the GCPEA identified 11 attacks in this period, which, however, were fewer than the 18 attacks committed in the period from 2018 to 2019 [p.180]. A similar declining pattern can be observed in the number of schools used for military purposes: in 2020 and 2021, only 10 cases were reported, while 35 incidents occurred in 2018 and 2019 [p.181]. Furthermore, in 2020 and 2021, the GCPEA reported an attack on a higher education facility while another targeted university students [p.182].


  • Sudan:

Sudan experienced political transitions in 2020 and 2021 which severely affected general safety in the country. In reaction to several issues regarding both the oppressive Sudani government and the education system, such as the lack of suitable facilities for disabled students, widespread protests started among students, teachers, and educational personnel in 2021. The government decided to apply harsh measures to suppress the uprisings: protesters were targeted in 6 attacks in the form of detention and the use of teargas according to the GCPEA.

However, not only armed conflicts disturbed the education sector in Sudan: the spread of Covid-19, natural disasters, such as floods damaging 559 schools, and food insecurity severely affected children’s education. These disasters lead to millions being in need of humanitarian assistance, and most of the victims were children according to the UN.


  • Syria:

As armed conflicts continue in Syria between non-state armed groups and government forces, schools still suffer numerous attacks all around the country. However, the intensity of these attacks declined in 2020 and 2021: this period recorded 85 attacks on schools according to the GCPEA, which is a significant decrease compared to the 260 recorded incidents in the previous 2 years. Most of the attacks in 2020 and 2021 occurred in the forms of shelling and air strikes in northwest Syria, in Aleppo and Idlib [p.186], however, Damascus, Homs, Al Hasaka, Deir-Ez-Zor, and Quneitra were also largely affected [p.187]. In addition, over 35 cases of schools and universities used for military purposes were reported [p.190]. Furthermore, the GCPEA also reported 17 incidents targeting students, teachers, and educational personnel, who were victims of intimidation, threats, arrests, and detention [p.188, 189].


  • Thailand:

Instability continued to be present in Thailand due to the non-state armed groups in the southern provinces of the country, putting people’s lives at risk. The GCPEA identified 5 attacks on schools in 2020 and 2021, while 6 attacks were reported targeting students, teachers, and educational personnel. While the exact number of attacks on schools did not change compared to the 2018 to 2019 period, attacks on students and teachers have decreased compared to previous years [p.192, 193].

In addition, atrocities targeting students and education staff have also been committed by state authorities. In the 2020 to 2021 period, the Thai police arrested students who protested against the education minister for his incompetence in preventing and appropriately handling cases of harassment and beatings in schools and kindergartens.


  • Turkey:

Since the 2016 coup in Turkey, several sectors, such as the media, business, and education sectors have faced drastic changes. The Turkish government has been targeting institutions, platforms, and people, who have any real or claimed connection to an Islamic scholar and American Turkish millionaire, Fetullah Gülen, who the government accuses of standing behind the coup. The education sector has particularly been affected by the government’s purges: schools and universities were shut down, thousands of teachers lost not only their jobs but also their teacher certificates, and academics have been imprisoned for alleged connections to the Gülen Movement.

In 2020 and 2021, the GCPEA confirmed 3 attacks on schools [p.194], while school students, teachers, and education personnel were also attacked on 3 occasions. Using schools for military purposes reached a minimum of 7 cases which indicates an increase compared to previous years [p.195]. One case of sexual violence was also confirmed by the GCPEA in the 2020 to 2021 period. As for attacks on higher educational institutions, a total of 30 incidents were reported resulting in the injury or arrest of more than 600 university students. Most of these attacks and arrests targeted students, teachers, and educational staff who were participating in education-related protests [p.196].


  • Ukraine:

The eastern part of the country experienced shelling and small armed clashes on several occasions in 2020 and 2021. These attacks resulted in the destruction of several schools: 30 attacks were identified by the GCPEA in that period, which damaged a total of 25 schools. The number of attacks shows an increase compared to the 2018 to 2019 period [p.198].

As for attacks on students, teachers, and educational personnel, 5 incidents were identified by the GCPEA in 2020 and 2021. This number marks a decrease compared to incidents reported from 2018 to 2019, which were a total of 15 cases [p.199].


  • Yemen:

The intensity of the conflict in Yemen increased in 2020 and 2021 and clashes between state forces and non-state armed groups escalated. The GCPEA reported 48 attacks on schools in that period, in the form of air strikes, shelling, and the use of explosives [p.200]. As for attacks on students, teachers, and education staff, the GCPEA reported 13 large-scale cases one of which included the abduction and assault of more than 100 students and teachers [p.201].

The rate of using schools and universities for military purposes was particularly high as 49 of these cases were reported by the GCPEA in the 2020 to 2021 period. Furthermore, the GCPEA identified 20 schools where armed groups were recruiting and training children for fighting [p.203]. The GCPEA also identified 10 cases of attacks on higher education facilities and 14 attacks targeting higher education students and teachers [p.204].


Written by:

Noor Mousa 13/07/2022

Edited by:

Johanna Farkas

[i] Education Under Attack. Global Coalition to Protect Education from Attack. 2022.

Albania’s Enlargement Package: Education as a Keystone for Accession to the EU

As Albania continues its path of accession to the European Union (EU), the European Commission annually assesses its readiness for full EU integration. This process is called the enlargement package and is ongoing for all of the Western Balkans and Türkiye regions. In the 2021-22 enlargement package, the European Commission pledged to accelerate the integration of the Western Balkans as a whole, including Albania. The European Commission’s Albania 2022 Report (hereafter, “the Report”) details Albania’s many positive reforms, but also identifies many areas that are still below EU standards. Several of these areas affect and interact with education policy; some even explicitly derive from the Albanian education system. With a critical lens focused on education and human rights, this article will summarize and explore the Report’s findings and recommendations on Albania. Firstly, this article will focus on Albania’s readiness for EU accession before diving into the primary political and economic concerns.

Secondly, the education system as described in the Report, including its shortcomings regarding COVID-19, technological capacity, and minority incorporation. Finally, the current state of the rights of the child in Albania will be discussed.



  1. Political Concerns

Many areas of the Report may not directly impact education or human rights but are still worth noting to contextualize Albania’s current political climate. Overall, the Report finds that Albania is “moderately prepared” for integration. The Parliamentary elections in 2021 revealed significant internal conflicts within the largest opposition party (DP) as well as the gridlock that characterizes the Albanian Parliament. The Report notes that these untimely and unfortunate barriers to consensus resulted in Parliament delaying and even abandoning certain reforms that would have furthered EU criteria, notably including electoral reform. Ultimately, the Parliament found common ground on several critical issues, passing nine laws aimed at EU integration.


Albania is also suffering from economic and political consequences associated with the triple shock of the 2019 earthquake, the COVID-19 pandemic, and, more recently, Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine. In particular, public administration remains in disarray as the establishment of agencies subordinate to the Prime Minister without a comprehensive framework detailing their purpose and limits raises questions concerning the standards of public administration. Nonetheless, Albania is making progress in public administrative reform, anti-corruption reform, the fight against organized crime, judicial reform, and migration. Although it is moderately prepared in economic criteria and competitive growth, it is still below EU standards and struggles to manage fiscal policy. This is a special concern given that Albania needs to generate and appropriately manage a more diversified revenue in order to implement the large expenditures necessary for adequate public and social services, as further explored below.


  1. Economic Concerns: Educational Funding and Employment

The Report notes that Albania is not fully prepared for the competitive pressure of the EU job market, but it is making advancements to this effect. Albania made progress through the National Strategy of Education and Action Plan 2021-2026, but a lack of financing has impeded this Plan—only an estimated 3.6% of GDP was directed toward this Plan. The funding of education is significantly below Albania’s needs. The allocated budget for the main ministries responsible for education, among other social services, remains below 1% of GDP. Individual schools lack financial autonomy and remain vulnerable to corruption. Anti-corruption measures that have recently resulted in criminal prosecutions of some high-level officials have had little effect on social services, including healthcare and education.


