Turkey - Broken Chalk

Summary on the 2022 EU Enlargement Package regarding Turkey

In 2018, negotiations regarding Turkey’s accession the European Union (EU) came to a standstill as no further chapters could have been discussed for the foreseeable future. However, both parties maintained an amicable relationship, working toward a future where they could collaborate on common interests. In March of 2021, the European Commission expressed its readiness to cooperate with Turkey on joint areas such as counterterrorism, food security, migration trade and energy. To date, Turkey remains a key partner of the EU in its facilitated dialogue between Russia and Ukraine in the agreement on the export of grains. However, tension in the Eastern Mediterranean remains high with the EU urging Turkey to encourage stability within the region.

This summary discusses the 2022 EU Enlargement policy report as communicated by the European Commission in its 2022 Enlargement package. The report tackles multiple areas in which the EU has expressed concern such as fundamental freedoms and democracy in Turkey. The summary will also relay the report’s findings when it comes to education, culture and employment policies. All of which reflect on Turkey’s accession to the EU.

Fundamental Rights

Freedom of expression and association

Of the most crucial rights that spark controversy in Turkey, freedom of expression has been under scrutiny by the government of Turkey which did not go unnoticed. The 2022 Turkey report states that currently Turkey is in the early stages of taking a European-based human right approach when it comes to the dissemination of opposition voices and freedom of expression. Many instances regarding criminal cases and convictions of journalists, students, lawyers and human rights defenders continue in the country.

For instance, the legislative environment regarding the internet, anti-terrorism and the Criminal Code limit the exercise of freedom of expression. There have been reports of selective and arbitrary application of legislation raise concerns regarding the rule of law and the right to a fair trial. The Council of Europe Committee of Ministers strongly urged the Turkish authorities to consider changes to the Criminal Code as many cases related to freedom of expression have been lodged to the European Court of Human Rights.

As for freedom of assembly and association, the report states that there had been some serious backsliding by the Turkish government as implementation and legislation are not in line with the Turkish constitution, European standards or the international conventions which Turkey is party to. Many human rights defenders have been detained or arrested due to their exercise of their freedom of association. This included prominent non-governmental organisations such as Human Rights Association which were subjected to police raids.

Women’s and Children’s rights

It had been evident that the regression concerning the right of women and girls in Turkey has had tangible effects in the country. The presidential decision to withdraw from the Council of Europe Convention on Preventing and Combating Violence Against Women and Domestic Violence had been met with serious backlash from the public. Turkey is in the process of implementing The Fourth National Action Plan for Combating Violence against Women (2021-2025) yet, there had been 339 killing of women in 2021 alone. Turkey lacks a robust system for data collection to assess the nature of this issue. There are numerous concerns regarding women’s right as hate speech increased against independent women organizations and women’s participation in politics and decision making is low. On the other hand, some penalties were increased for violence against women who are or were the spouse of the perpetrator in July 2021.

In the area of the rights of the child, Turkey needs to improve its juvenile justice system. There has been reports of continuous juvenile arrests on charges of membership to terrorist organizations and often, detained in non-juvenile institutions. Turkey had shown limited progress in tackling and reducing core issues related to child marriages and gender-based violence against children. Additionally, the effects of COVID-19 have been tangible when it came to the decreased education of the Roma children.

Rights of persons with disabilities

Turkey has started its National Action Plan on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities which will be its implementation tool for its 2030 Barrier Free Vision Document. Turkey needs an independent implementation and monitoring framework as required by the UN Conventions on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities. This is also true for mental health and Turkey does not have a concrete foundation for mental health monitoring and implementation in the country. Moreover, community-based care services, including foster care and adoption, need to be expanded for minors with disabilities who are in need of state protection.

Education and culture

In Early Childhood Education (ECE) in Turkey, the net enrolment rate (NER) for preschool education largely decreased from 71.22 % in 2019-2020 to 56.89 % in 2020-2021 and the combined NER for Turkish children between 3 and 5 years old decreased from 41.78 % to 28.35 %. It is important to note that as the country’s efforts to improve accessibility to persons with disabilities, the number of students in special education increased from 425 774 in 2020 to 425 816 in 2021. For persons with special needs, Turkey continued to invest towards inclusive education instead of segregated settings, yet the school closures due to COVID-19 have affected the access of such students to education. It is worth to note that Turkey is in an advanced stage in implementing the Bologna measures despite the disparity in quality of education between Turkey’s 207 higher education institutions.

In 2022, Turkey had declared the year as the Year of Youth Participation. Turkey also participates in the European Year of the Youth. Turkish youth organisations showed high levels of interest in the Erasmus+ and European Solidarity Corps programmes, which continue to be major sources of funding for international youth exchange activities in Turkey.

In the post-pandemic era, Turkey’s cultural sector suffered from inadequate and unsustainable funding. Non-governmental cultural actors were hindered by the insufficient cultural infrastructure, lack of professionalism and limited management capacities. Also, the number of books obtaining the warning “harmful for minors/ +18” has increased. Six publications were declared “obscene” in 2021. The books were focused on gender-based rights, gender identity or included LGBTQI characters, and such measures pose a threat to freedom of publication.

Social policy and employment

The labour market situation in Turkey has slightly improved. The employment rate (15+) increased to 45.2 % in 2021 from 42.7 % in 2020. The rate increased for men to 62.8 % from 59.4 %, for women to 28 % from 26.2 %. Unemployment rate (15+) decreased from 13.1 % to 12 % in 2021. The unemployment rate for women remained almost at the same level with 14.7 %. The youth unemployment rate (15-24) decreased from 24.9 % in 2020 to 22.6 % in 2021. The rate of young people neither in employment nor in education or training (NEET) aged 15-24 decreased from 28.4 % in 2020 to 24.7 % in 2021; however for women, the rate is still quite high at 32.4 %. Turkey adopted its first National Youth Employment Strategy and Action Plan (2021-2023) in October 2021.

In the area of social inclusion and social protection, Turkey still requires a policy framework for poverty reduction. The accelerating inflation levels pose risks for vulnerable segments of the population. It is worth to note that social assistance payments amounted to TRY 97.8 billion or 1.74% of the GDP. Furthermore, Turkey needs a solid strategy and action plan for non-discrimination in employment and social policy. Discrimination on the grounds of sexual orientation and gender identity is not prohibited by law. The role of Human Rights and Equality Institution (HREI) and the Ombudsman remained limited in combating discrimination in employment. Employment of persons with disabilities in the private sector is reported to be challenging, partly due to limited physical accessibility, prejudices and skills mismatch. Efforts are needed to prevent discrimination for LGBTIQ in employment and social policy.

In employment and social policy, the gender gap in the labour market has remained high. Legislation needs to be improved for a better work-life balance. To achieve this, half-time work allowances were paid to 4,841 beneficiaries in 2021. The employment rate for women (18-64 age group) in case there are children in the household remained below the EU average. Women’s employment is hindered due to insufficient access to quality and affordable formal care services and the gender bias in caring responsibilities and discriminatory stereotypes. Some programmes supporting employment of mothers with children were terminated by the end of 2021.

In conclusion, Turkey lacks concrete implementation of polices regarding its fundamental rights such the freedom of speech and association. The situation concerning social policy, discrimination and the juvenile justice system need to have proper monitoring framework. There was some progress in terms early education and youth participation in the EU programmes. Still, Turkey needs to align its goals with its intent to accede the European Union.

Written by Ruwaifa Al-Riyami

Image Source : https://www.realinstitutoelcano.org/en/work-document/turkeys-10-years-of-eu-accession-negotiations-no-end-in-sight/

Source:

European Commission, (2022). Türkiye 2022 Report: 2022 Communication on EU Enlargement Policy. European Commission. https://neighbourhood-enlargement.ec.europa.eu/system/files/2022-10/T%C3%BCrkiye%20Report%202022.pdf

Nuriye Gülmen: O luptă de șase ani împotriva abuzului sistemic

Acum șase ani, pe 15 julie 2016, Turcia a fost tulburată de tentativa de lovitură de stat. O zi după tentativă, guvernul Turciei a declarat stare de urgență și a adoptat decretul executiv de urgență Nr. 667-676 care cenzura, în principal, jurnaliștii și mass-media,[i] dar și mii de funcționari publici, polițiști, personal din armată și profesori de universitate. Numele acestora a fost adnotat în anexa Decretului 179, pe 6 ianuarie 2017.[ii] Acești oameni, peste 150,000 la număr, și-au pierdut locul de muncă, accesul la servicii publice și li s-a îngrădit libertatea de mișcare pe motivul suspiciunii din partea guvernului că ar fi avut legătură cu cel care ar fi instigat lovitura de stat, Fetullah Gulen. Fetullah este un intelectual cleric turc care trăiește în exil în America din propria decizie, din 1999. El a negat că ar fi avut vreo legătură cu tentativa de lovitură de stat.[iii]

Una dintre persoanele afectate este Nuriye Gülmen, fostă profesoară de literatură la universitatea Selçuk din Turcia și, înainte de tentativă, în 2015, asistentă de cercetare la universitatea Eskişehir Osmangazi. [iv] Gülmen are vastă experiență în activism, cu un bagaj de confruntări legale împotriva abuzului instituțiilor turcești după ce a fost reținută 109 de zile din cauza poziției politice. [v] Ziua în care a fost eliberată și ar fi trebuit să se întoarcă la muncă, la universitatea Eskişehir, a coincis cu ziua tentativei loviturii de stat, lucru care a rezultat în întreruperea ei la universitate a doua zi.[v] Acesta a fost rezultatul noului decret, prin care a fost acuzată, împreuna cu alte mii de oameni, că ar fi fost membră FETO, o așa-zisă organizație care îl simpatizează pe Gulen, desemnată ca fiind organizație teroristă de către guvernul Erdogan. Așa a început a doua fază a istoriei ei de activism, începând să protesteze împotriva suspensiei și refuzurilor, cerându-și slujba înapoi în fiecare zi în fața Monumentului Drepturilor Omului din Ankara, unde se află Consiliul pentru Educație Superioară.[vi] Gülmen este determinată sa urmeze “tradiția revoluționară” a activismului de a obține ce vrei prin atenție politică, de data aceasta cerând să se oprească starea de urgență, să permită lucrătorilor revoluționari democratici să se întoarcă la locul de muncă, să asigure cei 13,000 de asistenți în cercetare și să ofere siguranța locului de muncă pentru toți cei care lucrează în educație și cercetare.[vii] Gülmen a început protestele pe cont propriu și a fost arestată de 26 de ori în total, lucru care poate fi atribuit atenției din surse internaționale, dar și spectatorilor domestici care îi citeau povestea pe blog. In a 50-a zi de protest, a fost numită de CNN ca fiind una dintre cele mai remarcabile femei din 2016. [viii]

Atenția din partea publicului s-a mărit și mai mult în ianuarie 2017, când a fost respinsă, nu doar suspendată, de Eskişehir, rezultând în decizia de a face greva foamei în martie, 2017. Ea a explicat că strategia din spatele grevei consta în faptul că protestele verbale sunt norma activismului și nu stimulează atenția autorităților, dar greva foamei este o acțiune suficient de radicală ca autoritățile să se simtă mai tare presiunea unei schimbări. [x]

Cu toate acestea, reacția autorităților a fost să le acuze pe Gülmen și Özakça, o altă profesoară care se alăturase protestelor, că ar fi fost implicate în activități ilegale ale Partidului Revoluționar al Liberarii (DHKP-C) și să le dețină la închisoarea Sincan din Ankara pe parcursul lunii mai din 2017.[xi] Justiția le-a găsit vinovate sub explicația că “dacă nu ar fi fost reținute, ar fi deteriorat cursul justiției”. Totuși, aceasta declarație devine contradictorie lângă faptul ca nu a existat nicio probă pentru condamnarea lor, iar avocatul celor doua a publicat cazierul lor ca dovadă a faptului că nu există nicio legătur între cele doua profesoare și Partidul Revoluționar.[xii]

A fost temut ca cele doua profesoare să fie supuse la mai multe violări ale drepturilor umane, deoarece gardienii de închisoare și doctorii au puterea legală de a întrerupe greva foamei fără acordul lor. De asemenea, ei pot interveni și daca persoanele sunt inconștiente, sub Articolul 82 a Legii de Execuție a Judecății No. 5275, care ar viola libertatea de exprimare și ar rezulta într-un tratament inuman și degradant.[xiii] În timpul unei vizite ale președintelui Ankara Bar Association, Gülmen a descris situația în care se afla împreuna cu colega ei ca “justiția dispare la fel ca mușchii [ei]”, fiind incapabilă să își miște gâtul, brațele sau să țină un stilou fără ajutor. Ca răspuns la situația celor doua femei, președintele asociației a cerut guvernului să opreasca greva prin reconciliere și negociere cu cei impactați de decretele de urgență. [xiv] La mijlocul anului 2017, cele două activiste au înaintat un proces cu Curtea Constituțională și Curtea Europeană a Drepturilor Omului să finalizeze detenția pe motivul faptului că greva le supune la riscuri majore de sănătate. Cu toate acestea, Curtea le-a respins aplicația cu explicația ca riscurile nu le puneau în pericol viața și cele două beneficiază de măsurile medicale corespunzătoare în caz de nevoie. [xv]

Starea de sănătate a lui Gülmen s-a înrăutățit în septembrie 2017 și a fost mutată la o celulă spitalul Numune. Curtea a condamnat-o la 6 ani și 3 luni de închisoare, dar a fost eliberată din detenție la începutul lui decembrie 2017 sub control judiciar. În ciuda eliberării, Gülmen și Özakça și-au continuat protestele în fața Monumentului Drepturilor Omului. Eventual, au fost nevoite să înceteze greva in ianuarie 2018, după ce li s-a respins cererea să le fie evaluat cazul. În schimb, s-au concentrat eforturile pe acțiunile sistemului judiciar, evidențiind că lupta lor nu se oprește aici. După 324 zile de grevă, Gülmen a ajuns de la 59 de kg la 33,8- lucru care arată nivelul de seriozitate cu care a luptat pentru drepturile ei.

Următoarea dată când Gülmen a preluat atenția publica a fost când a fost arestată din nou, pe 11 August 2020, în timpul unei razii de poliție. Motivul arestării rămâne necunoscut [xix]. Mai târziu în același an, Gülmen și alți colegi au fost expulzați din Uniunea Angajaților pentru Educație și Știință din cauza reputației lor ca revoluționari.[xx] In 2021, Gülmen și Özakça au înaintat un alt proces cu Curtea Constituțională prin care argumentau că autoritățile judiciare nu au fost imparțiale și nici independente în timpul procesului din 2017, violeazând drepturile la libertate și securitate. Curtea le-a respins cazul pe motiv ca cele două nu aveau suficiente probe să le susțină acuzarea. [xxii]

Ce este cel mai evident din toată povestea de activism a lui Nuriye Gülmen este că, din 2016, guvernul Turciei a vizat sute de miii de indivizi îmntr-un mod injust, bazat pe argumente și retorici nefondate. Mai mult, a demonstrat că cei care își apără drepturile în fața activităților opresive ale guvernului sunt mai departe intimidați prin sistemul legal. Organizația BrokenChalk condamnă guvernul Turcesc și face apel la autoritățile în faptă să își reconsidere serios acțiunile care au lăsat mii de oameni fără securitatea locului de muncă sau opțiunea de a părăsi țara să își găsească de lucru. Brokenchalk insistă în special la reluare actviității de muncă ale lui Nuriye Gülmen și Semih Özakça în sfera educației.