These financial issues are particularly acute because Albania heavily lacks human capital. Notably, human capital acquisition continues to be stifled by skill and education gaps, especially in technological and entrepreneurial know-how. This area is a blend of skilled labor and academic theory, and thus an area that would require greater communication and collaboration between the discrete institutions within the broader education system. The Report notes that “[e]fforts are still needed in the development of innovative policies aimed at promoting better links between academia, industry and government….” Albania is engaged in many projects to further human capital acquisition, including the Horizon 2021 program, the EUREKA network, and the “EU for Innovation” Tirana project, but few are producing results. The Report emphasizes that Albania will not be able to accede to the EU without improving its human capital gains. Among other reasons, the Albanian job market in its current state would be shocked after integration by the high human capital present in other EU countries. The resulting shocks would depress the employment of native Albanians and incentivize native Albanians to seek education in other EU member states.


Graduates and post-graduates in Albania are entering a recovering job market. Employment growth is steadily advancing after the COVID-19 economic downturn. However, the gender gap in employment remains wide. Structural changes in the labor market also reflect the increased need for graduates with higher education; the unemployment rate of tertiary educated persons dropped markedly, while it increased for workers with primary education and persons 15-24. These market distortions incentivize young people and other primary-educated people to seek higher education in order to increase their value in the job market. This dynamic is already taking shape, as the share of people aged 20-24 in tertiary education programs has increased from 12.3% in 2016 to 14.9% in 2022. However, as more young people seek an academic lifestyle, fewer seek vocational training, leading to shortages in skilled labor. These shortages contribute to higher pay for skilled laborers, thus incentivizing young people to seek labor-intensive jobs. These two competing incentives—the first for higher education and the second for skilled labor—create skill mismatches in Albania’s labor market as some workers with higher education are seeking more lucrative jobs in skilled labor, and vice versa.


Many youths without skills or education continue to struggle; the percentage of young people neither employed nor in education or training was 26.1% in 2021. To attempt to give direction to many of these young people, Albania created the Youth Guarantee scheme to give advice to and coordinate opportunities for floundering Albanian young people. In February 2022, the Parliament established an inter-ministerial working group to oversee the implementation of the Youth Guarantee scheme, including by allocating human and financial resources seconded from the ministries themselves. The Report again emphasizes the importance of incorporating these youth into the formal job market either through education or skills training in order to build human capital in anticipation of EU accession.

Tiran Univercity
Polytechnic University of Tirana – Source Wikipedia

The Education System

  1. Basic Characteristics and Current Initiatives

In 2021, Albania implemented a new competence-based curriculum for the grades 1-12 pre-university education system. Of 286,486 students currently enrolled, 260,953 received free textbooks under this new initiative. For reference, 158,528 students are in primary education, and 127,958 are in lower secondary education. The simultaneous attempt at preschool reform was not successful, however. Due to a lack of resources, the new policies passed for preschools could not be implemented. The Report notes that partnerships with local authorities are essential to ensure cooperation and avoid disrupting the everyday goings on in schools as new standards begin.


Albania’s Vocational Education and Training (VET) system is also being revised. Participation in the VET scheme remains low, with only 17.7% of upper secondary students enrolled in 2021 (18,279 out of a total of 103,467). In 2017, Parliament adopted a VET Law that established the National Agency for VET and Qualifications and attempted to standardize VET programs. The implementation of this Law is not yet complete, however. The National Agency requires further organizational clarification, especially in the human resources department. Legislation regarding VET providers is also lacking. The Report states that Parliament must adopt a law guaranteeing the financial autonomy of VET providers in addition to the Optimisation Plan endorsed by Parliament and VET providers in 2020. Both legislative efforts would require certain standards of learning and training, organizational strategies, functions, and activities from VET providers while simultaneously allowing them the independence to determine how to achieve these measures. In other words, these legislative efforts would regulate the VET providers while ensuring their discretionary rights and privileges. The Report states that this VET scheme must be implemented by 2023 to ensure the modernization of the VET.


  1. COVID-19

2021-2022 was a “year of adjustment and planning” after the shocks caused by the 2019 earthquake and the COVID-19 pandemic. The earthquake sent the education system into immediate turmoil as 21,000 children from 11 municipalities were forced to move to host schools or temporary facilities. Students attended classes in shifts, thereby straining already scarce resources, negatively impacting the quality of teaching, and negatively affecting students’ capacity to absorb information amid a stressful and constantly changing environment. 87 schools damaged by the earthquake have returned to normal operations. The problems derived from the earthquake are distinct from the problems that arose under COVID-19, but both exposed the same skills and resource gaps in the education system.


Already struggling with remote, hybrid, or part-time school due to the earthquake, teachers and students were forced to revert to fully online methods for which they were not prepared. Prior to the earthquake, most teachers had never even received IT training, much less training on how to effectively teach an entirely digital class—many were technologically illiterate. Albania began training 2,362 teachers on digitization in 2021, but this excluded the majority of a total of 30,000 teachers in need. This skills gap was compounded by a lack of digital resources available to both teachers and students for a free or reduced cost. Albania provides only one computer per 26 students, which is inadequate to ensure that all students have access to digital education. The Report compares this to the EU average of one computer per five pupils. As a result of these complications, enrollment rates 2019-2021 dropped considerably to 72.9%. Even more concerningly, enrollment in preschool education for children aged five to six decreased by 9%. The Report states that even as the COVID-19 pandemic eases, the government should continue to provide digital training to teachers and technological literacy courses to students in anticipation of a future emergency.


  • Minority Incorporation

On the flip side, changes to the education system related to the COVID-19 pandemic have generated increased inclusion of vulnerable populations, most notably Roma and Egyptian minorities. These groups suffer from a lack of access to certain socioeconomic benefits, lower income levels, and structural barriers to upward mobility. Strategies such as distance learning, remote teaching, and part-time education aligned with these groups’ needs by leaving room for flexibility in scheduling. This allowed parents of lower school children to guarantee their children’s quality of education even while struggling with the economic downturn. Similarly, this allowed older students to maintain their employment and living standards while simultaneously accessing higher education. As COVID-19 has dissipated, schools have reduced many of these measures. The enrollment rates of Rome and Egyptian children in pre-university and early childhood education have dropped. Inclusion efforts include scholarships, free textbooks, complimentary transportation, and part-time education programs. Measures that, in theory, facilitate Roma and Egyptian access to universities, such as a quota system and fee waivers for university applications, are generally not enforced in practice.


Nonetheless, the Report emphasizes that the inclusion of vulnerable populations within the Albanian education system is lacking. Some schools continue to segregate Roma and Egyptian children, resulting in a ruling from the European Court of Human Rights in May 2022 ordering the Ministry of Education and Sports to implement desegregation policies. Roma and Egyptian graduates are systematically discriminated against in the workforce as well. The low employment rate of these groups worsened due to COVID-19, health insurance coverage for these groups is sparse, and the digitization of many public services during COVID-19 (including healthcare and employment) impeded technologically illiterate members of these groups from accessing much-needed protection.


Ethnic minorities are not the only groups discriminated against in public service delivery, however. The Report notes that “no progress” has been made with regard to the incorporation of disabled persons in the Albanian education system. Already scarce resources are simply not being allocated to solve this problem. Teachers and other educational professionals receive slim to no training on the complex challenges and functional strategies of including disabled persons, alternative methods of teaching, or early detection of disability. Those teaching assistants qualified to assist disabled students are very few and not sufficiently dispersed throughout educational institutions. The Report highlights that “additional efforts are also needed to shift from a system with dual education towards a system where children with disabilities are integrated into inclusive mainstream schools.”


Written by Rowan Scarpinoagainst LGBTIQ persons is also rampant in Albania. A lack of knowledge and awareness about queerness and queer rights, especially in rural areas, drives high levels of intolerance. Physical aggression and hate speech, particularly on social media against LGBTIQ people are routine. This creates a hostile environment for LGBTIQ students in schools, thus disincentivizing them from engaging with the curriculum or creating bonds with teachers and other students. Further, discrimination prevents LGBTIQ students from fully accessing future educational opportunities, such as higher education, thus depressing their capacity to enter high-paying employment. Generally, LGBTIQ persons face discrimination in public services, including barriers to healthcare and housing. Albania lacks legislation authorizing cohabitation or same-sex marriage, thus perpetuating the social stigmatization of LGBTIQ persons. In November 2021, Albania did implement a new 2021-2027 action plan for LBGTIQ persons. However, Parliament has failed to implement the policies associated with this plan due to a lack of financing and political will. The Report stresses that Parliament must enact this action plan and other inclusive policies in order for Albania to meet EU criteria governing fundamental rights and freedoms.


Rights of the Child

Albania ratified the Convention on the Rights of the Child in 1992 and has since implemented a legal framework protecting children. The Report notes that progress continues in institutional capacity-building to effectively execute the Convention. However, malnutrition and physical activity continue to be critical issues for children and pregnant women in Albania. The Report recommends that Albania develop a national nutrition plan that includes an awareness campaign in schools and community centers. Additionally, Albania remains a “country of origin, transit, and destination” of human trafficking. Institutionalized and minority children, including Roma and Egyptians, are more vulnerable to trafficking than adults or their peers. Fortunately, the number of Albanian victims significantly decreased in 2020-2021, but this may be due only to border closures associated with COVID-19.


The Report also finds that “the practice of child marriage still exists, and is primarily driven by gender inequality, poverty and social exclusion.” Because of a lack of official data, it is unclear how prevalent child marriage is, but laws protecting adolescents from child marriage are clearly ineffective or applied inconsistently. To remedy this fundamentally abusive practice, the government addressed child marriage in the national policy framework in 2021 for the first time in history. It continued to prioritize the issue by enacting the 2021-26 National Agenda for the Rights of the Child. Further, the Albanian National Deinstitutionalization Plan allocated funds to develop childcare services as an alternative to institutionalized social care, which has violated and exploited children. Despite this progress, violence against children, especially sexual violence, remains a problem. Child Protection Units received 2,389 cases of children in need of protection in 2021; a large amount made even more difficult by the lack of child protection workers. Albania needs programs and legal frameworks that prioritize social work and incentivize students to become social workers.



Overall, Albania could advance its moderate level of preparation in most EU accession criteria to the next level by increasing its focus on education. In order to meet economic standards, for example, skills and resource gaps must be remedied through higher and vocational education. Similarly, in order to meet standards relating to respect for fundamental rights and freedoms and social cohesion, Albania must increase the incorporation of minorities into society and formal markets, which begins with the incorporation of minority and migrant children into education. The list goes on; the areas in which Albania is most unprepared for EU accession, including public administration and economic competitiveness, all negatively impact the education system and yet can be solved through increasing funding, awareness, and participation in the education system. In preparation for the next enlargement package report, Albania should engage in educational reform to accelerate its preparedness for EU integration.



Written by Rowan Scarpino


European Commission. (2022). (rep. num. SWD(2022) 332). Albania 2022 Report. Brussels, Belgium.


La Fédération de Russie elle-même est un État relativement récent. Elle a été créée il y a 30 ans, après la dissolution de l’Union soviétique. La Russie a un contexte historique, social et culturel unique, avec un mélange d’impérialisme, d’influence soviétique et de 30 ans d’histoire moderne. Toutes ces différentes périodes ont eu un impact sur le système éducatif. Il y a eu de nombreuses tentatives de réforme du système éducatif après la dissolution de l’Union soviétique. Parmi les plus importantes, on peut citer les innovations de la loi fédérale de 1992 “sur l’éducation”, notamment la possibilité d’avoir des écoles privées, de nouveaux manuels scolaires et l’autonomie financière des écoles (Dashchinskaya, 1997) ; la signature en 2003 de la déclaration de Bologne, qui marque le début d’un espace éducatif européen unifié dans certains établissements russes ; et l’introduction de tests standardisés nationaux, obligatoires depuis 2009 (Tsyrlina-Spady, 2016).

Selon un expert en éducation, des changements fondamentaux sont apparus avec les réformes de 2009-2010 et l’émission d’une nouvelle loi directive (On Education in the Russian Federation, 2012). Les réformes cruciales comprenaient le financement des écoles par élève, de nouveaux tests standardisés pour les diplômés des écoles et les étudiants de première année de collège, la priorisation de la proximité de l’école dans le processus d’admission, la création et la durabilité d’environnements scolaires sûrs, la promotion de l’éducation inclusive, et la fermeture progressive des établissements d’enseignement spécialisés.

Photo by Oleksandr P: 

Des changements aussi réussis que l’investissement constant dans l’éducation, la création d’un système d’évaluation national et l’inclusion des scores obtenus comme principaux indicateurs pour l’admission à l’université (offrant un accès égal aux universités pour tous les adolescents, y compris les familles à faible revenu et les personnes provenant de régions éloignées), la couverture presque universelle de l’éducation préscolaire et le financement par habitant. Ces changements ont permis aux étudiants russes de dépasser les résultats de l’étude TIMSS (Trends in International Mathematics and Science Study) pour 2019, qui, lors de sa publication, montrait la Russie en tête du classement après les économies d’Asie de l’Est (Shmis, 2021). Néanmoins, l’objectif de cet article est de faire la lumière sur certains des problèmes les plus urgents au sein du secteur éducatif russe.

Les défis de l’éducation inclusive

Plusieurs types de défis entravent la réalisation de l’éducation inclusive. Tout d’abord, il n’y a pas assez de spécialistes qui possèdent les compétences et l’expertise nécessaires pour travailler avec des enfants ayant des besoins spéciaux. Une étude menée dans la région fédérale de l’Oural a mis en évidence qu’environ 60% des personnes interrogées ont noté l’absence de personnel hautement spécialisé (psychologues, pédagogues sociaux, tuteurs, etc.), en particulier dans les écoles des petites villes et des zones rurales (Grunt, 2019). Deuxièmement, il n’y a pas assez de matériel. Bien que la plupart des écoles inclusives disposent aujourd’hui d’ascenseurs, de rampes, de portes élargies, de panneaux en braille et d’un accompagnement sonore, il y a un manque de matériel éducatif et méthodologique pour enseigner aux enfants ayant des besoins spéciaux (Mironova, Smolina, Novgorodtseva 2019). Troisièmement, la bureaucratie autour de l’éducation est particulièrement pesante en ce qui concerne l’éducation inclusive. La répartition du pouvoir et des responsabilités entre les enseignants, les tuteurs, les psychologues ou les travailleurs sociaux peut constituer un obstacle à la conclusion d’accords. Enfin, il existe un énorme fossé en matière de communication, de collaboration et d’interaction adéquate entre les enseignants et les parents, entre les enfants avec et sans besoins de santé particuliers. Les conflits de valeurs deviennent apparents lorsque les classes sont mélangées avec des enfants handicapés et. Malheureusement, les acteurs impliqués dans les activités éducatives ne sont pas toujours disposés à comprendre les changements survenus au cours des dernières années.

Un déclin du prestige des collèges professionnels et techniques

La tendance généralisée à l’obtention d’un diplôme d’enseignement supérieur est sans aucun doute bénéfique pour la société ; cependant, toute médaille a deux faces. Dans le cas de la Fédération de Russie, cette tendance a entraîné une sursaturation du marché du travail en spécialistes ayant suivi un enseignement supérieur. Cela a, à son tour, diminué le prestige des collèges professionnels et techniques et a entraîné un manque de spécialistes techniques ou de travailleurs ayant une formation professionnelle secondaire (Ivanova, 2016). La Russie a l’un des taux d’accès à l’enseignement supérieur les plus élevés parmi les membres de l’OCDE, comme l’illustre le graphique 1 ci-dessous (OCDE, 2019). Malgré la baisse des niveaux de prestige des études professionnelles, les programmes professionnels restent relativement plus répandus que dans les autres pays de l’OCDE.