Written by Karl Baldacchino

Edited by Erika Grimes

Translated by Bianca Balea from:

Nuriye Gülmen: A Six-Year Struggle Against Systematic Abuses

Surse:

[i] Grabenwarter, C. et al. (2017) ‘Draft Opinion on the Measures Provided in the Recent Emergency Decree Laws with Respect to Freedom of the Media’. European Commission for Democracy Through Law (Venice Commission). Available online from: https://www.venice.coe.int/webforms/documents/default.aspx?pdffile=CDL(2017)006-e [Accessed on 08/03/2022], pp. 3-4.

[ii] Decree-Law No. 679 (6^th January 2017) ‘Measures Regarding Public Personnel’. Available online from: https://insanhaklarimerkezi.bilgi.edu.tr/media/uploads/2017/02/09/KHK_679_ENG.pdf [Accessed 08/03/2022], p. 1.

[iii] Jones, T. (2018) ‘Two Turkish Teachers End Almost 11-Month Hunger Strike’. DW. Available online from: https://www.dw.com/en/two-turkish-teachers-end-almost-11-month-hunger-strike/a-42318478 [Accessed 08/03/2022]; Işık, A. (2017) ‘In Turkey, Hope for ‘Justice is Fading Away Just like my Muscles’’. DW. Available online from: https://www.dw.com/en/in-turkey-hope-for-justice-is-fading-away-just-like-my-muscles/a-39482207 [Accessed 08/03/2022].

[iv] Halavut, H. (2017) ‘Interview with Nuriye Gülmen: ‘I Have More Hope Today Than I Did on the First Day’’. 5 Harliler. Available online from: https://www.5harfliler.com/interview-with-nuriye-gulmen/ [Accessed on 08/03/2022].

[v] Ibid.

[vi] Ibid.

[vii] Ibid.; see also Gülmen, N. (2016) ‘DİRENİŞİN TALEPLERi’. Available online from: https://nuriyegulmendireniyor.wordpress.com/2016/11/08/basin-aciklamasina-cagri/ [Accessed on 08/03/2022]; see also Wikipedia (2022) ‘Nuriye Gülmen’. Available online from: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nuriye_G%C3%BClmen#cite_note-18 [Accessed 08/03/2022].

[viii] Ibid.

[ix] Ibid.; see also Amnesty International (2017) ‘Urgent Action: Fear for Hunger Strikers’ Wellbeing’. Available online from: https://www.amnesty.org/en/wp-content/uploads/2021/05/EUR4463402017ENGLISH.pdf [Accessed on 08/03/2022].

[x] Ibid.

[xi] ‘Urgent Action: Fear for Strikers’ Wellbeing’.

[xii] Cumhuriyet (2017) ‘Criminal Record of Gülmen and Özakça, Declared ‘Terrorists’ by Minister Soylu’. Available online from: https://www.cumhuriyet.com.tr/haber/bakan-soylunun-terorist-ilan-ettigi-gulmen-ve-ozakcanin-adli-sicil-kaydi-748105 [Accessed on 08/03/2022]; see also NTV (2017) ‘Statements by Minister Soylu about Semih Özakça and Nuriye Gülmen’. Available online from: https://www.ntv.com.tr/turkiye/bakan-soyludan-aclik-grevi-yapan-nuriye-gulmenle-ilgili-aciklamalar,Jg2i0I634EyPWqK_cXdIbg [Accessed on 08/03/2022]; see also Milliyet (2017) ‘The Unending Scenario of a Terrorist Organisation: “The Truth of Nuriye Gülmen and Semih Özakça”’. Available online from: https://web.archive.org/web/20170813220846/http://www.milliyet.com.tr/bir-teror-orgutunun-bitmeyen-senaryosu-ankara-yerelhaber-2179760/ [Accessed on 08/03/2022].

[xiii] ‘Urgent Action: Fear for Strikers’ Wellbeing’; see also ‘In Turkey, Hope for ‘Justice is Fading Away Just like My Muscles’.

[xiv] ‘In Turkey, Hope for ‘Justice is Fading Away Just like My Muscles’.

[xv] Armutcu, O. (2017) ‘The Constitutional Court Rejected the Appeal Against the Detention of Nuriye Gülmen and Semih Özakça’ Hurriyet. Available online from: https://www.hurriyet.com.tr/gundem/anayasa-mahkemesi-nuriye-gulmen-ve-semih-ozakcanin-tutukluluguna-yapilan-itirazi-reddetti-40503721 [Accessed on 08/03/2022]; see also Cakir, A. (2017) ‘ECHR Rejects Semih Özakça and Nuriye Gülmen’s Application’. Voice of America. Available online from: https://www.amerikaninsesi.com/a/aihm-semih-ozakca-ve-nuriye-gulmen-in-basvurusunu-reddetti/3969669.html [Accessed on 08/03/2022].

[xvi] Bianet (2017) ‘Nuriye Gülmen Released’. Available online from: https://bianet.org/english/human-rights/192100-nuriye-gulmen-released [Accessed on 08/03/2022].

[xvii] ‘Two Turkish Teachers End Almost 11-Month Hunger Strike’.

[xviii] Ibid.

[xix] Duvar English (2020) ‘Dismissed Turkish Academic, Known for Hunger Strike, Arrested Again’. Available online from: https://www.duvarenglish.com/human-rights/2020/08/11/dismissed-turkish-academic-known-for-hunger-strike-arrested-again [Accessed on 08/03/2022].

[xx] Yeni Bir Mecra (2020) ‘Critical Decisions in Eğitim-Sen: Nuriye Gülmen was Expelled’. Available online from: https://yeni1mecra.com/egitim-sende-kritik-kararlar-nuriye-gulmen-ihrac-edildi/ [Accessed on 08/03/2022].

[xi] Duvar English (2021) ‘Turkey’s Top Court Rules Dismissed Educators’ Rights Not Violated’. Available online from: https://www.duvarenglish.com/turkeys-top-court-rules-rights-of-dismissed-educators-nuriye-gulmen-and-semih-ozakca-not-violated-news-59436 [Accessed on 08/03/2022].

[xii] Ibid.

Erdogan Fetullah Gulen freedom of expression human rights violations Hunger strike Nuriye Gülmen Turkey Violations of civil and political rights

انتهاكات حقوق الإنسان في السجون التركية

تنتهك الحكومة التركية القانون المحلي والدولي الراسخ باحتجاز السجناء المصابين بأمراض خطيرة بشكل تعسفي. يعاني السجناء في تركيا من العنف الجنسي والجسدي مثل التفتيش العاري والتحرش والضرب الوحشي. بالإضافة إلى العديد من انتهاكات في حقوقهم مثل المقاصف الباهظة الثمن ومداهمات منتصف الليل في الأجنحة والقيود على الكتب والحرمان من الأدوية والعقوبات التعسفية.[1] يلقي هذا المقال الضوء على بعض قضايا انتهاكات حقوق الإنسان التي تشهدها السجون التركية اليوم.

عقب محاولة الانقلاب في عام ٢٠١٦، ارتفعت أعداد المعتقلين بشكل كبير لدرجة أن اكتظاظ السجون أصبح مشكلة سائدة. ومع ذلك، فإن الاكتظاظ ليس هو الأمر الوحيد الذي يثير قلق السجون في جميع أنحاء تركيا، ولكن سوء المعاملة وانتهاكات حقوق الإنسان التي يتعرض لها عشرات الآلاف من السجناء هي مشكلة خطيرة يجب معالجتها على الفور.
كان الرئيس التركي رجب طيب أردوغان يستهدف أتباع لحظة غولن، وهي جماعة دينية مستوحاة من رجل الدين التركي فتح الله غولن، منذ سلسلة من تحقيقات الفساد في ديسمبر ٢٠١٣، تورط أردوغان وأقاربه ودائرته الداخلية. [2] ومن بين المستهدفين العديد من السياسيين المعارضين والصحفيين والمحامين والمدافعين عن حقوق الإنسان. توفي يوسف بكمزجي (٨٢عامًا) ، وهو سجين شديد المرض كان محتجزًا في سجن كيركلار إف في إزمير ، بعد ٤٧يومًا في العناية المركزة. [3] اعتقل في يناير ٢٠٢٠ في إطار التحقيقات مع حركة فتح الله غولن. تم حبس بيكميجي في سجن إزمير كيركلار إف، وحُكم عليه بالسجن لمدة ١٧عامًا و ٤ أشهر في ٩ أبريل ٢٠٢١بتهمة كونه “مدير منظمة”. [4] قالت سعدت أيتكين ،حفيدته ومحاميته، إن قضية “جدها كانت في المحكمة العليا. لم يتم التصديق على عقوبته. ومع ذلك ، قضت المحكمة بأنه “يجب أن يستمر في قضاء عقوبته في المستشفى” كما لو تم التصديق على إدانته. ان يعاني من المرض طوال فترة احتجازه التي استمرت عامين ، لكنهم رفضوا إطلاق سراح رجل مثبت بأنابيب في العناية المركزة لأنه كان “خطرًا على الهروب”. [5] في الواقع، أصدر المجلس التركي للطب الشرعي (ATK) تقريرًا طبيًا تقرير يفيد بأن بيكمزجي لم يكن لائقًا للبقاء في السجن ، لكن المحكمة رفضت التقرير بقولها إنه معرض “لخطر الهروب”. [6] صرحت ابنته ، شيما بيكمزجي ، بعدم قدرة والدها على فهم إجراءات المحكمة في ضوء إصابته بمرض ألزهايمر المتقدم ، مما جعل من المستحيل عليه الدفاع عن نفسه. وأشارت إلى أن الافتقار إلى الرعاية الصحية العقلية المناسبة في السجن كان أحد العوامل التي أدت إلى تدهور حالته: “إنه ينسى نفسه تمامًا في المحكمة وهو في وضع ضعيف”. [7]

أعلنت جمعية حقوق الإنسان (İHD) أنه اعتبارًا من يونيو ٢٠٢٠، بلغ عدد السجناء المرضى المحبوسين خلف القضبان في تركيا ١٦٠٥ سجينًا ، منهم حوالي ٦٠٠ في حالة حرجة. وسمحت الحكومة باحتجازهم رغم أن لدى معظمهم تقارير الطب الشرعي والطبية التي تعتبرهم غير لائقين للبقاء في السجن. رفضت السلطات إطلاق سراحهم على أساس أنهم يشكلون خطراً محتملاً على المجتمع. عدم الإفراج عن السجناء المصابين بأمراض خطيرة في الوقت المناسب لتلقي العلاج الطبي المناسب أدى إلى وفاة خمسة أشخاص خلال الأشهر الثمانية الأولى من عام ٢٠٢٠. بعد تفشي الوباء، أطلقت الحكومة سراح السجناء المتهمين بالقتل ولكنها قررت الاحتفاظ بالسجناء السياسيين على الرغم من مخاطر الوباء. مات موغلا بعد إصابته بمرض كوفيد-١٩.
خلال شهري نوفمبر وديسمبر ٢٠٢١، فقد العديد من السجناء حياتهم أثناء احتجازهم في سجون من النوع T و Type F. تم العثور على السجينين غاريب جيزر وإلياس دمير ميتين في الزنازين المبطنة التي تم عزلهما فيها. [9] توفي بعض السجناء، مثل بانجين محمد البالغ من العمر ٣٣ عامًا وعبد الرزاق شيور البالغ من العمر ٦٥عامًا بسبب عدم الإفراج عنهم على الرغم من مرضهم الشديد وفي الحالة الأخيرة، مرض السرطان المتقدم. تم العثور على آخرين ميتين بشكل مثير للريبة في زنازينهم، وأبلغت الإدارة عائلاتهم بأنهم انتحروا. [11]
في العشرين من يناير ٢٠٢٢ وقعت ٤٣ نقابة محامين ومحامين ومنظمات حقوق الإنسان على الصعيدين الوطني والدولي رسالة عاجلة للمكلفين بولايات خاصة للأمم المتحدة للفت الانتباه إلى الخطر الوشيك على صحة وحياة السجين المريض أيسل توغلوك ،محتجز في سجن كوكالي كانديرا من النوع إف منذ ديسمبر ٢٠١٦. [12] تم تشخيص إصابة توغلوك بالخرف ولا يزال مسجونًا على الرغم من دعوات التقارير الطبية التي توضح حالته الغير المستقرة وتدهور حالته الصحية والتي تفاقمت بسبب جائحة كوفيد -١٩. قدمت الرسالة معلومات إضافية حول القضايا المنهجية المتعلقة بمعاملة السجناء في تركيا، وتطالب الإجراءات الخاصة الحكومة التركية بالإفراج الفوري عن أيسل توغلوك وجميع السجناء المصابين بأمراض خطيرة بما يتماشى مع المعايير المحلية والدولية على حد سواء فيما يتعلق بمعاملة السجناء. [13] على الرغم من هذا في بداية فبراير ٢٠٢٢، أصيب المسجون تورغاي دنيز (٣٩ عامًا) بفشل رئوي وفقد حياته أثناء الاحتجاز التعسفي. على الرغم من أن التقارير الطبية شددت على أهمية تلقي الرعاية طوال فترة مكوثه في المستشفى، إلا أنه ظل محتجزًا. [14] قصته هي واحدة من ثماني قصص لأشخاص ماتوا في السجون التركية في الأشهر الثلاثة الماضية. [15] أُدين نصرت موغلا البالغ من العمر ٨٤ عامًا وسجن بسبب تعاطفه مع حركة غولن. لم يراع اعتقاله سنه وأمراض القلب والكلى وسرطان البروستاتا، ونتيجة لإهمال المساعدة توفي محبوسًا.

وأشار البيان الصحفي الذي عقد في فرع اسطنبول إلى أن الانتهاكات الجسيمة للحقوق في السجون أصبحت منهجية تدريجياً ووصلت إلى طريق مسدود في مجال الرعاية الصحية والحق في التواصل والتعذيب وسوء المعاملة. [16] أصبح الوصول إلى العدالة ميؤوسًا منه بالنسبة للعديد من السجناء في تركيا. وأثارت المنظمات الحقوقية مخاوف من أن “يُنظر الآن على أنه حادث عادي في البلاد يتم فيه إخراج جثة شخص من السجن في أي وقت”. [17]
بالإشارة إلى بيانات معهد حقوق الإنسان، اعتبارًا من مارس ٢٠٢١، كان هناك ما لا يقل عن ١٦٠٥سجينًا مريضًا ، ٦٠٤ منهم كانوا في ظروف محفوفة بالمخاطر وقت نشر البيان. [18] تعرف منظمات حقوق الإنسان أن ٣٨ سجينًا على الأقل يجب الإفراج عنهم بشكل عاجل لأن أوضاعهم تتدهور أكثر. ومع ذلك، لم ترد السلطات حتى الآن على مكالمات من نشطاء حقوق الإنسان أو من العائلات.
نيابة عن Broken Chalk، أوجه دعوة عاجلة إلى جميع المجتمعات والمنظمات الدولية لاتخاذ إجراءات ضد الظلم والمعاملة اللاإنسانية بحق السجناء السياسيين التي يرتكبها أردوغان ونظام ، ومساعدتهم في إطلاق سراحهم من الظروف المهينة التي تم احتجازهم فيه.
بقلم أولغا رويز بيلاتو
ترجمة رويفة الريامية من

HUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATIONS IN TURKISH PRISONS

المصادر

[1] Duvar English, MHP submits social media proposal, seeks penalties for fake accounts, February 2022 <accessible at https://www.duvarenglish.com/mhp-submits-social-media-proposal-seeks-penalties-for-fake-accounts-news-60333>.