Ressource : OCDE. (2019). Regards sur l’éducation 2019 : note par pays. OCDE.

Augmentation des investissements résultant des nouveaux défis du système éducatif.

Pour accroître la qualité de l’éducation russe, de nouveaux investissements sont nécessaires. La Russie offre une grande infrastructure numérique, de sorte que la numérisation et la création de plateformes éducatives adaptées ne sont qu’une question d’investissements supplémentaires et d’efforts de collaboration. Il est crucial de s’adapter à l’évolution des modalités d’enseignement, comme les régimes hybrides et en ligne, pendant la pandémie de COVID-19. L’introduction de méthodes d’enseignement et d’apprentissage uniques augmentera la motivation et l’engagement des étudiants dans le processus.

Enseigner le développement de compétences dans la vie réelle

Après la participation des élèves russes à l’évaluation PISA des compétences en matière de résolution collaborative de problèmes (2015), l’écart négatif le plus important a été constaté entre les résultats en mathématiques, en sciences et en lecture (tests fondamentaux de PISA) et la capacité des élèves à résoudre des problèmes de manière collaborative (Shmis, 2021). Comme il s’agit de l’une des compétences modernes vitales, de nouvelles réformes devraient être adaptées pour introduire de nouveaux aspects du travail collaboratif dans les écoles et en faire un centre d’obtention de nouvelles connaissances et de maîtrise des compétences nécessaires au monde moderne.

By Elizaveta Rusakova

Translated by Serena Bassi

Références :

Oroszország lerohanta Ukrajnát: Ki fizeti meg a háború árát?

Mahmud Darwish palesztin költő és író így nyilatkozott a háború jelenségéről:

„A háborúk véget érnek egyszer. A vezetők kezet ráznak. Az öreg hölgy örökké várakozik a mártírhalált halt fiára. Egy lány várni fog szeretett férjének visszatérésére. És gyermekek várják haza hősként ünnepelt édesapjukat. Nem tudom, ki adta el a szülőföldünket, de azt láttam, hogy ki fizette meg az árát.” [1]

Az évek során számos országot pusztítottak el háborúk és diktatúrák. Ezek közül sok ország fejlett volt, mielőtt a háborúk tönkretették volna őket; virágzó kultúrával és fejlett társadalmi és technológiai vívmányokkal rendelkeztek, mint például Szíria, Palesztina, Líbia, Afganisztán, Irak, Szomália, Jemen és még sorolhatnánk.

Diktátorok és korrupt politikusok kapzsisága és önzése nyomorba taszította ezeket az országokat. Sok ártatlan élet elvesztett; sok ország most is szenved a szegénységtől elnyomó rezsimek rossz kormányzása alatt. A háborúk miatt a nemzeti infrastruktúrák összeomlottak, miközben a pusztítás az országok környezeti értékeire is káros hatással voltak.

The Costs of War Project, Watson  Institut für internationale und öffentliche Angelegenheiten, Brown Universität, 2021


Ukrajna most csatlakozott azon országok sorához, amelyeket diktátorok kapzsisága miatt háború tesz tönkre. Vlagyimir Putyin nem csak megszállt egy Oroszországgal szomszédos szuverén államot, de rendszere teljes cenzúrát gyakorol a háborúról történő orosz kommunikáció felett is. A független orosz médiumokat és újságírókat, akik felszólalnak Putyin rezsimje, illetve a rezsimje által okozott orosz állampolgárok szenvedései ellen, azokat megfélemlítik és akár törvénytelenül őrizetbe is veszik őket. Ugyanígy bánnak azokkal a tüntetőkkel is, akik ellenzik Putyin uralmát és a rezsimje által Ukrajnában elkövetett bűnöket, például azt, hogy fiatal oroszokat kényszerítenek az orosz fegyveres erőkhöz való csatlakozásra anélkül, hogy tájékoztatnák őket arról, hogy részt vesznek Ukrajna lerohanásában. Mindezek tankönyvi példák lehetnének arra, hogyan is működik egy totalitárius állam.

Hogyan érintette az ukrán oktatást a háború?

A háború lesújtó hatással volt az ukrán oktatásra: az oktatási anyagok hiánya és a szegénység miatt az oktatáshoz való hozzáférés korlátozott. A háború miatt számos oktatási intézmény, például iskola és óvoda megsemmisült vagy megrongálódott, ami veszélyezteti az országban élő gyermekek jövőjét.[2]

Az UNICEF nemrégiben közzétett egy jelentést az Ukrajnába történő orosz invázió hatásairól. A jelentés szerint az invázió miatt több mint 350 000 iskolás gyermek nem jut oktatáshoz, mivel az iskolai infrastruktúra megrongálódott vagy megsemmisült. Mindeközben a tanárok által elsajátított tanítási módszerek sok esetben nem hatékonyak egy háború sújtotta szegényes oktatási környezetben, ez pedig szintén korlátozza az ukrán gyermekek minőségi oktatáshoz való hozzáférését. Ez azt jelenti, hogy a háború megfosztja az ukrán gyerekeket attól, hogy biztonságos menedékhez, vízhez vagy megfelelő oktatáshoz jussanak. [3]

Néhány probléma, amellyel az ukrán gyermekmenekültek szembesülnek az őket fogadó országokban

A háború kezdete óta sok ukrán keresett menedéket különböző országokban. Különösen sok probléma merül fel a gyermekmenekültek más országok iskolarendszerébe történő integrálásával kapcsolatban, főként a nyelvi akadályok miatt. A kihívások ellenére például a lengyelországi iskolák pozitívan viszonyultak a problémához, és iskoláik nemcsak befogadták az ukrán gyermekmenekülteket, de aktívan igyekeztek minél jobban segíteni a beilleszkedésüket. A lengyel tanárok támogatást nyújtottak az új ukrán diákoknak a nyelvi akadályok leküzdésében és a lengyel oktatási rendszerhez való alkalmazkodásban.[4]

Azonban nem minden ország fogadta ilyen jól a gyermekmenekültek érkezésének kihívását. Az Egyesült Királyságban menedéket kereső ukrán gyerekek jelentős problémákkal néznek szembe, mivel az angol nyelvet gyakran alig vagy egyáltalán nem ismerő diákok beiratkozása és beilleszkedése meghaladja a legtöbb brit iskola kapacitását. Ehhez jön még a brit oktatási rendszer elégtelen finanszírozásának problémája, ami nagy nyomás alá helyezi az Egyesült Királyság iskoláit, és a menekült diákok beiratkozási kérelmének gyakori elutasítását eredményezi.[5]


A háború hatása a nemzetközi diákokra Ukrajnában

Az ukrán egyetemeken tanuló nemzetközi diákok, akik közül sokan Afrikából, Dél-Ázsiából és a Közel-Keletről érkeztek, szintén a háború áldozatai lettek. Sokan közülük nem tudták befejezni tanulmányaikat, és kénytelenek voltak más országokba menekülni abban a reményben, hogy hamarosan visszatérhetnek Ukrajnába, és befejezhetik tanulmányaikat.[6]  Azonban sokuknak jelentős problémát jelentett a menekülés, mivel nem ukrán állampolgárként ügyüket a potenciális európai befogadó országok másképp kezelték. Ráadásul számos külföldi diák életét vesztette a háborúban, és legalább ketten estek áldozatul a fegyveres konfliktusnak csak a kitörést követő első napokban.[7]

A háború hatása a posztszovjet államokra és Oroszországra

Oroszország ukrajnai inváziója óta a posztszovjet államok polgárai félelemben élnek, hogy Putyin ellenőrzése átveszi országaikat. Az azerbajdzsáni példa különösen aggasztó, mivel azerbajdzsáni elnök, Ilham Alijev aláírt egy olyan megállapodást Oroszországgal, mely óriási teret enged az orosz befolyásnak. A 43 pontból álló dokumentum oktatási és gazdasági szempontokból is szorosabbra fogja a két ország szövetségét, ami elkerülhetetlenül növeli a Putyin-rezsim befolyását Azerbajdzsánban.[8] Ez például abban nyilvánul meg, hogy az orosz nyelv nagyobb mértékben válik kötelező tantárggyá az oktatási intézményekben.[9]

Az utóbbi időben az orosz oktatási minisztérium új platformot talált a propagandaterjesztésre az online oktatáson keresztül. Olyan ideológiákkal igyekeznek befolyásolni a gyerekeket, amelyek Putyin vezetését dicsőítik, és elmagyarázzák, “miért volt szükség az ukrajnai felszabadító misszióra”.  Nagy a kockázata annak, hogy ezek a leckék hozzájárulnak egy olyan generáció kifejlődéséhez, amely támogatja mind a háborút, mind Putyin oroszországi diktatúráját, ez pedig veszélyt jelent egy demokratikus orosz társadalom lehetőségének jövőjére nézve.[10]


Reméljük, eljön majd a nap, amikor a háborúk véget érnek, és a kitelepített vagy elmenekült emberek visszatérhetnek szülőföldjükre, ahol szeretteiket hagyták. A vezetők kezet fognak rázni, hogy békét teremtsenek a világban, de milyen áron fog ez megtörténni, amikor már annyi kárt okoztak? Nos, a hazákat eladták, népeik pedig megfizették az árát.



By Zinat Asadova

Translated by Johanna Farkas from



[1] “The war will end” Poem by Mahmud Darwish

[2] Save the Children. (2022). Ukraine: Attacks on schools endangering children’s lives and futures. Retrieved from

[3] UNICEF Europe & Central Asia Region (ECAR). (2022). Ukraine Situation Report – 24 February 2022 (p. 2). Retrieved from

[4] Deutsche Welle (DW). (2022). Poland fights to give Ukrainian kids access to education [Video]. Retrieved from,Poland’s%20education%20system%20is%20enormous.

[5] Abrams, F. (2022). Ukraine refugees may struggle to find places in English schools, councils say. The Guardian. Retrieved from

[6] Fallon, K. (2022). Foreign students fleeing Russia’s war on Ukraine hope to return. Retrieved from

[7] International education’s continuing response to the war in Ukraine. ICEF Monitor – Market intelligence for international student recruitment. (2022). Retrieved from

[8] Azərbaycan Respublikası Xarici İşlər Nazirliyi. (2022). No:056/22, Azərbaycan Respublikası Xarici İşlər Nazirliyinin Mətbuat xidməti idarəsinin məlumatı (AZ/RU). Retrieved from; President of the Republic of Azerbaijan Ilham Aliyev. (2022). Declaration on allied interaction between the Republic of Azerbaijan and the Russian Federation. Retrieved from

[9] Aliyeva, J. (2022). Azerbaijani president notes importance of Russian language. Report News Agency. Retrieved from

[10] Russia’s Ministry of Education Official Page on Vkontakte. (2022). An Open lesson “Defenders of Peace” (Открытый урок «Защитники мира») [Video].

Educational Challenges in Switzerland

A- Background of the Swiss Educational System

This article will discuss the strengths, weaknesses, and challenges facing the Swiss educational system. It will proceed as follows: a background will be given on the structure and institutional design of the system, then it will be analyzed by reviewing OHCHR recommendations and OECD indicators specific to Switzerland.” Providing a roadmap to the paper is important to overall comprehension and readability.

Switzerland is a federal and multilingual country with a decentralised education system. The 26 Cantons (states) are responsible for educational development within their respective territories. While the Cantons are responsible for compulsory education, the Federal Government also supports the Cantons to encourage post-compulsory education (general education schools, vocational and professional education and training, universities). The principle of decentralisation denotes the fact that the Cantons and their municipalities finance 90% of public expenditure on education.

The Confederation and the Cantons have a joint obligation to ensure a high degree of quality and accessibility within the education system. To meet this obligation, Switzerland has embraced a complex monitoring system that identifies key challenges and evaluates the progress and achievement of policy goals. The Swiss Education Report, which is published every four years, is one result of this monitoring process.

In compulsory education, 95% of all pupils attend public schools in their local municipality. There is no free choice of school in compulsory education; admission is dependent on families’ residential address. All public schools in compulsory education are free of charge. In many areas, public schools are an important tool to promote social integration among schoolchildren within a certain area. Indeed, children who have different social, linguistic and cultural backgrounds all attend the same school.

Each Canton manages its own curriculum, including certain institutional and structural design elements, such as the weekly teaching periods per subject and per class. There is no national curriculum. However, the Federal Constitution obliges the Cantons to coordinate and harmonise their educational systems with regard to structure and objectives. The Cantons have, for instance, developed language-region curricula for compulsory education, which are currently being introduced. The language of instruction is German, French, Italian or Romansh, depending on the language region. Traditionally, language learning is important in Switzerland. Students learn a second official language of Switzerland as well as English during their compulsory school years.

Switzerland has a strong vocational and professional education system (VET). It offers mostly dual-track VET programmes at the upper secondary level—which combine an apprenticeship with one to two days of classroom instruction at a vocational school—and broad tertiary-level professional education programmes.

The majority of young people enroll in VET after completing their compulsory education. This provides them with a solid foundation and practical experience in most occupations (there are about 230 professions to choose from). Around one-third of compulsory education graduates opt for continuing their education at an upper secondary specialised or baccalaureate school, which prepare them for tertiary education at a university.


B- OHCHR Human Rights Mechanisms/ Switzerland


The United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) noted that several measures had been taken in Switzerland to enhance the right to education. Nevertheless, it found that asylum seekers and undocumented children are still experiencing problems gaining access to secondary education. UNESCO recommended that Switzerland is encouraged to strengthen public policies to ensure that children of foreign origin enjoy the best possible quality of education and that undocumented and asylum-seeking children are given access to education, particularly at the secondary level. The Committee on the Rights of the Child made similar recommendations. The Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women recommended that Switzerland encourage further diversification of the educational choices available to all genders and revise educational materials at the cantonal and community levels to ensure a gender-sensitive perspective in teaching materials. It also advised Switzerland to design new strategies to address discriminatory stereotypes and structural barriers that might deter girls from progressing beyond secondary education and enrolling in traditionally male-dominated fields of study.

C- Education at a Glance 2021: OECD Indicators

Equal Opportunities for students across socio-economic backgrounds

The Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA) is an index that measures educational attainment and achievement of students from varying economic, social and cultural status (ESCS). As of 2018, the percentage of children from the bottom quartile of the ESCS that achieved at least PISA level 2 in reading was 32% lower than that of children from the top ESCS quartile. This is a larger educational gap than the OECD average, which sits at 29%.

Significant differences in educational achievement may lead to worsening income inequality. In Switzerland, 30% of adults 25-64 years of age with below upper secondary educational attainment earned at or below half the median earnings in 2019. This is a larger percent than the OECD average of 27%.


Gender Inequalities in education

In nearly all OECD countries and at all levels of educational attainment, 25-64 year-old women earn less than their male peers; their earnings correspond to 76%-78% of men’s earnings on average across OECD countries. This proportion varies more across educational attainment levels within countries than between OECD countries. Compared to other education levels, women with below upper secondary education in Switzerland have the lowest earnings relative to men with a similar education level—these women earn only 77% of the income earned by men who also lack an upper secondary education. Women with an upper secondary or post-secondary non-tertiary education earn 84% of the earnings of men with the same or similar education levels.

Education and migration background

On average across OECD countries, among adults without upper secondary attainment, 57% of native-born adults are employed, compared to 61% of foreign-born adults. Following this trend, in Switzerland, the employment rate of foreign-born adults without upper secondary attainment was 71% in 2020, higher than that of their native-born peers (65%).