[2] Turkish Minute, Turkish court rejects ailing philanthropist’s appeal for release from prison, January 2022 <accessible at https://www.turkishminute.com/2022/01/12/kish-court-rejects-ailing-philanthropists-appeal-for-release-from-prison/>.

[3] MedyaNews, Turkey: Severely ill octogenarian prisoner dies, January 2022 <accessible at https://medyanews.net/turkey-severely-ill-octogenarian-prisoner-dies/>.

[4] Ibid.

[5] Ibid.

[6] Turkish Minute, Turkish court rejects ailing philanthropist’s appeal for release from prison, January 2022 <accessible at https://www.turkishminute.com/2022/01/12/kish-court-rejects-ailing-philanthropists-appeal-for-release-from-prison/>.

[7] Ibid.

[8] Politurco, Gulenm sympathisers are dying in prisons under the ruling of the Erdogan regime, February 2022 <accessible at https://politurco.com/gulen-sympathizers-are-dying-in-prisons-under-the-ruling-of-the-erdogan-regime-84-year-old-nusret-mugla-was-one-of-the-many-and-died-most-recently.html>.

[9] English Bianet, At least 59 ill prisoners lost their lives in Turkey in a year, January 2022 <accessible at https://m.bianet.org/english/human-rights/256124-at-least-59-ill-prisoners-lost-their-lives-in-turkey-in-a-year>.

[10] Ibid.

[11] Ibid.

[12] International Federation for Human Rights, Turkey must immediately release Aysel Tugluk and other severely ill prisoners, January 2022 <accessible at https://www.fidh.org/en/region/europe-central-asia/turkey/turkey-must-immediately-release-aysel-tugluk-and-other-severely-ill>.

[13] Ibid.

[14] Ibid.

[15] Ibid.

[16] English Bianet, At least 59 ill prisoners lost their lives in Turkey in a year, January 2022 <accessible at https://m.bianet.org/english/human-rights/256124-at-least-59-ill-prisoners-lost-their-lives-in-turkey-in-a-year>.

[17] Ibid.

[18] Ibid.

By Ruwaifa Al-Riyami Human Rights & Turkey Human Rights Violations In Turkish Prisons sick prisoners Turkey الحكومة التركية انتهاكات حقوق الإنسان في السجون التركية حقوق الإنسان مرضى السجون

.نوريه غولمن: صراع دام ست سنوات ضد الانتهاكات المنهجية

منذ ما يقرب من ست سنوات، هزت تركيا محاولة الانقلاب في ١٥يوليو ٢٠١٦. وبعد يومٍ من المحاولة، سرعان ما فرضت الحكومة التركية حالة الطوارئ وأصدرت المراسيم التنفيذية الطارئة رقم ٦٦٧ـ٦٧٦ التي فرضت بشكل رسمي الرقابة على وسائل الإعلام والصحفيين. [i] لكنها وسعت نطاق الرقلبة بعد ذلك إلى الآلاف من موظفي الخدمة المدنية وضباط الشرطة وأفراد القوات المسلحة وأساتذة الجامعات والموظفين في ملاحق المرسوم رقم ٦٧٩ الصادر في ٦ يناير ٢٠١٧.[ii] أدى ذلك إلى فقدان أكثر من ١٥٠ ألف موظف. وسقطت حقوقهم في الوصول إلى الخدمات الاجتماعية و حرية التنقل وشوهت حياتهم بسبب اتهام الحكومة بأنهم مرتبطون بالانقلاب الذي يُزعم أن فتح الله غولن تسبب فيه، رجل دين تركي يعيش في منفى ذاتي في الولايات المتحدة منذ عام ١٩٩٩ونفى باستمرار التهمة الواردة من أنقرة. [iii]
أحد هؤلاء الأشخاص المتأثرين في أعقاب هذه الأحداث هي نوريه غولمن، الأستاذة التركية السابقة للأدب المقارن في جامعة سلجوق في عام ٢٠١٢ والتي قبل محاولة الانقلاب، تم تعيينها كمساعد باحث في جامعة إسكي شهير عثمان غازي في عام ٢٠١٥. [iv ] غولمن ليست أكاديمية فحسب، بل لديها أيضًا تاريخ من النشاط والمعارك القانونية ضد إساءة استخدام المؤسسات في تركيا. بعد تعيينها كمساعد، أحتجزت لمدة ١٠٩ يوم بسبب دعوى قضائية سياسية مما أدى إلى تأخير دراستها وإعادتها إلى إسكي شهير. [v]

كان اليوم الذي تم تعيينها فيه مرة أخرى في منصبها البحثي هو يوم محاولة الانقلاب، التي أدت إلى تعليقها من إسكي شهير في اليوم التالي. كان هذا بسبب المراسيم الجديدة التي وجدت أنها متهمة مثل الآلاف معها بالانتماء إلى منظمة FETO ما يسمى منظمة أنصار غولن المنفي التي اتهمها أردوغان وحكومته بأنها منظمة إرهابية.
منذ ٩ نوفمبر ٢٠١٦ طالبت نوريه بإصرار وظيفتها في إسكي شهير في كل يوم أمام نصب حقوق الإنسان الواقع في شارع يوكسل، أنقرة. حيث احتجت على تعليق عملها وفصلها وعلى مجلس التعليم العالي أن يستجيب لمطالبها.
[vi] توضح غولمن أن هذا “تقليد ثوري” مصمم على جذب الانتباه والحصول على مبغاه. ويطالب في هذه الحالة بإنهاء حالة الطوارئ، والسماح للعمال العموميين الثوريين الديمقراطيين الذين تم طردهم وفصلهم من العمل بالعودة إلى وظائفهم و ضمان لـ ١٣ الف مساعد أبحاث OYP وطلب الأمن الوظيفي لجميع العاملين في مجال التعليم والعلوم. [vii] بدأت غولمن احتجاجها بمفردها و تم اعتقالها ٢٦ مرة في المجمل والتي يمكن أن تُعزى إلى الاهتمام المتزايد من قبل المتفرجين الأجانب والمحليين الذين يراقبون أفعالها وقراءة تجربتها على مدونة WordPress الخاصة بها على الإنترنت. وفي النهاية تم تسميتها بواسطة CNN كواحدة من ثماني نساء بارزات في عام ٢٠١٦ بحلول يومها الخمسين من الاحتجاج. [viii]

ازداد هذا الاهتمام بشكل كبير بعد مرسوم ٦ يناير لعام ٢٠١٧عندما تم طرد غولمن من إسكي شهير، مما أدى إلى تحول استراتيجيتها إلى المرحلة التالية من خلال الإضراب عن الطعام في ٩ مارس ٢٠١٧. احتجزت غولمن من قبل الشرطة إلى جانب مدرسة ابتدائية سميح أوزاكشا. فقد عانتا من الجانب العنيف لقرارات الطوارئ. [ix] كان الأساس المنطقي وراء الإضراب هو أن الاحتجاجات اللفظية غالبًا لا تحظى باهتمام كافٍ من السلطات، لكن الإضراب عن الطعام هو إجراء قوي يضع الجهات الفاعلة المشاركة فيه مع وجود مخاطر صحية خطيرة على المحك. على غرار ما تفسره غولمن بأنه “ضروري لنقل المقاومة إلى المستوى التالي” و “الضغط عليهم فعلاً لاتخاذ الإجراءات”. رداً على الإضراب عن الطعام ، تم تقديم لائحة اتهام في الثاني من مايو ٢٠١٧ إلى محكمة الجنايات المشددة التاسعة عشرة في أنقرة تتهم كلاً من غولمن وأوزاكشا بالانتماء إلى حزب التحرير الشعبي الثوري – الجبهة والانخراط في أنشطة غير مشروعة. (DHKP-C) ، الذي أدى بدوره إلى احتجازهم في سجن سينكان في أنقرة بحلول ٢٣ مايو ٢٠١٧. [xi] وجدت المحكمة أنهن مذنبتان لأنه “إذا لم يتم حبسهما، فسوف يضران بمسار العدالة”. وهو خط يبدو متناقضًا نظرًا لعدم وجود أدلة في التهم الموجهة وعندما يظل كلاهما يقظين في إنكار أي تورط مع DHKP- C لدرجة أن محاميهم حتى نشر سجلاتهم الجنائية كدليل على عدم وجود مثل هذا التورط وواجه جهود وزير الداخلية سليمان صويلو ومركز البحوث والدراسات بوزارته لمحاولة تقوية التهم. [xii]

كان هناك مخاوف من أن كلا المدرستين سيواجهان المزيد من انتهاكات حقوق الإنسان، حيث يُسمح قانونًا لحراس السجن والأطباء بالتدخل وإنهاء الإضراب عن الطعام دون موافقة المحتجون. يمكنهم أيضًا التدخل عندما يكونون فاقدين للوعي، كما هو مذكور في المادة ٨٢ من قانون تنفيذ الحكم رقم ٥٢٧٥، والتي من شأنها أن تنتهك حرية التعبير ومن المحتمل أن تؤدي إلى المعاملة أو العقوبة القاسية أو اللاإنسانية أو المهينة. [xiii] خلال زيارة قام بها رئيس نقابة المحامين في أنقرة، هاكان كاندوران ، وبعض زملائه ، عبّرت غولمن عن الوضع المأساوي الذي وجدت فيه هي وأوزاكشا نفسيهما ، وأخبرت كاندوران أنها ترى أن العدالة تتلاشى مثلها تمامًا. في حالة عدم قدرتها على رفع رقبتها دون مساعدة أو تحريك ذراعيها أو إمساك القلم. في المقابل نرى كاندوران يدعو الحكومة لإنهاء الإضراب عن الطعام من خلال المصالحة المجتمعية والتفاوض مع المتضررين ظلماً من قرارات الطوارئ. قررت محكمة حقوق الإنسان إنهاء احتجازهم على أساس أن إضرابهم عن الطعام شكل في ذلك الوقت مخاطر صحية واضحة، ومع ذلك رفضت المحكمتان طلبهما لأن هذه المخاطر لم تكن تهدد الحياة، وكانت الإجراءات الطبية المناسبة موجودة لمساعدتهم إذا أصبح ذلك. القضية.

أصبحت صحة غولمن خطيرة في نهاية المطاف، وبحلول ٢٦ سبتمبر ٢٠١٧، استدعى نقلها إلى زنزانة نزلاء في مستشفى نوموني. ثم أُطلق سراحها بحلول الأول من ديسمبر، عندما حكمت عليها محكمة الجنايات المشددة التاسعة عشرة بالسجن ٦ سنوات و ٣ أشهر، لكنها سمحت بالإفراج عنها تحت المراقبة القضائية. [xvi] على الرغم من الإفراج عنهم، واصل غولمن وأوزاكشا احتجاجهم أمام نصب حقوق الإنسان، لكن في النهاية اضطروا إلى إنهاء إضرابهم عن الطعام في ٢٦ يناير ٢٠١٨. سعن إلى تركيز جهودهن داخل النظام القضائي المحلي للمضي قدمًا، مؤكدين أن مقاومتهن لم تنته وستستمر. [xvii]

المرة التالية التي كانت فيها غولمن في دائرة الضوء عندما تم القبض عليها مرة أخرى في ١١ أغسطس ٢٠٢٠، خلال مداهمة للشرطة على مركز إيديل الثقافي في اسطنبول في الخامس من أغسطس، وهو مركز تديره الفرقة الشعبية اليسارية Grup Yurum لأسباب غير معنية. [xix] في وقت لاحق من ذلك العام ، تم طرد غولمن وزملائها الآخرين من اتحاد عمال التعليم والعلوم (Eğitim-Sen) بسبب صورتهم على أنهم “مقاومي يوكسل” أو مقاتلين مقاومة في نظر الشعب. [xx] كان آخر تطور في ٤ نوفمبر ٢٠٢١، عندما قدمت غولمن أوزاكشا إلى المحكمة الدستورية التي رفضت لاحقًا بأن لائحة الاتهام في ٢ مايو ٢٠١٧ استخدمت نفس الأدلة مثل تحقيق سابق في ١٤ مارس ٢٠١٧ التي أدى إلى اعتقالهن. ولكن تم رفض هذا الاتهام لاحقًا وتم الإفراج عنهن تحت المراقبة القضائية، مما يشير إلى أن لائحة الاتهام والاحتجاز في ٢ مايو و ٢٣ مايو ٢٠١٧، انتهكت الحكومة حقوقهن في الحرية والأمن. مما يبين إلى أن السلطات القضائية التي قررت القضية لم تكن محايدة ولا مستقلة. رفضت المحكمة قضيتهم لأن ادعاءات غولمن وأوزاكشا تفتقر إلى أدلة ملموسة وأن حقوقهم المنتهكة غير مقبولة وأنهم لم يستنفدوا جميع الوسائل المحلية قبل تقديم دعاواهم. [xxii]
ما يتضح بشكل مؤلم من النشاط الجريء لنوريا غولمن هو أنه منذ عام 2016 ، استهدفت الحكومة التركية ظلماً مئات الآلاف من الأفراد بناءً على حجج لا تصمد، وأولئك الأكثر تضرراً وقرروا معارضة الحكومة. ستواجه الأعمال قمعا كبيرا من خلال الاحتجاز والترهيب القانوني. تدعوا منضمتنا الحكومة التركية والسلطات المختصة إلى إعادة النظر بجدية في أفعالها التي تركت الآلاف دون أمان وظيفي أو خيار مغادرة البلاد والعثورعلى عمل في الخارج. تدعو Broken Chalk بشكل خاص إلى إعادة نوريه غولمن و سميح اوزكاشا من بين كثيرين آخرين، إلى مناصبهم الوظيفية في مجال التعليم.
بقلم كارل بالداتشينو
تحرير إريكا غرايمز
ترجمة رويفة الريامية من

Nuriye Gülmen: A Six-Year Struggle Against Systematic Abuses

المصادر

[i] Grabenwarter, C. et al. (2017) ‘Draft Opinion on the Measures Provided in the Recent Emergency Decree Laws with Respect to Freedom of the Media’. European Commission for Democracy Through Law (Venice Commission). Available online from: https://www.venice.coe.int/webforms/documents/default.aspx?pdffile=CDL(2017)006-e [Accessed on 08/03/2022], pp. 3-4.

[ii] Decree-Law No. 679 (6^th January 2017) ‘Measures Regarding Public Personnel’. Available online from: https://insanhaklarimerkezi.bilgi.edu.tr/media/uploads/2017/02/09/KHK_679_ENG.pdf [Accessed 08/03/2022], p. 1.

[iii] Jones, T. (2018) ‘Two Turkish Teachers End Almost 11-Month Hunger Strike’. DW. Available online from: https://www.dw.com/en/two-turkish-teachers-end-almost-11-month-hunger-strike/a-42318478 [Accessed 08/03/2022]; Işık, A. (2017) ‘In Turkey, Hope for ‘Justice is Fading Away Just like my Muscles’’. DW. Available online from: https://www.dw.com/en/in-turkey-hope-for-justice-is-fading-away-just-like-my-muscles/a-39482207 [Accessed 08/03/2022].

[iv] Halavut, H. (2017) ‘Interview with Nuriye Gülmen: ‘I Have More Hope Today Than I Did on the First Day’’. 5 Harliler. Available online from: https://www.5harfliler.com/interview-with-nuriye-gulmen/ [Accessed on 08/03/2022].

[v] Ibid.

[vi] Ibid.

[vii] Ibid.; see also Gülmen, N. (2016) ‘DİRENİŞİN TALEPLERi’. Available online from: https://nuriyegulmendireniyor.wordpress.com/2016/11/08/basin-aciklamasina-cagri/ [Accessed on 08/03/2022]; see also Wikipedia (2022) ‘Nuriye Gülmen’. Available online from: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nuriye_G%C3%BClmen#cite_note-18 [Accessed 08/03/2022].