Among tertiary-educated adults, 92% of native-born adults and 84% of foreign-born adults are employed. Foreign-born adults who arrived in the country at an early age have spent some years in their host country’s education system and gained nationally recognised credentials. As a result, their labour-market outcomes are generally better than that of those who arrived at a later age with a foreign qualification. In Switzerland, among foreign-born adults with tertiary attainment, 90% of those who arrived by the age of 15 are employed, compared to 83% of those who arrived in the country at age 16 or later.


In sum, that the government of Switzerland should strengthen its public policies to ensure that children of foreign origin enjoyed the best possible level of teaching and that child asylum seekers and undocumented children were given access to education, particularly at the secondary level; as well as programmes and awareness-raising activities against violence, abuse and bullying in schools. Moreover, it must encourage further diversification of the educational choices of girls and boys, take steps to revise educational materials at the cantonal level and ensure that gender-sensitive teaching materials are available across all cantons and communities.


Written by Faical Al Azib




EUROPEAN COMMISSION Turkey 2021 Report Summary (Education)

Education in Turkey

Introduction and Context


Turkey has been a key partner for the European Union via an Association Agreement since 1964 and the establishment of a Customs Union in 1995. Turkey was granted the status of a candidate country in December 1999 and accession negotiations were opened in October 2005. Within the framework of accession negotiations, 16 chapters have been opened and one of these was provisionally closed. The General Affairs Council conclusions of June 2019 reiterated the Council’s position of June 2018 that under the current circumstances, Turkey’s accession negotiations have effectively come to a standstill, no further chapters can be considered for opening or closing. Over the reporting period, the Turkish government did not reverse the negative trend as regards the reform agenda despite the Turkish government’s repeated commitment to the objective of EU accession. The EU’s serious concerns on the continued deterioration of democracy, the rule of law, fundamental rights and the independence of the judiciary have not been addressed. There was further backsliding in many areas. Relations with the EU deteriorated until December 2020, mostly due to actions taken by Turkey in the Eastern Mediterranean, directly challenging the rights of the Republic of Cyprus in its maritime zones. This summary will focus on the area of education.

Chapter 26 Education and Culture


The EU encourages collaboration in education and culture through funding programs and the open method of coordination, which allows Member States to coordinate their policies. Member States must also avoid discrimination and guarantee that children of migrant workers, including those from poor families, receive a high-quality education. Turkey is moderately equipped in terms of education and culture, and some progress has been made in this area, such as the smooth operation of the national qualifications system, the inclusion of culture in development policies, and the promotion and protection of the country’s cultural heritage.


In the coming year, the EU commission has recommended Turkey to (1) continue the improvement of inclusive education, focusing on including girls and disadvantaged children and reduce the proportion of school drop-outs, (2) further ensure the good functioning of the Turkish Qualifications Framework and Turkish Higher Education Quality Council, (3) take steps to implement the 2005 UNESCO Convention on the Protection and Promotion of the Diversity of Cultural Expressions.


With regards to education, access to early childhood education (ECE) in Turkey varies by age group and region. While the net enrolment rate for pre-school education (age 5) further increased from 68.3 % to 71.2 % during the 2019-2020 school year (70.4 % for girls, 72 % for boys), the combined net enrolment rate for children in Turkey aged between 3 and 5 remains low at only 41.8 %. Flexible and community-based ECE models need to be implemented, guided by clear targets and strategies, which cover vulnerable children and the overall quality of ECE services requires improvement. The net enrolment rate in primary schools grew slightly from 92.1 % to 93.6 %, with 93.5 % for girls and 93.7 % for boys. In lower secondary school, the net enrolment rate grew from 93.3 % to 95.9 %, with a rate of 96.1 % for girls and 95.7 % for boys. In upper secondary education net enrolment increased from 84.2 % to 85.0 % (84.9 % for girls, 85.2 % for boys). In higher education, the net enrolment rate decreased from 44.1 % to 43.4 % (46.3 % for girls, 40.6 % for boys). Both the number and the rate of students in special education (students with special needs who are in regular classes) increased slightly in 2020, from 398 815 in 2019 to 425 774 in 2020, which represents an increase from 1.65 % to 1.74 %. However, there is a noticeably large disparity between the number of girls and boys with special needs in education (269,897 male versus 155,877 female students).


Since 2004 Turkey has participated in EU education programs. Applications for the Erasmus+ programme climbed from 12 467 in 2019 to 13 079 in 2020, demonstrating the program’s ongoing popularity among Turkish education stakeholders. In 2020, 497 new projects for 124 million euros were contracted. Furthermore, applications for the European Solidarity Corps (ESC) program surged from 349 in 2019 to 896 in 2020; EU funding was allocated to 269 projects totalling EUR 6.12 million (181 volunteering initiatives and 88 solidarity projects) with over 2000 participants. Turkey implemented the recommendations of the European Commission to limit the detrimental effects of the COVID-19 pandemic on both beneficiaries and future beneficiaries of Erasmus+ and the ESC.


Turkey is at an advanced stage of implementing the Bologna process, although significant quality differences persist among Turkey’s 207 higher education institutions. The reorganisation of the Turkish Higher Education Quality Council (THEQC), the national authority evaluating Turkish higher education institutions, led to greater administrative and financial independence. THEQC became a member of the European Association for Quality Assurance in Higher Education (ENQA) in April 2020. THEQC added an institutional accreditation programme to its quality assurance activities in 2020. Relevant higher education regulation and procedures need to be further adapted to THEQC regulations in order to guarantee its effectiveness. In addition, THEQC should aim to further increase the size of permanent staff in order to strengthen its operational independence.


Implementation of a national vocational qualifications system by the Vocational Qualifications Authority (VQA) is ongoing. VQA, the competent authority for preparing national occupational standards and national qualifications and for authorising certification bodies, is also in charge of implementing the Turkish Qualifications Framework (TQF). As of June 2021, the number of occupational standards and qualifications approved by the VQA increased satisfactorily for the functional implementation of the Turkish Qualification Framework; however, the number of vocational qualifications certificates still needs to be increased substantially. Studies regarding the full implementation of TQF continued under the coordination of the VQA. Private education certificates were integrated within the framework of VQA certificates. Although the European Qualifications Framework is referenced within the TQF, Turkey needs to ensure that principles and procedures relating to quality assurance, credit systems, inclusion of qualifications, and validation of non-formal and informal learning are fully in place. In the formal vocational education and training sector, implementing the modular curricula and credited module system, instead of the current class passing system, remains an important issue for the effective implementation of the TQF.


By Kate Ryan

Educational Challenges in the Republic of Kenya

Educational Challenges in the Republic of Kenya

Kenya’s educational development has been impacted by numerous factors, such as being a colony of the British Empire from 1895 until 1963 and becoming a Republic in 1964[i]. Kenya currently has a population of 53.77 million people who speak a total of 42 ethnic languages[ii]. There are various national authorities for education, such as the National Council for Nomadic Education in Kenya, the Commission for University Education, the Teachers’ Service Commission (TSC), and the Kenya National Examination Council (KNEC);[iii] as well as international influence for quality education, especially the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs).[iv] All these contributed to the development of a system that promotes access, quality, and attainable standards, enshrining the right to education in the constitutional revision of 2010 and through the Basic Education Act of 2013.[v] However, this progress may be outweighed by negative results, leading to general issues we see globally but also issues specific to the Kenyan context with regards to indigenous communities, education agencies, and the teacher training of educators.