[viii] Ibid.

[ix] Ibid.; see also Amnesty International (2017) ‘Urgent Action: Fear for Hunger Strikers’ Wellbeing’. Available online from: https://www.amnesty.org/en/wp-content/uploads/2021/05/EUR4463402017ENGLISH.pdf [Accessed on 08/03/2022].

[x] Ibid.

[xi] ‘Urgent Action: Fear for Strikers’ Wellbeing’.

[xii] Cumhuriyet (2017) ‘Criminal Record of Gülmen and Özakça, Declared ‘Terrorists’ by Minister Soylu’. Available online from: https://www.cumhuriyet.com.tr/haber/bakan-soylunun-terorist-ilan-ettigi-gulmen-ve-ozakcanin-adli-sicil-kaydi-748105 [Accessed on 08/03/2022]; see also NTV (2017) ‘Statements by Minister Soylu about Semih Özakça and Nuriye Gülmen’. Available online from: https://www.ntv.com.tr/turkiye/bakan-soyludan-aclik-grevi-yapan-nuriye-gulmenle-ilgili-aciklamalar,Jg2i0I634EyPWqK_cXdIbg [Accessed on 08/03/2022]; see also Milliyet (2017) ‘The Unending Scenario of a Terrorist Organisation: “The Truth of Nuriye Gülmen and Semih Özakça”’. Available online from: https://web.archive.org/web/20170813220846/http://www.milliyet.com.tr/bir-teror-orgutunun-bitmeyen-senaryosu-ankara-yerelhaber-2179760/ [Accessed on 08/03/2022].

[xiii] ‘Urgent Action: Fear for Strikers’ Wellbeing’; see also ‘In Turkey, Hope for ‘Justice is Fading Away Just like My Muscles’.

[xiv] ‘In Turkey, Hope for ‘Justice is Fading Away Just like My Muscles’.

[xv] Armutcu, O. (2017) ‘The Constitutional Court Rejected the Appeal Against the Detention of Nuriye Gülmen and Semih Özakça’ Hurriyet. Available online from: https://www.hurriyet.com.tr/gundem/anayasa-mahkemesi-nuriye-gulmen-ve-semih-ozakcanin-tutukluluguna-yapilan-itirazi-reddetti-40503721 [Accessed on 08/03/2022]; see also Cakir, A. (2017) ‘ECHR Rejects Semih Özakça and Nuriye Gülmen’s Application’. Voice of America. Available online from: https://www.amerikaninsesi.com/a/aihm-semih-ozakca-ve-nuriye-gulmen-in-basvurusunu-reddetti/3969669.html [Accessed on 08/03/2022].

[xvi] Bianet (2017) ‘Nuriye Gülmen Released’. Available online from: https://bianet.org/english/human-rights/192100-nuriye-gulmen-released [Accessed on 08/03/2022].

[xvii] ‘Two Turkish Teachers End Almost 11-Month Hunger Strike’.

[xviii] Ibid.

[xix] Duvar English (2020) ‘Dismissed Turkish Academic, Known for Hunger Strike, Arrested Again’. Available online from: https://www.duvarenglish.com/human-rights/2020/08/11/dismissed-turkish-academic-known-for-hunger-strike-arrested-again [Accessed on 08/03/2022].

[xx] Yeni Bir Mecra (2020) ‘Critical Decisions in Eğitim-Sen: Nuriye Gülmen was Expelled’. Available online from: https://yeni1mecra.com/egitim-sende-kritik-kararlar-nuriye-gulmen-ihrac-edildi/ [Accessed on 08/03/2022].

[xi] Duvar English (2021) ‘Turkey’s Top Court Rules Dismissed Educators’ Rights Not Violated’. Available online from: https://www.duvarenglish.com/turkeys-top-court-rules-rights-of-dismissed-educators-nuriye-gulmen-and-semih-ozakca-not-violated-news-59436 [Accessed on 08/03/2022].

[xii] Ibid.

activists By Ruwaifa Al-Riyami Nuriye Gülmen Turkey انتهاكات منهجية تركيا صراعات تركية ناشط تركية نوريا نوريه غولمن

Nuriye Gülmen: Ein sechsjähriger Kampf gegen systematischen Missbrauch

Vor fast sechs Jahren wurde die Türkei durch den mutmaßlichen Putschversuch vom 15. Juli 2016 erschüttert. Einen Tag nach dem Putschversuch verhängte die türkische Regierung rasch den Ausnahmezustand und erließ die Notstandsverordnungen Nr. 667-676. Mit diesen wurden vor allem Medien und Journalisten zensiert,[i] dessen Einfluss wurde aber am 6. Januar 2017 in den Anhängen der Verordnung Nr. 679 namentlich auf Tausende Beamte, Polizisten, Angehörige der Streitkräfte, Universitätsprofessoren und Mitarbeiter ausgedehnt.[ii] Dies führte dazu, dass insgesamt mehr als 150 000 Menschen nicht nur ihren Arbeitsplatz, sondern auch Zugang zu sozialen Diensten verloren. Des weiteren wurden sie in ihrer Bewegungsfreiheit eingeschränkt und ihr Leben durch die Anschuldigung der Regierung beeinträchtigt. Ihr Leben wurde dadurch eingeschränkt, da sie sie mit dem Putsch in Verbindung gebracht wurden, der angeblich von Fetullah Gülen, einem türkischen Gelehrten und Geistlichen, verursacht wurde. Gülen lebt seit 1999 in den USA im Exil und weist die Anschuldigungen aus Ankara hartnäckig zurück.^[iii]

Eine der Personen, die von den Folgen dieser Ereignisse betroffen ist, ist Nuriye Gülmen, eine ehemalige türkische Professorin der Vergleichende Literaturwissenschaft an der Selçuk-Universität. Gülmen wurde 2012, vor dem Putschversuch 2015, als wissenschaftliche Hilfskraft an die Eskişehir Osmangazi Universität berufen.^[iv] Gülmen ist nicht nur Akademikerin, sondern hat viele Erfahrungen mit Aktionismus und juristischen Kämpfen gegen den Missbrauch von Institutionen in der Türkei. Nach ihrer Ernennung wurde sie aufgrund einer politischen Klage 109 Tage lang festgehalten, wodurch sich ihr Studium und ihre Wiedereinstellung an der Eskişehir-Universität verzögerten. ^[v] Der Tag, an dem sie wieder zu ihrer Forschungsstelle berufen wurde, war der Tag des Putschversuchs. Dies führte dazu, dass sie am folgenden Tag von Eskişehir suspendiert wurde. Grund dafür waren die neuen Verordnungen, in denen sie, wie Tausende mit ihr, beschuldigt wurde, Mitglied der FETO zu sein. FETO meint die sogenannte Organisation der Anhänger des im Exil lebenden Gulen, welche von Erdogan und seiner Regierung als terroristische Organisation beschuldigt wurde. Dies löste die nächste Phase in Gülmen’s Aktivistengeschichte aus, in der sie seit dem 9. November 2016 jeden Tag vor dem Menschenrechtsdenkmal in der Yüksel-Straße in Ankara gegen ihre Suspendierung und schließlich Entlassung protestierte und beharrlich ihre Stelle in Eskişehir zurückforderte, wo der Hochschulrat seinen Sitz hat, und auf ihre Forderungen eingehen muss. [vi] Gülmen erklärt, dass es sich um eine “revolutionäre Tradition” handelt, bei der es darum geht, Aufmerksamkeit zu erregen und zu bekommen, was man will. In diesem Fall ist ihr Objekt der Begierde die Aufhebung des Ausnahmezustands, die Rückkehr der entlassenen revolutionär-demokratischen Staatsbediensteten an ihren Arbeitsplatz, eine Arbeitsplatzgarantie für die 13.000 wissenschaftlichen Assistenten des OYP sowie Arbeitsplatzsicherheit für alle Beschäftigten in Bildung und Wissenschaft. [vii] Gülmen begann ihren Protest weitgehend auf eigene Faust und wurde insgesamt 26 Mal verhaftet, was auf die zunehmende Aufmerksamkeit von ausländischen und inländischen Zuschauer zurückzuführen ist, die ihre Aktionen verfolgten und ihre Erfahrungen in ihrem Online-WordPress-Blog lasen. Schließlich wurde sie von CNN als eine der acht herausragenden Frauen des Jahres 2016 an ihrem fünfzigsten Tag des Protests ernannt.[viii]

Die Aufmerksamkeit, die Gülmen zukam, wurde nach dem Dekret vom 6. Januar 2017 noch vergrößert, als Gülmen aus Eskişehir entlassen wurde. Folge dessen trat sie am 9. März 2017 in einen Hungerstreik ein und somit den nächsten Schritt anging. Während Gülmen zusammen mit dem Grundschullehrer Semih Özakça in Polizeigewahrsam saß, erlebten die Frauen die Auswirkungen der Notstandsverordnungen hautnah mit. [ix] Der Grund für den Streik war, dass verbale Proteste in der Regel zu den Werkzeugen der Aktivisten gehören, die oft nicht genug Aufmerksamkeit von den Behörden erhalten. Jedoch ist ein Hungerstreik eine starke Aktion, die die beteiligten Akteure mit den ernsthaften Gesundheitsrisiken, die auf dem Spiel stehen in eine ähnliche Position bringt, wie das, was Gülmen als “notwendig, um den Widerstand auf die nächste Ebene zu bringen” und um “wirklich Druck auf sie auszuüben, damit sie etwas unternehmen” beschreibt. [x] Als Reaktion auf den Hungerstreik wurde am 2. Mai 2017 eine Anklageschrift beim 19. Strafgerichtshof in Ankara eingereicht. In jener Anklageschrift wurden sowohl Gülmen als auch Özakça beschuldigt, Mitglieder der Revolutionären Volksbefreiungspartei-Front (DHKP-C) zu sein und an deren illegalen Aktivitäten beteiligt gewesen zu sein. Dies führte zu ihrer Inhaftierung im Sincan-Gefängnis in Ankara am 23. Mai 2017. [xi] Das Gericht befand die beiden für schuldig, weil “eine Nichtinhaftierung der Justiz schaden würde”, was angesichts des Mangels an Beweisen für die erhobenen Vorwürfe widersprüchlich erscheint. Zudem bestreiten die beiden Lehrer weiterhin jede Beteiligung an der DHKP-C. Folge dessen veröffentlichte ihr Anwalt sogar ihre Vorstrafen als Beweis für das Fehlen einer solchen Beteiligung und wirkte somit den Bemühungen von Innenminister Süleyman Soylu und des Forschungs- und Studienzentrums seines Ministeriums, die Vorwürfe zu verfestigen, entgegen.[xii]

Es wurde befürchtet, dass den beiden Lehrern weitere Menschenrechtsverletzungen drohen würden, da es Gefängniswärtern und Ärzten gesetzlich erlaubt ist, einzugreifen und einen Hungerstreik, ohne die Zustimmung der Lehrer zu beenden. Sie können auch eingreifen, wenn sie bewusstlos sind, wie es in Artikel 82 des Gesetzes über die Vollstreckung des Urteils Nr. 5275 heißt, was infolgedessen die Meinungsfreiheit verletzen würde und mit hoher Wahrscheinlichkeit zu grausamer, unmenschlicher oder erniedrigender Behandlung oder Bestrafung führen könnte. [xiii] Während eines Besuchs von Hakan Canduran, dem Präsidenten der Anwaltskammer Ankara, und einiger seiner Kollegen, beklagte Gülmen die schlimme Situation in der sie und Özakça sich befanden, in dem sie Canduran beschrieb, dass sie sah, dass “die Gerechtigkeit genauso schwand wie [ihre] Muskeln”. Diese Aussage gab Gülmen, während sie nicht in der Lage war, ihren Hals ohne Hilfe hochzuhalten, ihre Arme zu bewegen oder einen Stift zu halten. Im Gegenzug forderte Canduran die Regierung auf, den Hungerstreik durch gesellschaftliche Versöhnung zu beenden und mit denjenigen zu verhandeln, die unfairerweise von den Notstandsverordnungen betroffen sind.[xiv] Mitte 2017 reichte das Duo beim Verfassungsgericht und auch beim Europäischen Gerichtshof für Menschenrechte einen Antrag auf Beendigung der Haft ein, mit der Begründung, dass ihr Hungerstreik inzwischen ein offensichtliches Gesundheitsrisiko darstellte. Doch beide Gerichte lehnten ihren Antrag ab, da sie diese Risiken nicht als lebensbedrohlich sahen und die entsprechenden medizinischen Maßnahmen vorhanden gewesen wären, um ihnen zu helfen, falls sie diese benötigt hätten.[xv]

Gülmens Gesundheitszustand verschlechterte sich schließlich so sehr, dass sie am 26. September 2017 in eine Insassinenzelle im Krankenhaus in Numune verlegt wurde. Sie wurde dann am 1. Dezember aus der Haft entlassen, als das 19. Schwere Strafgericht sie zu 6 Jahren und 3 Monaten Haft verurteilte, aber ihre Freilassung unter richterlicher Kontrolle zuließ. [xvi] Trotz ihrer Freilassung setzten Gülmen und Özakça ihren Protest vor dem Menschenrechtsdenkmal fort, mussten ihren Hungerstreik aber schließlich am 26. Januar 2018 beenden, nachdem eine von der Regierung eingesetzte Kommission zur Überprüfung ihrer Fälle abgelehnt worden war. Stattdessen versuchten sie, ihre Bemühungen künftig auf das nationale Justizsystem zu richten, wobei sie betonten, dass ihr Widerstand nicht beendet sei und weitergehen werde. [xvii] Nach 324 Tagen ihres Hungerstreiks hatte Gülmen einen beträchtlichen Teil ihres ursprünglichen Gewichts von 59 Kilogramm verloren, und wog jetzt nur noch 33,8 Kilogramm, was zeigt, wie ernst ihre Bemühungen um den Erhalt ihres Arbeitsplatzes und die Achtung ihrer Rechte waren.[xviii]

Das nächste Mal stand Gülmen im Rampenlicht, als sie am 11. August 2020 bei einer Polizeirazzia am 5. August im Istanbuler Idil-Kulturzentrum, das von der linken Folk-Band Grup Yurum betrieben wird, erneut verhaftet wurde, wobei die Gründe dafür ungeklärt blieben. [xix] Später im selben Jahr wurden Gülmen und weitere ihrer Kollegen aus der Gewerkschaft für Bildung und Wissenschaft (Eğitim-Sen) ausgeschlossen, weil sie in der Öffentlichkeit als “Yüksel-Widerständler” oder Widerstandskämpfer dargestellt wurden..[xx] Zuletzt hatten die beiden am 4. November 2021 vor dem Verfassungsgericht geklagt, das später ihre Aussage zurückwies. Gülmen und Özakça klagten mit dem Grund, dass die Anklage vom 2. Mai 2017 dieselben Beweise verwendet habe wie eine frühere Untersuchung vom 14. März 2017, die zu ihrer Verhaftung geführt hatte. Diese Anklage wurde aber später abgewiesen und sie wurde unter richterlicher Kontrolle freigelassen. [xxi] Das Gericht wies ihre Klage mit der Begründung ab, dass es Gülmen und Özakça an konkreten Beweisen fehle und deswegen ihre verletzten Rechte nicht geltend gemacht werden könnten. Zudem hätten die beiden nicht alle innerstaatlichen Möglichkeiten ausgeschöpft, bevor sie ihre Klage einreichten.[xxii]

Nuriye Gülmens mutiger Aktivismus macht deutlich, dass die türkische Regierung seit 2016 Hunderttausende von Menschen mit haltlosen Argumenten zu Unrecht ins Visier genommen hat. Diejenigen, die am stärksten betroffen sind und sich entscheiden, sich den Maßnahmen der Regierung zu widersetzen, sind erheblicher Unterdrückung durch Inhaftierung und rechtliche Einschüchterung ausgesetzt. Broken Chalk fordert die türkische Regierung und die zuständigen Behörden auf, ihre Maßnahmen ernsthaft zu überdenken, die dazu geführt haben, dass Tausende von Menschen weder einen sicheren Arbeitsplatz haben, noch die Möglichkeit, das Land zu verlassen und im Ausland Arbeit zu finden. Broken Chalk fordert insbesondere die Wiedereinsetzung von Nuriye Gülmen und Semih Özakça nebst vielen anderen in ihre jeweiligen Positionen im Bildungsbereich. Der Verlust ihrer Arbeitsstellen hat den Zugang und die Qualität der Bildung in der Türkei sicherlich verringert.

von Karl Baldacchino

Edited by Erika Grimes

Translated by Vivien Kretz from https://brokenchalk.org/nuriye-gulmen-a-six-year-struggle-against-systematic-abuses/

Sources:

[i] Grabenwarter, C. et al. (2017) ‘Draft Opinion on the Measures Provided in the Recent Emergency Decree Laws with Respect to Freedom of the Media’. European Commission for Democracy Through Law (Venice Commission). Available online from: https://www.venice.coe.int/webforms/documents/default.aspx?pdffile=CDL(2017)006-e [Accessed on 08/03/2022], pp. 3-4.

[ii] Decree-Law No. 679 (6^th January 2017) ‘Measures Regarding Public Personnel’. Available online from: https://insanhaklarimerkezi.bilgi.edu.tr/media/uploads/2017/02/09/KHK_679_ENG.pdf [Accessed 08/03/2022], p. 1.

[iii] Jones, T. (2018) ‘Two Turkish Teachers End Almost 11-Month Hunger Strike’. DW. Available online from: https://www.dw.com/en/two-turkish-teachers-end-almost-11-month-hunger-strike/a-42318478 [Accessed 08/03/2022]; Işık, A. (2017) ‘In Turkey, Hope for ‘Justice is Fading Away Just like my Muscles’’. DW. Available online from: https://www.dw.com/en/in-turkey-hope-for-justice-is-fading-away-just-like-my-muscles/a-39482207 [Accessed 08/03/2022].

[iv] Halavut, H. (2017) ‘Interview with Nuriye Gülmen: ‘I Have More Hope Today Than I Did on the First Day’’. 5 Harliler. Available online from: https://www.5harfliler.com/interview-with-nuriye-gulmen/ [Accessed on 08/03/2022].

[v] Ibid.

[vi] Ibid.

[vii] Ibid.; see also Gülmen, N. (2016) ‘DİRENİŞİN TALEPLERi’. Available online from: https://nuriyegulmendireniyor.wordpress.com/2016/11/08/basin-aciklamasina-cagri/ [Accessed on 08/03/2022]; see also Wikipedia (2022) ‘Nuriye Gülmen’. Available online from: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nuriye_G%C3%BClmen#cite_note-18 [Accessed 08/03/2022].

[viii] Ibid.

[ix] Ibid.; see also Amnesty International (2017) ‘Urgent Action: Fear for Hunger Strikers’ Wellbeing’. Available online from: https://www.amnesty.org/en/wp-content/uploads/2021/05/EUR4463402017ENGLISH.pdf [Accessed on 08/03/2022].

[x] Ibid.

[xi] ‘Urgent Action: Fear for Strikers’ Wellbeing’.

[xii] Cumhuriyet (2017) ‘Criminal Record of Gülmen and Özakça, Declared ‘Terrorists’ by Minister Soylu’. Available online from: https://www.cumhuriyet.com.tr/haber/bakan-soylunun-terorist-ilan-ettigi-gulmen-ve-ozakcanin-adli-sicil-kaydi-748105 [Accessed on 08/03/2022]; see also NTV (2017) ‘Statements by Minister Soylu about Semih Özakça and Nuriye Gülmen’. Available online from: https://www.ntv.com.tr/turkiye/bakan-soyludan-aclik-grevi-yapan-nuriye-gulmenle-ilgili-aciklamalar,Jg2i0I634EyPWqK_cXdIbg [Accessed on 08/03/2022]; see also Milliyet (2017) ‘The Unending Scenario of a Terrorist Organisation: “The Truth of Nuriye Gülmen and Semih Özakça”’. Available online from: https://web.archive.org/web/20170813220846/http://www.milliyet.com.tr/bir-teror-orgutunun-bitmeyen-senaryosu-ankara-yerelhaber-2179760/ [Accessed on 08/03/2022].

[xiii] ‘Urgent Action: Fear for Strikers’ Wellbeing’; see also ‘In Turkey, Hope for ‘Justice is Fading Away Just like My Muscles’.

[xiv] ‘In Turkey, Hope for ‘Justice is Fading Away Just like My Muscles’.

[xv] Armutcu, O. (2017) ‘The Constitutional Court Rejected the Appeal Against the Detention of Nuriye Gülmen and Semih Özakça’ Hurriyet. Available online from: https://www.hurriyet.com.tr/gundem/anayasa-mahkemesi-nuriye-gulmen-ve-semih-ozakcanin-tutukluluguna-yapilan-itirazi-reddetti-40503721 [Accessed on 08/03/2022]; see also Cakir, A. (2017) ‘ECHR Rejects Semih Özakça and Nuriye Gülmen’s Application’. Voice of America. Available online from: https://www.amerikaninsesi.com/a/aihm-semih-ozakca-ve-nuriye-gulmen-in-basvurusunu-reddetti/3969669.html [Accessed on 08/03/2022].

[xvi] Bianet (2017) ‘Nuriye Gülmen Released’. Available online from: https://bianet.org/english/human-rights/192100-nuriye-gulmen-released [Accessed on 08/03/2022].

[xvii] ‘Two Turkish Teachers End Almost 11-Month Hunger Strike’.

[xviii] Ibid.

[xix] Duvar English (2020) ‘Dismissed Turkish Academic, Known for Hunger Strike, Arrested Again’. Available online from: https://www.duvarenglish.com/human-rights/2020/08/11/dismissed-turkish-academic-known-for-hunger-strike-arrested-again [Accessed on 08/03/2022].

[xx] Yeni Bir Mecra (2020) ‘Critical Decisions in Eğitim-Sen: Nuriye Gülmen was Expelled’. Available online from: https://yeni1mecra.com/egitim-sende-kritik-kararlar-nuriye-gulmen-ihrac-edildi/ [Accessed on 08/03/2022].

[xi] Duvar English (2021) ‘Turkey’s Top Court Rules Dismissed Educators’ Rights Not Violated’. Available online from: https://www.duvarenglish.com/turkeys-top-court-rules-rights-of-dismissed-educators-nuriye-gulmen-and-semih-ozakca-not-violated-news-59436 [Accessed on 08/03/2022].

[xii] Ibid.

Erdogan Fetullah Gulen freedom of expression human rights violations Hunger strike Nuriye Gülmen Turkey Violations of civil and political rights

EUROPEAN COMMISSION Turkey 2021 Report Summary (Education)

Introduction and Context

Turkey has been a key partner for the European Union via an Association Agreement since 1964 and the establishment of a Customs Union in 1995. Turkey was granted the status of a candidate country in December 1999 and accession negotiations were opened in October 2005. Within the framework of accession negotiations, 16 chapters have been opened and one of these was provisionally closed. The General Affairs Council conclusions of June 2019 reiterated the Council’s position of June 2018 that under the current circumstances, Turkey’s accession negotiations have effectively come to a standstill, no further chapters can be considered for opening or closing. Over the reporting period, the Turkish government did not reverse the negative trend as regards the reform agenda despite the Turkish government’s repeated commitment to the objective of EU accession. The EU’s serious concerns on the continued deterioration of democracy, the rule of law, fundamental rights and the independence of the judiciary have not been addressed. There was further backsliding in many areas. Relations with the EU deteriorated until December 2020, mostly due to actions taken by Turkey in the Eastern Mediterranean, directly challenging the rights of the Republic of Cyprus in its maritime zones. This summary will focus on the area of education.

Chapter 26 Education and Culture

The EU encourages collaboration in education and culture through funding programs and the open method of coordination, which allows Member States to coordinate their policies. Member States must also avoid discrimination and guarantee that children of migrant workers, including those from poor families, receive a high-quality education. Turkey is moderately equipped in terms of education and culture, and some progress has been made in this area, such as the smooth operation of the national qualifications system, the inclusion of culture in development policies, and the promotion and protection of the country’s cultural heritage.

In the coming year, the EU commission has recommended Turkey to (1) continue the improvement of inclusive education, focusing on including girls and disadvantaged children and reduce the proportion of school drop-outs, (2) further ensure the good functioning of the Turkish Qualifications Framework and Turkish Higher Education Quality Council, (3) take steps to implement the 2005 UNESCO Convention on the Protection and Promotion of the Diversity of Cultural Expressions.

With regards to education, access to early childhood education (ECE) in Turkey varies by age group and region. While the net enrolment rate for pre-school education (age 5) further increased from 68.3 % to 71.2 % during the 2019-2020 school year (70.4 % for girls, 72 % for boys), the combined net enrolment rate for children in Turkey aged between 3 and 5 remains low at only 41.8 %. Flexible and community-based ECE models need to be implemented, guided by clear targets and strategies, which cover vulnerable children and the overall quality of ECE services requires improvement. The net enrolment rate in primary schools grew slightly from 92.1 % to 93.6 %, with 93.5 % for girls and 93.7 % for boys. In lower secondary school, the net enrolment rate grew from 93.3 % to 95.9 %, with a rate of 96.1 % for girls and 95.7 % for boys. In upper secondary education net enrolment increased from 84.2 % to 85.0 % (84.9 % for girls, 85.2 % for boys). In higher education, the net enrolment rate decreased from 44.1 % to 43.4 % (46.3 % for girls, 40.6 % for boys). Both the number and the rate of students in special education (students with special needs who are in regular classes) increased slightly in 2020, from 398 815 in 2019 to 425 774 in 2020, which represents an increase from 1.65 % to 1.74 %. However, there is a noticeably large disparity between the number of girls and boys with special needs in education (269,897 male versus 155,877 female students).

Since 2004 Turkey has participated in EU education programs. Applications for the Erasmus+ programme climbed from 12 467 in 2019 to 13 079 in 2020, demonstrating the program’s ongoing popularity among Turkish education stakeholders. In 2020, 497 new projects for 124 million euros were contracted. Furthermore, applications for the European Solidarity Corps (ESC) program surged from 349 in 2019 to 896 in 2020; EU funding was allocated to 269 projects totalling EUR 6.12 million (181 volunteering initiatives and 88 solidarity projects) with over 2000 participants. Turkey implemented the recommendations of the European Commission to limit the detrimental effects of the COVID-19 pandemic on both beneficiaries and future beneficiaries of Erasmus+ and the ESC.

Turkey is at an advanced stage of implementing the Bologna process, although significant quality differences persist among Turkey’s 207 higher education institutions. The reorganisation of the Turkish Higher Education Quality Council (THEQC), the national authority evaluating Turkish higher education institutions, led to greater administrative and financial independence. THEQC became a member of the European Association for Quality Assurance in Higher Education (ENQA) in April 2020. THEQC added an institutional accreditation programme to its quality assurance activities in 2020. Relevant higher education regulation and procedures need to be further adapted to THEQC regulations in order to guarantee its effectiveness. In addition, THEQC should aim to further increase the size of permanent staff in order to strengthen its operational independence.

Implementation of a national vocational qualifications system by the Vocational Qualifications Authority (VQA) is ongoing. VQA, the competent authority for preparing national occupational standards and national qualifications and for authorising certification bodies, is also in charge of implementing the Turkish Qualifications Framework (TQF). As of June 2021, the number of occupational standards and qualifications approved by the VQA increased satisfactorily for the functional implementation of the Turkish Qualification Framework; however, the number of vocational qualifications certificates still needs to be increased substantially. Studies regarding the full implementation of TQF continued under the coordination of the VQA. Private education certificates were integrated within the framework of VQA certificates. Although the European Qualifications Framework is referenced within the TQF, Turkey needs to ensure that principles and procedures relating to quality assurance, credit systems, inclusion of qualifications, and validation of non-formal and informal learning are fully in place. In the formal vocational education and training sector, implementing the modular curricula and credited module system, instead of the current class passing system, remains an important issue for the effective implementation of the TQF.

By Kate Ryan

Education Posted by Editor Turkey

Nuriye Gülmen: Hatéves küzdelem a Törökországban történő rendszeres visszaélések ellen

Közel hat évvel ezelőtt, 2016. július 15-én Törökországot megrázta egy puccskísérlet, amelyet a török kormány szerint Fetullah Gülen, az 1999 óta az Egyesült Államokban önszántából száműzetésben élő török tudós-klerikus tervelt ki. Gülen kitartóan tagad minden ilyen jellegű vádat.^[i] A kísérletet követő napon a török kormány szükségállapotot rendelt el, és elfogadta a 667-676. számú sürgősségi végrehajtási rendeleteket, amelyek elsősorban a médiát és az újságírókat cenzúrázták,[ii] majd 2017. január 6-án a 679. számú rendelet mellékleteiben név szerint kiterjesztette a hatályt több ezer köztisztviselőre, rendőrre, fegyveres erő alkalmazottjára, egyetemi tanárra és más egyetemi alkalmazottakra.[iii] Ennek következtében összesen több mint 150 000 ember veszítette el az állását, a szociális szolgáltatásokhoz való hozzáférését, mozgásszabadságukat korlátozták, és életük folyásának meghatározó részévé vált a kormány azon vádja, hogy kapcsolatban álltak a puccsal.

Ezen események által érintett személlyé vált Nuriye Gülmen is, aki 2012-ben még a Selçuk Egyetem török összehasonlító irodalomtudományi professzoraként dolgozott, a puccskísérletet megelőzően, 2015-ben pedig az Eskişehir Osmangazi Egyetem kutatóasszisztenseként tevékenykedett.^[iv] Gülmen akadémiai tevékenységei mellett a törökországi intézményekben történő visszaélések elleni aktivizmus és jogi csaták történetével is foglalkozott, mivel professzori kinevezése után személyesen is érintetté vált egy politikai perben, melynek során 109 napig volt jogtalanul őrizetben. Ez késleltette tanulmányait és az Eskişehirbe való visszahelyezését is.^[v]

Gülment pont a puccskísérlet napján helyezték vissza kutatói állásába azonban az események fényében másnap az Eskişehirből újból felfüggesztették azon frissen kiadott rendeletek nyomán, amelyek több ezer tudóssal együtt Gülment is azzal vádolták, hogy tagja a FETÖ-nek, azaz a török kormány által terrorista szervezetnek nyilvánított Gülent támogató mozgalomnak.