General Educational Challenges

In 2020 there were 18 million students in Kenya, 15 million in primary and secondary schools, following a format known as the ‘8-4-4’ system of eight years in primary, four years in secondary, and another four in post-secondary education as a result of policies that sought to fulfil the MDG of  universal primary education, quality education for all (EFA). The current government policy aimed at a 100% student transition from primary to secondary education helped to increase this ratio from 83% in 2018 to 95% in 2020, dedicating 95.7% of total expenditure to enhance public primary education.[vi] The government and private sector also came together to adopt joint funding mechanisms to provide both basic education but also eradicate poverty, allowing for tuition fees to be waived for primary education first, but gradually doing so for public day secondary education too, despite the fact that parents continue to pay for uniforms, meals, transport, and learning materials.[vii]

The digital media organization Tafuta Kenya refers to the Kenyan education system as a ‘state of crisis’ because of issues like gender disparity for girls in education due to traditional, cultural beliefs in 23 counties; the high drop-out rates due to poverty, child labour, drugs, poor health; inadequate facilities such as not having enough public schools, desks, chairs, textbooks; the high rate of absenteeism of educators in classrooms partially tied to frequent strikes for better working conditions and salaries; and the persistent trend of political influence that leads to corrupt embezzlement of funds that disrupts resource allocation and planning.[viii] More than 1.2 million children of primary age are not enrolled in primary school, with orphans especially vulnerable in this respect, and that only roughly 1% of Kenyan youth are in university because of the high tuition fees and the lack of access to youths from lower socio-economic backgrounds, leaving those aged between 15-24 years old the largest age group in terms of unemployment rates.[ix]children sitting on chairs inside classroomPhoto by Doug Linstedt on Unsplash

The main reason for these issues is that poverty remains rife in Kenya, with the World Poverty Clock estimating that 11 million Kenyans live on less than $1.90 per day, worsening the issue of hunger as one in every four children experiences stunting as a result of homes not having enough food to feed their children who are at risk of having undeveloped brains.[x] A 2014 study by the United Nations International Children’s Emergency Fund (UNICEF) concluded that the level of education held by parents is a firm indication of the level of the poverty that children may face which hinders their access to education and increases socio-economic disparities.[xi] In a similar vein, a 2019 study by Abuya et al. concluded that children from single parent households were less likely to be in primary education at the right age in comparison to children living in two-parent households, standing at 66% and 74% respectively, and that children living with guardians were 23% less likely to be in the primary education at the right age, with the data based on gender, educational attainment, household income, the number of siblings, and the educational institution, to display the impact of socio-economic resources being available to invest in children’s education.[xii]

These issues directly challenge the ‘Vision 2030’ national development plan of Kenya, whose budget increased by 50% to make education competitive with other systems globally and raise the quality of life. However, it resulted in bad planning because millions of students who dropped out in the past due to poverty returned which led to overcrowded classrooms, leaving teachers overwhelmed with the task of handling sometimes three classrooms with their respective behavioural challenges.[xiii] With over eight million students being accommodated by 216,517 teachers in primary schools, the average of 50 students per teacher in Nairobi, 92 students per teacher in Turkana, and 200 students per classroom in Kibera Olympic School is evidence that the system is pressured.[xiv]

In this situation, girls remain vulnerable since they continue to face ‘archaic’ traditions and parents who fear that sending their daughters to school would be a waste of resources, seeing them better fit to handle chores, care for their siblings, and travel long distances for water. Girls are also often forced into early marriages and pregnancies in exchange for economic and social benefits, remaining 2.5 times more likely to face gender-based violence (GBV) given Kenya’s recent history of internal and transboundary conflict.[xv] The activities of Flying Kites, an organisation focused on improving education by meeting the needs of individual students, has expressed the importance of investing in girls not only for gender equity, but also because girls can be seen as agents of change and boosting their access to Guidance, Information, Resources, Leadership, and Skills (G.I.R.L.S.).[xvi] One priority is sanitation standards which results in some girls leaving education because they cannot afford sanitary pads, wherein one in every ten 15-year-old girls do not have such access and would resort to engaging in sexual activities to get money for such products, leading to more early pregnancies and less time to focus on education.[xvii]

The outbreak of COVID-19 negatively impacted the past and current education policies, highlighting the lack of prepared plans to tackle the shift to remote, distance, and online alternatives of learning. It is noteworthy that Kenya’s Ministry of Education (MoE) had launched a disaster management policy in July 2018 but only addressed the effects of heavy rains, wildfires, and promoting peace and safety but did not expand the aim of common safety guidelines to prevent the disruption of education as a result of diseases, especially considering the past outbreaks of malaria, HIV/AIDS, Ebola, and Zika across Africa.[xviii] Instead, the pandemic highlighted the inadequate ICT infrastructure given the fact that the government leaned on broadcasting education when only 17% of Kenya has access to broadband and students living in rural regions did not own digital devices; only 42% of children had access to a television and 19% to a radio, resulting in a higher rate of child labour since 16% and 8% of girls and boys respectively did not return to education when schools reopened on 4th January 2021; put at risk 150,000 refugee students who were confined in a so-called home when schools closed on 15th March 2020; and increased poverty since children lost access to school meals, and increased the rates of GBV, early marriages and pregnancies for girls.[xix] This was also reflected in the lack of digital and e-learning skills that teachers held, leading to a lack of preparation to shift to remote learning and aiding students to engage as e-learners, losing the crucial teacher-learner connection that ensures a steady transfer of knowledge.[xx]

Lack of Educational Planning & Low Educator Qualifications

There is a clear mismatch of resources to meet the needs of education for students which require proper education planning policies that implement logical mechanisms that set goals according to needs by systematically, strategically, and optimally utilizing the limited number of resources for an efficient system.[xxi] But without qualified planners, statisticians, analysts, the right tools such as computers and calculating machines, and accurate data, the system buckles under issues that hinder developing a system that safeguards against future problems, especially given the political instability that underlies the system as different political beliefs disrupt a consistent and coherent flow of government activities.[xxii] Furthermore, planners need to expand teachers’ salaries and promotion tracks, issues that result in teachers taking on other jobs to make ends meet which increases teacher absenteeism.[xxiii]

The system must be buttressed by educators who are properly trained and qualified which are obligations that fall under the TSC as mandated by the constitution to register, recruit, assign, promote the transfer, exert discipline, review, and even terminate the employment of teachers within the education system, all the while maintaining a set of standards that teacher training is based upon.[xxiv] Therefore, the task of supplying and maintaining teachers must retain transformational, holistic, creative, yet professional mindsets which Jonyo & Jonyo (2017) have argued has failed to address that teachers are understaffed, digitally illiterate, are not monitored and evaluated according to set standards, aim for low targets with an inadequate infrastructure, and through unionisation resist the development of the 2015 Teacher Performance Appraisal and Development that seeks to strengthen the status of the teacher as a leader of curriculum implementation but instead is feared as a ‘weeding’ exercise for incapable individuals.[xxv] Teacher training needs to change so that prior to entering a classroom, and also through professional development to attain new skills, they can fuse teaching the curriculum with an inflation of digital, automated capabilities that collect data to increase performance and service delivery, as well as expand the apprenticeship model established for junior teachers to train alongside senior teachers with leadership training so that they can manage in-class responsibilities whilst taking note of any changes that require teachers to adjust practices.[xxvi]

Tied to teacher training is amending pedagogical methods of teaching and students assessment which Akala (2021) has argued remains attached to the ‘recall of trivial information’ that is dense for students to remember through ‘rote learning’ by drilling information into memory to then be regurgitated in exams.[xxvii] What is instead being called for is to balance these methods with a competency based curriculum (CBC) whereby students are taught to attain:

‘sufficient practical skill and knowledge to perform the activity or service to a degree and quality that is acceptable to the industry and the customer in a time within which a competent person at the level could reasonably be expected to perform the task.’[xxviii]

CBC is arguably better than an examination-focused mode of teaching because it allows students to retain what they learned in a measurable way that empowers them beyond simply assessment and instead produces positive learning experiences of support and meeting their needs in education. This can help to reduce tension resulting from competitive academic performance that demands good grades to attain quality education and bars students from having the space to relax and develop social skills.[xxix]