Amikor Gülment 2016. november 9-én felfüggesztették, aktív ellenállásba kezdett. Gülmen a jogtalan felfüggesztések és elbocsájtások ellen tiltakozott és minden nap kitartóan követelte az Eskişehiri pozíciójába való visszahelyezését az ankarai Yüksel utcában található Emberi Jogi Emlékmű előtt. Az emlékmű a Felsőoktatási Tanács székhelyénél van elhelyezve, mely intézménynek hivatali kötelessége lenne válaszolni minden felsőoktatási rendszerben történő igazságtalansággal kapcsolatban megfogalmazott követelésre, így Gülmenére is.[vi] Az Emberi Jogi Emlékmű előtt történő tiltakozás Gülmen szerint egy „forradalmi hagyomány” volt, amelynek célja a figyelem felkeltése és nyomásgyakorlás a kitűzött cél eléréséhez, ebben az esetben a szükségállapot megszüntetésének és az közalkalmazotti és tudományos területen történt elbocsátások semmissé tételének eléréséhez.[vii]

Gülmen egyedül kezdte meg a tiltakozást, mely során összesen 26 alkalommal tartóztatták le. Tevékenységét egyre nagyobb érdeklődéssel követte nyomon mind a külföldi és a hazai sajtó: az online WordPress blogján publikálták Gülmen tapasztalatait megmozdulásaival kapcsolatban, míg a CNN a 2016-os év nyolc kiemelkedő nője közé választotta Gülment tiltakozásának ötvenedik napján.[viii] A nőt érő figyelem még jelentősebbé vált a 2017. január 6-i kormányrendelet után, mely értelmében többek között Gülment is végleg elbocsátották az Eskişehirből.

A nő ennek következtében ellenállási stratégiáit új szintre emelte, és 2017. március 9-én éhségsztrájkba kezdett Semih Özakça általános iskolai tanárral együtt.[ix] Az éhségsztrájk hatására 2017. május 2-án a kormány vádiratot nyújtott be az ankarai büntetőbírósághoz, amelyben Gülment és Özakçát a terrorszervezetként nyilvántartott Forradalmi Népi Felszabadítási Párt-Front (DHKP-C) tagjaiként azonosították és azzal vádolták őket, hogy részt vesznek a párt tiltott tevékenységeiben. A vádirat nyomán Gülmen és Özakça 2017. május 23-ig rendőrségi őrizetbe került és az ankarai Sincan börtönben raboskodott.[x] A bíróság azzal indokolta letartóztatásukat, hogy „szabadlábon akadályoznák az igazságszolgáltatást”. A bíróság indoklása azonban nem volt megalapozott, tekintve, hogy a két tanár ellen benyújtott vádak nem tartalmaztak bizonyítékokat, továbbá Gülmen és Özakça is tagadta a DHKP-C-vel való bármilyen kapcsolatát. Ennek alátámasztására a tanárok ügyvédje még a bűnügyi nyilvántartásukat is nyilvánosságra hozta, hogy bebizonyítsa, Gülmennek és Özakçának semmilyen kapcsolata nincs a szervezettel. Mindeközben Szulejmán Soylu belügyminiszter és minisztériumának kutatási és tanulmányi központja mindent megtett, hogy megszilárdítsák a vádakat a tanárok ellen.[xi]

A tanárok további emberi jogi jogsértésekkel néztek szembe, mivel a börtönőrök a törvény szerint az érintett személyek beleegyezése nélkül is beavatkozhatnak és véget vethetnek az éhségsztrájknak. Ez azonban sérti a véleménynyilvánítás szabadságát, és kegyetlen, embertelen és megalázó bánásmódot vagy büntetést is eredményezhet az érintett személyek irányába.[xii]

Az Ankarai Ügyvédi Kamara elnöke, Hakan Canduran és néhány kollégájának látogatása során Gülmen kifejezte, milyen szörnyű helyzetbe kerültek Özakçával, ahol „az igazságszolgáltatás éppúgy épül le, mint [Gülmen] izmai” az éhségsztrájk következtében. Ekkor a nő már képtelen volt nyakát segítség nélkül felemelni, mozgatni a karját vagy tollat fogni. Canduran ennek hatására felszólította a kormányt, hogy a társadalmi megbékélés érdekében vessen véget az éhségsztrájknak, és tárgyaljon a tanárokkal és azokkal, akiket igazságtalanul érintettek a szükségállapot-rendeletek.[xiii] Ezen kérések azonban nem teljesültek, így 2017 közepén Gülmen és Özakça az Alkotmánybírósághoz és az Emberi Jogok Európai Bíróságához is beadvánnyal fordult szabadságvesztésük megszüntetése érdekében, mivel éhségsztrájkjuk addigra már nyilvánvaló egészségügyi kockázatot jelentett. Keresetüket azonban mindkét bíróság elutasította arra hivatkozva, hogy az éhségsztrájk következtében felmerülő kockázatok nem voltak életveszélyesek, illetve életveszély esetén is a megfelelő orvosi intézkedések állnának rendelkezésükre.[xiv]

Gülmen egészségi állapota egyre súlyosabbá vált, így végül 2017. szeptember 26-án átszállították a Numune kórházi cellába. Közben a bíróság Gülment bűnösnek találta a DHKP-C-vel fenntartott (állítólagos) kapcsolatai miatt, és 6 év 3 hónap börtönbüntetésre ítélte. Azonban Gülmen a bíróság döntése elleni fellebbezésének elbírálásáig és Özakça októberi szabadlábra helyezése után, december 1-jén végül a nőt is szabadon engedték bírósági felügyelet mellett.[xv]

Szabadulásukkal Gülmen és Özakça folytatták tiltakozásukat az Emberi Jogi Emlékmű előtt, azonban 2018. január 26-án felhagytak az éhségsztrájkkal, miután a Szükségállapoti Kormánybizottság elutasította őket, mely bizottság a munkájukból a szükségállapot elrendelésével felmentett dolgozók fellebbezését vizsgálta felül. Gülmen és Özakça így újból az igazságszolgáltatási rendszerben igyekeztek erőfeszítéseiknek érvényt szerezni, hangsúlyozva, hogy ellenállásuk nem ért véget.[xvi] A 324 napos éhségsztrájk után Gülmen 59 kilogrammról 33,8 kilogrammra fogyott, mely demonstrálja a nő elkötelezettségét követelései mellett, vagyis a kormány visszaéléseinek megszüntetését, munkahelyi pozíciókba történő visszahelyezéseket, illetve emberi jogok tiszteletben tartását.[xvii]

Gülmen legközelebb akkor került reflektorfénybe, amikor 2020. augusztus 11-én tisztázatlan körülmények között ismét letartóztatták az isztambuli Idil kulturális központban tartott rendőrségi razzia során, mely központot a Grup Yurum nevű baloldali népzenei együttes működtette.[xviii] Még abban az évben Gülment és más letartóztatott személyeket kizártak az Oktatási és Tudományos Dolgozók Szakszervezetéből (Eğitim-Sen), mivel a nyilvánosság előtt „Yüksel Resistanceistaként”, azaz ellenállóként szerepeltek.[xix]

Az utolsó nyomon követhető fejlemény Gülmennel és Özakçával kapcsolatban 2021. november 4-én történt, amikor a páros az Alkotmánybírósághoz fordult az őket ért jogsérelmekkel kapcsolatban. Ezen beadványukat azonban elutasították arra hivatkozva, hogy egy régebbi ügy során ugyanezeket a bizonyítékokat mutatták be a tanárok, valamint, hogy beadványuk nem tartalmazott konkrét bizonyítékokat azzal kapcsolatban, hogy valóban jogsérelem érte őket munkahelyi pozíciójuk elvesztése és letartóztatásuk során. A bíróság azt is szóvá tette, hogy szerinte a két tanár nem merített ki minden hazai eszközt ügyük érdekében az Alkotmánybírósághoz benyújtott keresetük előtt.[xx]

Nuriye Gülmen történetén keresztül kirajzolódik, hogyan vett a török kormány és intézkedéseik több százezer embert igazságtalanul és alaptalanul célba 2016 óta. Akik pedig úgy döntöttek, hogy ezen igazságtalanságokkal szembe szállnak, súlyos retorzióval és elnyomással néztek és néznek szembe a mai napig.

A Broken Chalk felszólítja a török kormányt és az érintett hatóságokat, hogy komolyan vizsgálják felül intézkedéseiket, melyek ezreket fosztottak meg munkahelyeiktől vagy akár a lehetőségtől, hogy elhagyhassák Törökországot. A szervezet különösen fontosnak tartja Nuriye Gülmen és Semih Özakça, és a velük hasonló sorsra jutott személyek visszahelyezését az oktatás területén betöltött pozícióikba, ugyanis eltávolításuk minden bizonnyal csökkentette az oktatáshoz való hozzáférést és annak minőségét Törökországban.

Írta: Karl Baldacchino

Fordította: Farkas Johanna

Translated from : https://brokenchalk.org/nuriye-gulmen-a-six-year-struggle-against-systematic-abuses/

Sources:

[i] Jones, T. (2018) ‘Two Turkish Teachers End Almost 11-Month Hunger Strike’. DW. Available online from: https://www.dw.com/en/two-turkish-teachers-end-almost-11-month-hunger-strike/a-42318478 [Accessed 08/03/2022]; Işık, A. (2017) ‘In Turkey, Hope for ‘Justice is Fading Away Just like my Muscles’’. DW. Available online from: https://www.dw.com/en/in-turkey-hope-for-justice-is-fading-away-just-like-my-muscles/a-39482207 [Accessed 08/03/2022].

[ii] Grabenwarter, C. et al. (2017) ‘Draft Opinion on the Measures Provided in the Recent Emergency Decree Laws with Respect to Freedom of the Media’. European Commission for Democracy Through Law (Venice Commission). Available online from: https://www.venice.coe.int/webforms/documents/default.aspx?pdffile=CDL(2017)006-e [Accessed on 08/03/2022], pp. 3-4.

[iii] Decree-Law No. 679 (6^th January 2017) ‘Measures Regarding Public Personnel’. Available online from: https://insanhaklarimerkezi.bilgi.edu.tr/media/uploads/2017/02/09/KHK_679_ENG.pdf [Accessed 08/03/2022], p. 1.

[iv] Halavut, H. (2017) ‘Interview with Nuriye Gülmen: ‘I Have More Hope Today Than I Did on the First Day’’. 5 Harliler. Available online from: https://www.5harfliler.com/interview-with-nuriye-gulmen/ [Accessed on 08/03/2022].

[v] Ibid.

[vi] Ibid.

[vii] Ibid.; see also Gülmen, N. (2016) ‘DİRENİŞİN TALEPLERi’. Available online from: https://nuriyegulmendireniyor.wordpress.com/2016/11/08/basin-aciklamasina-cagri/ [Accessed on 08/03/2022]; see also Wikipedia (2022) ‘Nuriye Gülmen’. Available online from: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nuriye_G%C3%BClmen#cite_note-18 [Accessed 08/03/2022].

[viii] Ibid.

[ix] Ibid.; see also Amnesty International (2017) ‘Urgent Action: Fear for Hunger Strikers’ Wellbeing’. Available online from: https://www.amnesty.org/en/wp-content/uploads/2021/05/EUR4463402017ENGLISH.pdf [Accessed on 08/03/2022].

[x] ‘Urgent Action: Fear for Strikers’ Wellbeing’.

[xi] Cumhuriyet (2017) ‘Criminal Record of Gülmen and Özakça, Declared ‘Terrorists’ by Minister Soylu’. Available online from: https://www.cumhuriyet.com.tr/haber/bakan-soylunun-terorist-ilan-ettigi-gulmen-ve-ozakcanin-adli-sicil-kaydi-748105 [Accessed on 08/03/2022]; see also NTV (2017) ‘Statements by Minister Soylu about Semih Özakça and Nuriye Gülmen’. Available online from: https://www.ntv.com.tr/turkiye/bakan-soyludan-aclik-grevi-yapan-nuriye-gulmenle-ilgili-aciklamalar,Jg2i0I634EyPWqK_cXdIbg [Accessed on 08/03/2022]; see also Milliyet (2017) ‘The Unending Scenario of a Terrorist Organisation: “The Truth of Nuriye Gülmen and Semih Özakça”’. Available online from: https://web.archive.org/web/20170813220846/http://www.milliyet.com.tr/bir-teror-orgutunun-bitmeyen-senaryosu-ankara-yerelhaber-2179760/ [Accessed on 08/03/2022].

[xii] ‘Urgent Action: Fear for Strikers’ Wellbeing’; see also ‘In Turkey, Hope for ‘Justice is Fading Away Just like My Muscles’.

[xiii] ‘In Turkey, Hope for ‘Justice is Fading Away Just like My Muscles’.

[xiv] Armutcu, O. (2017) ‘The Constitutional Court Rejected the Appeal Against the Detention of Nuriye Gülmen and Semih Özakça’ Hurriyet. Available online from: https://www.hurriyet.com.tr/gundem/anayasa-mahkemesi-nuriye-gulmen-ve-semih-ozakcanin-tutukluluguna-yapilan-itirazi-reddetti-40503721 [Accessed on 08/03/2022]; see also Cakir, A. (2017) ‘ECHR Rejects Semih Özakça and Nuriye Gülmen’s Application’. Voice of America. Available online from: https://www.amerikaninsesi.com/a/aihm-semih-ozakca-ve-nuriye-gulmen-in-basvurusunu-reddetti/3969669.html [Accessed on 08/03/2022].

[xv] Bianet (2017) ‘Nuriye Gülmen Released’. Available online from: https://bianet.org/english/human-rights/192100-nuriye-gulmen-released [Accessed on 08/03/2022].

[xvi] ‘Two Turkish Teachers End Almost 11-Month Hunger Strike’.

[xvii] Ibid.

[xviii] Duvar English (2020) ‘Dismissed Turkish Academic, Known for Hunger Strike, Arrested Again’. Available online from: https://www.duvarenglish.com/human-rights/2020/08/11/dismissed-turkish-academic-known-for-hunger-strike-arrested-again [Accessed on 08/03/2022].

[xix] Yeni Bir Mecra (2020) ‘Critical Decisions in Eğitim-Sen: Nuriye Gülmen was Expelled’. Available online from: https://yeni1mecra.com/egitim-sende-kritik-kararlar-nuriye-gulmen-ihrac-edildi/ [Accessed on 08/03/2022].

[xx] Ibid.