Exclusion of Indigenous Culture & Language

Lastly, as a consequence of colonialism, Kenya continues to exclude indigenous languages and cultures from education, perpetuating a sense of ‘negative ethnicity’ that prioritises the content, teaching methods, and outcomes that remain inherently English- or Western-focused.[xxx] The 2019 study by Ng’asike observed this issue from the perspective of the Turkana community, showing how the community remained at a significant disadvantage of developing their learning and skills attainment capacities, especially in terms of language learning, arguing that there is ample evidence from other countries such as Mali, Burkina Faso, and South Africa  of the benefits that result from the inclusion of students’ mother tongues, be it Kiswahili, Turkana or any of the other ethnic languages spoken outside school.[xxxi]

Instead, parents, agencies, and communities continue to see the practice of the mother tongue as ‘backward’ or ‘tribalism’ and including indigenous knowledge within educational settings risks students being placed at a disadvantage to learn English.[xxxii] Ng’asike (2019) explained the benefits of including mother tongues and indigenous knowledge in education. Students coming from these communities have already adopted ways of associating the world through their mother tongue and cultural practices which provides a foundation on which educators can create bridges of understanding that helps them to progress onto curricular topics and language learning further down the education system. The study also suggests the use of story books in English, Kiswahili and the mother tongue as a primary tool in the early stages of education which would allow students, parents and the wider community to engage in storytelling, increase student and adult literacy, and alternative, supplementary materials that depart from the rigidity of what is considered important in the curricula or materials that ‘become vehicles of passive transmission of Western values.’[xxxiii]


It is evident that Kenyan education faces many challenges that spill over into socio-economic, political, and cultural issues. However, the system is willing to address these issues and provide solutions, making space for private and non-governmental actors to assist improving the system. To mention a few programmes of importance: Tusome[xxxiv] is a national programme that provided a total of 26 million textbooks and supplementary materials to students in 1,384 primary schools to increase literacy rates; the latter is complemented by the 2016 digital literacy programme (DLP) that successfully provided 1.2 million devices to 21,718 primary schools and increased attention and enrolment as well as creating over 11,000 jobs in the field of ICT; and lastly, the Home-Grown Feed Model (HGFM) that built on school meals in a holistic manner by adopting a community-growth model that approaches local farmers to sell their products to schools, supporting both the local market economy alongside nutritiously dense diets for students which contributes to the global goal of zero hunger.[xxxv]

Written by Karl Baldacchino


Featured Image from :Photo by Oscar Omondi on Unsplash

[i] Ndemwa, N. & Otani, M. (2020) ‘Education System in Kenya – Its Current Condition and Challenges’. Memoirs of the Faculty of Education, Shimane University, p. 15.

[ii] Ibid.; see also Ng’asike, J. T. (2019) ‘Indigenous Knowledge Practices for Sustainable Lifelong Education in Pastoralist Communities of Kenya’.  International Review of Education, Vol. 65, p. 22.

[iii] Ibid., pp. 18 & 19; see also Ng’asike, p.21

[iv] Ibid., p. 16.

[v] Ibid., pp. 19; see also Jonyo, D. O. & Jonyo, B. O. (2017) ‘Teacher Management: Emerging Issues in Kenya’. European Journal of Educational Studies, Vol. 4(1), p. 19; see also Jesse, N. W. (2021) ‘Effective Ways of Overcoming Challenges Facing High School Teachers in Kenya’. International Journal of Humanities and Social Science, Vol. 11(1), p. 45; see also Ngwacho, A. G. (2020) ‘COVID-19 Pandemic Impact on Kenya Education Sector: Leaner Challenges and Mitigations’.  Journal of Research Innovation and Implementation Education, Vol 4(2), pp. 129-130.

[vi] Ibid., p. 16; see also Kibaara, J. M. (2021) ‘Kenya’s Education Goals Face the Challenges of Affordability, Traditions and COVID-19. The Conversation. Available online from: [Accessed 04/05/2022]; see also Abuya, B. A. (2021) ‘Securing the Education of Kenya’s Girls During COVID-19’. The Conversation. Available online from: [Accessed on 04/05/2022]; see also Akala, B. M. (2021) ‘Revisiting Education Reform in Kenya: A Case of Competency Based Curriculum (CBC)’. Social Studies & Humanities Open, Vol. 3, p. 2; see also Jensen, A. (2019) ‘Enhancing Digital Education in Kenya’. The Borgen Project. Available online from: [Accessed on 04/05/2022]; Brock, H. (2021) ‘Continued Education for Vulnerable Children in Kenya’. The Borgen Project. Available online from: [Accessed on 04/05/2022].

[vii] Kibaara.

[viii] Tafuta Kenya, ‘Challenges Facing Education in Kenya and Solutions’. Available online from: [Accessed on 04/05/2022]; see also Samuel (2022) ‘Challenges Facing Educational Planning in Kenya’. World Student Forum. Available online from: [Accessed on 04/05/2022]; see also Ndemwa & Otoni, pp. 19-20 & 23-24; see also Jonyo & Jonyo, pp. 21 & 34-36; see also Jesse, pp. 46-48; see also Akala, pp. 1 & 2.

[ix] Brock.

[x] Manning, G. (2021) ‘Education in Kenya is a Path Out of Poverty’. The Borgen Project. Available online from: [Accessed on 04/05/2022]; Ngwacho, p. 133.

[xi] Brock.

[xii] Abuya, B. A. et al. (2019) ‘Family Structure and Child Educational Attainment in the Slums of Nairobi, Kenya’. Sage Open, April-June 2019, pp. 1-2 & 5-8.

[xiii] Ibid.; see also Kabaara; see also Jonyo & Jonyo, p. 25; see also Jesse, p.48; see also Akala, p. 2.

[xiv] Ibid.; see also Ndemwa & Otoni, pp. 16-17; see also Kibaara.

[xv] Abuya; see also Tafuta Kenya; see also Ndemwa & Otoni, pp. 23-24; see also Olk, S. (2019) ‘Overcoming Barriers to Education for Internally Displaced Children’. The Borgen Project. Available online from: [Accessed on 04/05/2022].

[xvi] Manning.

[xvii] Ibid.; see also Tafuta Kenya; see also

[xviii] Ngwacho, p. 131

[xix] Ibid., pp. 133-134; see also Kibuku, R. N. et al. (2020) ‘e-Learning Challenges Faced by Universities in Kenya: A Literature Review’.  The Electronic Journal of e-Learning, Vol. 18(2), pp. 153-154; see also Brock; see also Kibaara; see also Abuya; see also Manning.

[xx] Kibuku et al., pp. 154 & 156-157.

[xxi] Samuel.

[xxii] Ibid.

[xxiii] Tafuta Kenya.

[xxiv] Ndemwa & Otoni, p. 19.

[xxv] Jonyo & Jonyo, pp. 23-26.

[xxvi] Ibid., pp. 32 & 36-37.

[xxvii] Akala, pp. 1, 2 & 4; see also Ng’asike, pp. 27, 35 & 37; see also Tafuta Kenya.

[xxviii] Ibid., p. 2.

[xxix] Ibid., p. 3; see also Ndemwa & Otoni, pp. 17 & 23.

[xxx] Ibid., p. 7; see also Ng’asike, pp. 22-24 who gives a good indication how historical progress during and after colonial regimes impact the access of indigenous communities to a quality education.

[xxxi] Ng’asike, pp. 37-39

[xxxii] Ibid., pp. 24, 28, 37 & 40.

[xxxiii] Ibid., pp. 27, 30-33, 36-37 & 41

[xxxiv] ‘Let’s read’ in Kiswahili’.

[xxxv] Jensen; see also Maria, J. (2020) ‘Tusome: Powering Childhood Learning in Kenya’. The Borgen Project. Available online from: [Accessed on 05/05/2022]; see also Clausen, A. (2020) ‘The Home-Grown School Feeding Model Tackles Zero Hunger’. The Borgen Project. Available online from: [Accessed on 05/05/2022].