Erdogan Fetullah Gulen freedom of expression human rights violations Hunger strike Nuriye Gülmen Turkey Violations of civil and political rights

Nuriye Gülmen : Une lutte de six ans contre les abus systématiques du gouvernement turc

Il y a près de six ans, la Turquie a été secouée par la prétendue tentative de coup d’État du 15 juillet 2016. Un jour après la tentative, le gouvernement turc a rapidement établi l’état d’urgence et adopté les décrets exécutifs d’urgence nos 667-676 qui a censuré les médias et les journalistes, [i] mais a ensuite étendu sa portée à des milliers de fonctionnaires, de policiers, de membres des forces armées, de professeurs d’université et de personnel nommément dans les annexes du décret 679 du 6 janvier 2017. [ii] Cela a abouti à un total de plus de 150 000 de personnes perdant leur emploi, l’accès aux services sociaux, leur liberté de mouvement est devenue restreinte, leur vie ternie par l’accusation du gouvernement selon laquelle elles étaient liées au coup d’État prétendument provoqué par Fetullah Gulen, un érudit turc qui vit en exil aux États-Unis depuis 1999 et qui a constamment nié l’accusation venant d’Ankara.^[iii]

L’une de ces personnes touchées à la suite de ces événements est Nuriye Gülmen, une ancienne professeure turcque de littérature comparée à l’Université de Selçuk en 2012 et qui, avant la tentative de coup d’État, a été nommée assistante de recherche à l’Université Eskişehir Osmangazi en 2015. ^[iv] Gülmen est non seulement universitaire, mais a également une histoire d’activisme et de batailles juridiques contre l’abus des institutions en Turquie en raison d’un procès politique après sa nomination et l’a vue détenue pendant 109 jours, retardant ses études et sa réintégration à Eskişehir. ^[v]

Le jour où elle a été nommée à son poste de rechercheuse était le jour de la tentative de coup d’État, qui a conduit à sa suspension d’Eskişehir le lendemain. Cela était dû aux nouveaux décrets qui l’ont accusée, comme des milliers avec elle, d’être membre de FETO, la soi-disante organisation de partisans des exilés Gulen qu’Erdogan et le gouvernement l’accusait d’être une organisation terroriste. Cela a déclenché la phase suivante de son histoire de militante et depuis le 9 novembre 2016, où elle avait protesté contre sa suspension, son licenciement éventuel et réclamé avec insistance son travail à Eskişehir tous les jours auprès du monument des droits de l’homme situé dans la rue Yüksel, Ankara, où siège le Conseil de l’enseignement supérieur et qui doit répondre à ses exigences. [vi] Gülmen explique qu’il s’agit d’une “tradition révolutionnaire” déterminée à attirer l’attention et à obtenir ce que vous voulez, exigeant dans ce cas la fin de l’état d’urgence, permettant aux travailleurs publics démocratiques révolutionnaires qui ont été licenciés de reprendre leur travail, et demande de sécurité d’emploi pour tous les travailleurs de l’éducation et des sciences.[vii] Gülmen a commencé sa manifestation en grande partie par elle-même, étant arrêtée 26 fois au total, ce qui peut être attribué à l’attention croissante des spectateurs étrangers et nationaux observant ses actions, lisant son expérience sur son blog WordPress en ligne, et finalement nommée par CNN comme l’une des huit femmes exceptionnelles de 2016 par son 50e jour de protestation. [viii]

Cette situation s’est considérablement détériorée après le décret du 6 janvier 2017, lorsque Gülmen a été renvoyée d’Eskişehir, ce qui l’a amenée à passer à la vitesse supérieure en engageant une grève de la faim le 9 mars 2017. Gülmen, alors qu’elle était en garde à vue aux côtés de l’institutrice principale Semih Özakça, ont été victimes de tortures. [ix] La justification de la grève était que les protestations verbales ont tendance à être la norme dans la boîte à outils des militants, qui le plus souvent n’attirent pas suffisamment l’attention des autorités, mais une grève de la faim est une action forte qui positionne les acteurs qui s’y engagent.[x] En réaction à la grève de la faim, un acte d’accusation a été déposé le 2 mai 2017 auprès de la 19e Cour pénale d’Ankara accusant à la fois Gülmen et Özakça d’être membres et impliqués dans les activités illicites du Parti révolutionnaire de libération du peuple-Front. (DHKP-C), conduisant à leur tour à leur détention à la prison de Sincan à Ankara le 23 mai 2017. [xi] Le tribunal a déclaré les deux femmes coupable parce que “s’ils n’étaient pas placés en détention provisoire, ils nuiraient au cours de la justice”, une ligne qui semble contradictoires compte tenu du manque de preuves dans les accusations portées et alors que les deux enseignantes restent vigilantes en niant toute implication avec DHKP-C au point que leur avocat a même rendu public leur casier judiciaire comme preuve qu’une telle implication n’existe pas et a contré les efforts du ministre de la Intérieur Suleyman Soylu et le centre de recherche et d’études de son ministère pour tenter de solidifier les accusations. [xii]

On craignait que les deux enseignantes soient confrontés à de nouvelles violations des droits humains, puisque les gardiens de prison et les médecins sont légalement autorisés à intervenir et à mettre fin à une grève de la faim sans le consentement des enseignants. Ils peuvent également intervenir lorsqu’ils sont inconscients, comme le stipule l’article 82 de la loi sur l’exécution de l’arrêt n° 5275, ce qui violerait la liberté d’expression et est susceptible d’entraîner à des peines ou traitements cruels, inhumains ou dégradants.[xiii] Lors d’une visite du président de l’association du barreau d’Ankara, Hakan Canduran, et de certains de ses collègues, Gülmen a exprimé la situation désastreuse dans laquelle elle et Özakça se sont retrouvées. À son tour, nous avons vu Canduran appeler le gouvernement à mettre fin à la grève de la faim par la réconciliation sociale et à négocier avec ceux qui sont injustement touchés par les décrets d’urgence. [xiv] Tout au long de la mi-2017, les deux enseignantes ont déposé une demande auprès de la Cour constitutionnelle et de la Cour européenne des droits de l’homme pour mettre fin à leur détention au motif que leur grève de la faim avait alors posé des risques évidents pour leur santé, mais les deux tribunaux ont rejeté leur demande parce que ces risques ne mettaient pas leur vie en danger et les mesures médicales appropriées étaient en place pour les aider si cela devenait le cas. [xv]

L’état de santé de Gülmen est finalement devenu grave et, le 26 septembre 2017, avait justifié son transfert dans une cellule de l’hôpital de Numune. Elle a ensuite été libérée de sa détention le 1er décembre, date à laquelle le tribunal l’a condamnée à 6 ans et 3 mois de prison, autorisant toutefois sa libération sous contrôle judiciaire.[xvi] Malgré leur libération, Gülmen et Özakça ont poursuivi leur manifestation devant le Monument des droits de l’homme, mais ont finalement dû mettre fin à leur grève de la faim le 26 janvier 2018, suite au rejet d’une commission gouvernementale chargée d’examiner leurs cas, et à la place ont cherché à concentrer leurs efforts au sein du système judiciaire national pour aller de l’avant, soulignant que leur résistance n’avait pas pris fin et qu’elles poursuivraient leur effort. [xvii] Après 324 jours de grève de la faim, Gülmen avait perdu une quantité importante de son poids initial, passant de 59 kilogrammes à 33,8 kilogrammes, ce qui montre à quel point ses efforts étaient sérieux pour conserver son emploi et le respect de ses droits.[xviii]

La prochaine fois que Gülmen a été sous les feux de la rampe, c’est lorsqu’elle a de nouveau été arrêtée le 11 août 2020, lors d’une patrouille de police au centre culturel Idil d’Istanbul, un centre dirigé par le groupe folk de gauche Grup Yurum, dont les raisons restent inexpliquées. [xix] Plus tard cette année-là, Gülmen et d’autres collègues ont été expulsés du Syndicat des travailleurs de l’éducation et des sciences (Eğitim-Sen) en raison de leur image de «résistants Yüksel» ou de combattants de la résistance aux yeux du gouvernement. [xx] Le dernier développement était le 4 novembre 2021, lorsque le couple avait déposé une plainte auprès de la Cour constitutionnelle qui a ensuite rejeté leurs allégations selon lesquelles l’acte d’accusation du 2 mai 2017 utilisait les mêmes preuves qu’une enquête antérieure du 14 mars 2017, qui a conduit à leur arrestation mais ont ensuite été démis de leurs fonctions et libérés sous contrôle judiciaire, indiquant que l’acte d’accusation du 2 mai et la détention du 23 mai 2017 ont violé leurs droits à la liberté et à la sécurité, précisant en outre que les autorités judiciaires statuant sur l’affaire n’étaient ni impartiales ni indépendantes . [xxi] La Cour a rejeté leur affaire parce que les demandes de Gülmen et Özakça manquaient de preuves concrètes, que leurs droits violés étaient inacceptables à faire valoir et qu’ils n’avaient pas épuisé tous les moyens internes avant de déposer leurs demandes.[xxii]

Ce qui ressort cruellement de l’activisme audacieux de Nuriye Gülmen, c’est que depuis 2016, le gouvernement turc a injustement ciblé des centaines de milliers d’individus sur la base d’arguments qui ne tiennent pas la route, et ceux qui ont été les plus touchés et décident de s’opposer à l’action du gouvernement. Et ces actions font systématiquement l’objet d’une répression importante par la détention et l’intimidation légale. Broken Chalk appelle le gouvernement turc et les autorités compétentes à reconsidérer sérieusement ses actions qui ont laissé des milliers de personnes sans sécurité d’emploi ou la possibilité de quitter le pays et de trouver un emploi à l’étranger. Broken Chalk demande en particulier la réintégration de Nuriye Gülmen et Semih Özakça, parmi tant d’autres, à leurs postes respectifs dans le domaine de l’éducation, dont leur retrait a certainement réduit l’accès et la qualité de l’éducation en Turquie.

Par Karl Baldacchino Translated from Englsih Version : https://brokenchalk.org/nuriye-gulmen-a-six-year-struggle-against-systematic-abuses/

Edited by Erika Grimes

Sources:

[i] Grabenwarter, C. et al. (2017) ‘Draft Opinion on the Measures Provided in the Recent Emergency Decree Laws with Respect to Freedom of the Media’. European Commission for Democracy Through Law (Venice Commission). Available online from: https://www.venice.coe.int/webforms/documents/default.aspx?pdffile=CDL(2017)006-e [Accessed on 08/03/2022], pp. 3-4.

[ii] Decree-Law No. 679 (6^th January 2017) ‘Measures Regarding Public Personnel’. Available online from: https://insanhaklarimerkezi.bilgi.edu.tr/media/uploads/2017/02/09/KHK_679_ENG.pdf [Accessed 08/03/2022], p. 1.

[iii] Jones, T. (2018) ‘Two Turkish Teachers End Almost 11-Month Hunger Strike’. DW. Available online from: https://www.dw.com/en/two-turkish-teachers-end-almost-11-month-hunger-strike/a-42318478 [Accessed 08/03/2022]; Işık, A. (2017) ‘In Turkey, Hope for ‘Justice is Fading Away Just like my Muscles’’. DW. Available online from: https://www.dw.com/en/in-turkey-hope-for-justice-is-fading-away-just-like-my-muscles/a-39482207 [Accessed 08/03/2022].

[iv] Halavut, H. (2017) ‘Interview with Nuriye Gülmen: ‘I Have More Hope Today Than I Did on the First Day’’. 5 Harliler. Available online from: https://www.5harfliler.com/interview-with-nuriye-gulmen/ [Accessed on 08/03/2022].

[v] Ibid.

[vi] Ibid.

[vii] Ibid.; see also Gülmen, N. (2016) ‘DİRENİŞİN TALEPLERi’. Available online from: https://nuriyegulmendireniyor.wordpress.com/2016/11/08/basin-aciklamasina-cagri/ [Accessed on 08/03/2022]; see also Wikipedia (2022) ‘Nuriye Gülmen’. Available online from: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nuriye_G%C3%BClmen#cite_note-18 [Accessed 08/03/2022].

[viii] Ibid.

[ix] Ibid.; see also Amnesty International (2017) ‘Urgent Action: Fear for Hunger Strikers’ Wellbeing’. Available online from: https://www.amnesty.org/en/wp-content/uploads/2021/05/EUR4463402017ENGLISH.pdf [Accessed on 08/03/2022].

[x] Ibid.

[xi] ‘Urgent Action: Fear for Strikers’ Wellbeing’.

[xii] Cumhuriyet (2017) ‘Criminal Record of Gülmen and Özakça, Declared ‘Terrorists’ by Minister Soylu’. Available online from: https://www.cumhuriyet.com.tr/haber/bakan-soylunun-terorist-ilan-ettigi-gulmen-ve-ozakcanin-adli-sicil-kaydi-748105 [Accessed on 08/03/2022]; see also NTV (2017) ‘Statements by Minister Soylu about Semih Özakça and Nuriye Gülmen’. Available online from: https://www.ntv.com.tr/turkiye/bakan-soyludan-aclik-grevi-yapan-nuriye-gulmenle-ilgili-aciklamalar,Jg2i0I634EyPWqK_cXdIbg [Accessed on 08/03/2022]; see also Milliyet (2017) ‘The Unending Scenario of a Terrorist Organisation: “The Truth of Nuriye Gülmen and Semih Özakça”’. Available online from: https://web.archive.org/web/20170813220846/http://www.milliyet.com.tr/bir-teror-orgutunun-bitmeyen-senaryosu-ankara-yerelhaber-2179760/ [Accessed on 08/03/2022].

[xiii] ‘Urgent Action: Fear for Strikers’ Wellbeing’; see also ‘In Turkey, Hope for ‘Justice is Fading Away Just like My Muscles’.

[xiv] ‘In Turkey, Hope for ‘Justice is Fading Away Just like My Muscles’.

[xv] Armutcu, O. (2017) ‘The Constitutional Court Rejected the Appeal Against the Detention of Nuriye Gülmen and Semih Özakça’ Hurriyet. Available online from: https://www.hurriyet.com.tr/gundem/anayasa-mahkemesi-nuriye-gulmen-ve-semih-ozakcanin-tutukluluguna-yapilan-itirazi-reddetti-40503721 [Accessed on 08/03/2022]; see also Cakir, A. (2017) ‘ECHR Rejects Semih Özakça and Nuriye Gülmen’s Application’. Voice of America. Available online from: https://www.amerikaninsesi.com/a/aihm-semih-ozakca-ve-nuriye-gulmen-in-basvurusunu-reddetti/3969669.html [Accessed on 08/03/2022].

[xvi] Bianet (2017) ‘Nuriye Gülmen Released’. Available online from: https://bianet.org/english/human-rights/192100-nuriye-gulmen-released [Accessed on 08/03/2022].

[xvii] ‘Two Turkish Teachers End Almost 11-Month Hunger Strike’.

[xviii] Ibid.

[xix] Duvar English (2020) ‘Dismissed Turkish Academic, Known for Hunger Strike, Arrested Again’. Available online from: https://www.duvarenglish.com/human-rights/2020/08/11/dismissed-turkish-academic-known-for-hunger-strike-arrested-again [Accessed on 08/03/2022].

[xx] Yeni Bir Mecra (2020) ‘Critical Decisions in Eğitim-Sen: Nuriye Gülmen was Expelled’. Available online from: https://yeni1mecra.com/egitim-sende-kritik-kararlar-nuriye-gulmen-ihrac-edildi/ [Accessed on 08/03/2022].

[xxi] Duvar English (2021) ‘Turkey’s Top Court Rules Dismissed Educators’ Rights Not Violated’. Available online from: https://www.duvarenglish.com/turkeys-top-court-rules-rights-of-dismissed-educators-nuriye-gulmen-and-semih-ozakca-not-violated-news-59436 [Accessed on 08/03/2022].

[xxii] Ibid.

Erdogan Fetullah Gulen freedom of expression human rights violations Hunger strike Nuriye Gülmen Turkey Violations of civil and political rights

Нурие Гюлмен: 6 годишна борба срещу злоупотребите на системата

Преди 6 години, Турция бе разтърсена от предполагаемия опит за държавен преврат на 15 Юли 2016. Ден след опита, турското правителство моментално въведе извънредно положение и прие извънредни изпълнителни укази, които основно цензорираха медии и журналисти. След това обхвата се разшири до хиляди държавни служители, полицаи, служители на въоражените сили, университетски преподаватели и служители поименно в приложенията към Указ 679 от 6 Януари 2017 г. Тези действия оставиха повече от 150,000 без работа, без социални услуги и без достъп на свобода на движение. Животът им беше опетнен от обвиненията на правителството за участие в преврата, за който се твърди, че е организиран от Фетуллах Гюлен. Гюлен е турски учен и духовник, който живее в изгнание в САЩ от 1999г и отрича всякаква връзка с опита за преврат.

Едно от лицата засегнати от тези събития е Нурие Гюлмен, бивш турски професор по сравнителна литература в университета в Селчук през 2012 г. През 2015 я назначават за научен сътрудник в университета Ескишехир Османгази. Гюлмен е не само академик, но също така е водила и правни битки срещу злоупотребата с институциите в Турция. Поради политически съдебен процес, след назначаването и тя е задържана за 109 дни, което забавя постъпването и в Ескишехир. Денят, в който е назначена отново съвпада с деня на преврата, което води до отстраняването на Гюлмен още на следващия ден. Това се дължи на новите укази според, които тя и още хиляди са били част от ФЕТО, така определената от Ердоган терористична организация на изгнаника Фетхула Гюлен. Това предизвиква следващата част от нейната активистка история и от 9 Ноември 2016 г. всеки ден тя протестира с искането да получи работата си обратно. Гюлмен протестира пред паметника на човешките права, намиращ се в Анкара, където се намира и съветът за висше образование, който трябва да отговори на нейните искания. Гюлмен обяснява, че това е „революционна традиция“, с която трябва да привлечеш внимание и да получиш каквото искаш. В този случай, прекратяване на извънредното положение и разрешение на всички уволнение работници да се върнат на работа, както и сигурност на местата на всички работници в сферата на образованието и науката. Гюлмен започва протестите си общо взето сама, като е арестувана общо 26 пъти, което вероятно се дължи и на нарастващото внимание от страна на местни и чуждестранни зрители, които следят действията и блоговете й. В крайна сметка тя е оценена от CNN, които я обявяват за една от осемте най-смели жени на 2016 г.

CNN, които я обявяват за една от осемте най-смели жени на 2016 г.

На 9 Март 2017 г. Гюлмен прави действията си още по-сериозни, като обявява гладна стачка. Заедно с началната учителка Семих Йозакча, двете изпитаха несгодите от нововъведените кризисни укази. Разбирането зад гладната стачка е, че стачка само с думи не привлича достатъчно внимание от старна на властите, но гладната стачка е следващото ниво. Както Гюлмен сама казва „Необходимо е съпротивата да бъде на следващото стъпало и наистина да ги притиснем, за да предприемат някакви действия“. В отговор на гладната стачка е внесен обвинителен акт в 19-ти наказателен съд, обвинявайки Гюлмен и Йозакча, че са членове и участват в незаконната Революционно-народоосвободителна партия. Това довежда до задържането им в затвора Синджан в Анкара до 23 Май 2017 г. Съдът намира и двете за виновни, защото „ ако не са задържани под надзор, те биха навредили на хода на правосъдието“. Цитат, който си противоречи, предвид липсата на каквито и да е доказателства по обвиненията. Дори адвокатът на обвиняемите публикува криминалните им досиета като доказателство, че не участват в никаква партия, противопоставяйки се на Министъра на вътрешните работи Сюлейман Сойлу, който се опитва да докаже правотата на повдигнатите обвинения.

Има опасения, че още човешки права ще бъдат нарушени, тъй като надзирателите в затвора и докторите имат право да се намесят и да прекратят гладна стачка без съгласието на учителите. По време на посещение от Хакан Кандуран, който е президент на адвокатската колегия в Анкара, той заявява следното: „ справедливостта изчезва точно като нея (Гюлмен). Тя не може да държи главата си изправена без помощ, да вдига ръцете си, нито да държи химикал“. На свой ред видяхме как Кандуран призовава правителството да прекрати гладната стачка чрез обществено примирие и да преговаря с онези, които са засегнати от извънредните укази. В средата на 2017, Гюлмен и Йозакча подават иск в Касационния, както и в Европейския съд по правата на човека за прекратяване на задържането им с мотива, че гладната им стачка е представлява очевидна заплаха за здравето им. И двете институции отхвърлят исковете, тъй като заплахата не е била животозастрашаваща и са били взети необходимите медицинскки мерки, ако състоянието им се влоши.

В крайна сметка здравето на Гюлмен се влошава и на 26 Септември 2017 г. се налага преместването й в затворничереска килия в Нумуне. До 1-ви Декември тя е свободна, докато 19-ти районен съд не я осъжда на 6 години и 3 месеца затвор, под условие, че освобождаването й е под съдебен контрол. Въпреки освобождаването им, Гюлмен и Йозакча продължават протестите си пред паметника на човешките права. В крайна сметка на 26 Януари, 2018 г. те приключват гладната си стачка, поради отказа на съдебната система да разгледат случая. Това не сломява двете бунтовнички и те продължават със стачата си. 324 дни по-късно, Гюлмен е загубила повече от 20 килограма, показвайки колко усилия влага в това да запази работата и да извоюва правата си.

Следващият път, в който Гюлмен бе под светлината на прожекторите беше през 2020 година, когато отново бе арестувана по време на полицейска акция в Истанбулския културен център Идил на 5-ти Август. Центърът е управляван от лявата фолк група „Юрум“, а причините за нападението все още са неизяснени. По-късно същата година, Гюлмен и други нейни колеги са изключени от синдиката на работниците в образованието и науката, тъй като чрез имиджа си на „ бойци на съпротивата“ оронват престижа на синдиката. Последното развитие по-случая е неотдавна, на 4 Ноември 2021 г. двойката подава молба до конституционния съд. Гюлмен и Йозакча твърдят, че обвинителен акт от 2 Май, 2017 г. съдържа същите обвинения срещу тях като тези в обвинителен акт от Март същата година. Обвиненията водят до техния арест, но в последствие са освободени под съдебен контрол, което доказва, че те са задържани неправомерно. Това също доказва, че съдебните органи, които се занимават със случая не са нито безпристрастни, нито независими. Съдът отхвърля исканията им, като причини за това посочва, че липсват конкретни доказателстваи не са използвали всички местни институции преди това.

Това, което явно се забелязва от смелият активизъм на Гюлмен е, че от 2016 г. насам, правителството несправедливо е сложило мишени на гърбовете на стотици хиляди хора, въз основа на фалшиви аргументи. Тези, които се противопоставят на правителството ще бъдат подложени на репресия чрез арести и законово сплашване. „Броукън Чолк“ призовава турското правителство и съответните власти сериозно да преразгледат, своите действия, които оставиха стотици хиляди без работа или възможност да напуснат страната, за да потърсят ново начало. „Броукън Чолк“ призовава връщането на Нурие Гюлмен и Семих Йозакча, и много други потърпевши, на съответните им работни позиции в образователната система. Отстраняването на тези хора със сигурност е намалило качеството на образованието в Турция.

Original text: Karl Baldacchino

Translated by: Ivan Evstatiev from [Nuriye Gülmen: A Six-Year Struggle Against Systematic Abuses]

Sources:

[i] Grabenwarter, C. et al. (2017) ‘Draft Opinion on the Measures Provided in the Recent Emergency Decree Laws with Respect to Freedom of the Media’. European Commission for Democracy Through Law (Venice Commission). Available online from: https://www.venice.coe.int/webforms/documents/default.aspx?pdffile=CDL(2017)006-e [Accessed on 08/03/2022], pp. 3-4.

[ii] Decree-Law No. 679 (6^th January 2017) ‘Measures Regarding Public Personnel’. Available online from: https://insanhaklarimerkezi.bilgi.edu.tr/media/uploads/2017/02/09/KHK_679_ENG.pdf [Accessed 08/03/2022], p. 1.

[iii] Jones, T. (2018) ‘Two Turkish Teachers End Almost 11-Month Hunger Strike’. DW. Available online from: https://www.dw.com/en/two-turkish-teachers-end-almost-11-month-hunger-strike/a-42318478 [Accessed 08/03/2022]; Işık, A. (2017) ‘In Turkey, Hope for ‘Justice is Fading Away Just like my Muscles’’. DW. Available online from: https://www.dw.com/en/in-turkey-hope-for-justice-is-fading-away-just-like-my-muscles/a-39482207 [Accessed 08/03/2022].

[iv] Halavut, H. (2017) ‘Interview with Nuriye Gülmen: ‘I Have More Hope Today Than I Did on the First Day’’. 5 Harliler. Available online from: https://www.5harfliler.com/interview-with-nuriye-gulmen/ [Accessed on 08/03/2022].

[v] Ibid.

[vi] Ibid.

[vii] Ibid.; see also Gülmen, N. (2016) ‘DİRENİŞİN TALEPLERi’. Available online from: https://nuriyegulmendireniyor.wordpress.com/2016/11/08/basin-aciklamasina-cagri/ [Accessed on 08/03/2022]; see also Wikipedia (2022) ‘Nuriye Gülmen’. Available online from: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nuriye_G%C3%BClmen#cite_note-18 [Accessed 08/03/2022].

[viii] Ibid.

[ix] Ibid.; see also Amnesty International (2017) ‘Urgent Action: Fear for Hunger Strikers’ Wellbeing’. Available online from: https://www.amnesty.org/en/wp-content/uploads/2021/05/EUR4463402017ENGLISH.pdf [Accessed on 08/03/2022].

[x] Ibid.

[xi] ‘Urgent Action: Fear for Strikers’ Wellbeing’.

[xii] Cumhuriyet (2017) ‘Criminal Record of Gülmen and Özakça, Declared ‘Terrorists’ by Minister Soylu’. Available online from: https://www.cumhuriyet.com.tr/haber/bakan-soylunun-terorist-ilan-ettigi-gulmen-ve-ozakcanin-adli-sicil-kaydi-748105 [Accessed on 08/03/2022]; see also NTV (2017) ‘Statements by Minister Soylu about Semih Özakça and Nuriye Gülmen’. Available online from: https://www.ntv.com.tr/turkiye/bakan-soyludan-aclik-grevi-yapan-nuriye-gulmenle-ilgili-aciklamalar,Jg2i0I634EyPWqK_cXdIbg [Accessed on 08/03/2022]; see also Milliyet (2017) ‘The Unending Scenario of a Terrorist Organisation: “The Truth of Nuriye Gülmen and Semih Özakça”’. Available online from: https://web.archive.org/web/20170813220846/http://www.milliyet.com.tr/bir-teror-orgutunun-bitmeyen-senaryosu-ankara-yerelhaber-2179760/ [Accessed on 08/03/2022].

[xiii] ‘Urgent Action: Fear for Strikers’ Wellbeing’; see also ‘In Turkey, Hope for ‘Justice is Fading Away Just like My Muscles’.

[xiv] ‘In Turkey, Hope for ‘Justice is Fading Away Just like My Muscles’.

[xv] Armutcu, O. (2017) ‘The Constitutional Court Rejected the Appeal Against the Detention of Nuriye Gülmen and Semih Özakça’ Hurriyet. Available online from: https://www.hurriyet.com.tr/gundem/anayasa-mahkemesi-nuriye-gulmen-ve-semih-ozakcanin-tutukluluguna-yapilan-itirazi-reddetti-40503721 [Accessed on 08/03/2022]; see also Cakir, A. (2017) ‘ECHR Rejects Semih Özakça and Nuriye Gülmen’s Application’. Voice of America. Available online from: https://www.amerikaninsesi.com/a/aihm-semih-ozakca-ve-nuriye-gulmen-in-basvurusunu-reddetti/3969669.html [Accessed on 08/03/2022].

[xvi] Bianet (2017) ‘Nuriye Gülmen Released’. Available online from: https://bianet.org/english/human-rights/192100-nuriye-gulmen-released [Accessed on 08/03/2022].

[xvii] ‘Two Turkish Teachers End Almost 11-Month Hunger Strike’.

[xviii] Ibid.

[xix] Duvar English (2020) ‘Dismissed Turkish Academic, Known for Hunger Strike, Arrested Again’. Available online from: https://www.duvarenglish.com/human-rights/2020/08/11/dismissed-turkish-academic-known-for-hunger-strike-arrested-again [Accessed on 08/03/2022].

[xx] Yeni Bir Mecra (2020) ‘Critical Decisions in Eğitim-Sen: Nuriye Gülmen was Expelled’. Available online from: https://yeni1mecra.com/egitim-sende-kritik-kararlar-nuriye-gulmen-ihrac-edildi/ [Accessed on 08/03/2022].

[xi] Duvar English (2021) ‘Turkey’s Top Court Rules Dismissed Educators’ Rights Not Violated’. Available online from: https://www.duvarenglish.com/turkeys-top-court-rules-rights-of-dismissed-educators-nuriye-gulmen-and-semih-ozakca-not-violated-news-59436 [Accessed on 08/03/2022].

[xii] Ibid.

Erdogan Fetullah Gulen freedom of expression human rights violations Hunger strike Nuriye Gülmen Turkey Violations of civil and political rights

Nuriye Gülmen: een zesjarige strijd tegen systematisch misbruik

Bijna zes jaar geleden werd Turkije opgeschrikt door de vermeende poging tot staatsgreep op 15 juli 2016. Een dag na de poging stelde de Turkse regering snel de noodtoestand in en nam ze nooduitvoeringsdecreten nrs. 667-676 aan die voornamelijk gecensureerde media en journalisten, ,[i] maar breidde het bereik vervolgens uit tot duizenden ambtenaren, politieagenten, strijdkrachten, universiteitsprofessoren en personeel met naam in de bijlagen van decreet 679 op 6 januari 2017. [ii] Dit resulteerde in een totaal van meer dan 150.000 mensen die hun baan verliezen, toegang tot sociale diensten, hun bewegingsvrijheid wordt beperkt, hun leven bezoedeld door de beschuldiging van de regering dat ze betrokken waren bij de staatsgreep die zou zijn veroorzaakt door Fetullah Gülen, een Turkse geleerde-geestelijke die in zelfballingschap heeft geleefd in de VS sinds 1999 en die de aanklacht uit Ankara hardnekkig heeft ontkend.^[iii]

Een van die personen die getroffen is in de nasleep van deze gebeurtenissen is Nuriye Gülmen, een voormalige Turkse professor in vergelijkende literatuurwetenschap aan de Selçuk Universiteit in 2012 en die, voorafgaand aan de poging tot staatsgreep, werd aangesteld als onderzoeksassistent aan de Eskişehir Osmangazi Universiteit in 2015.^[iv] Gülmen is niet alleen een academicus, maar heeft ook een geschiedenis van activisme en juridische strijd tegen het misbruik van instellingen in Turkije als gevolg van een politieke rechtszaak na haar benoeming en zag haar 109 dagen vastzitten, waardoor haar studies vertraging opliepen en ze opnieuw werd opgenomen in Eskişehir.^[v] De dag dat ze weer in haar onderzoekspositie werd benoemd, was de dag van de poging tot staatsgreep, wat leidde tot haar schorsing uit Eskişehir de volgende dag. Dit was te wijten aan de nieuwe decreten waarin haar werd beschuldigd, zoals duizenden met haar, van lidmaatschap van FETO, de zogenaamde organisatie van aanhangers van de verbannen Gülen die Erdogan en zijn regering ervan beschuldigden een terroristische organisatie te zijn. Dit leidde tot de volgende fase van haar activistische geschiedenis en sinds 9 november 2016, waarin ze had geprotesteerd tegen haar schorsing, eventueel ontslag, en hardnekkig elke dag vroeg om haar baan bij Eskişehir voor het Mensenrechtenmonument in Yüksel Street, Ankara, waar de Raad voor Hoger Onderwijs is gevestigd en die aan haar eisen moet voldoen. [vi] Gülmen legt uit dat dit een ‘revolutionaire traditie’ is die vastbesloten is aandacht te trekken en te krijgen wat je wilt, waarbij in dit geval wordt geëist een einde te maken aan de noodtoestand, zodat de revolutionaire democratische ambtenaren die werden ontslagen en ontslagen weer aan het werk konden gaan. zekerheid voor de 13.000 OYP-onderzoeksassistenten en het vragen van werkzekerheid voor alle onderwijs- en wetenschapswerkers. [vi] Gülmen begon haar protest grotendeels alleen, ze werd in totaal 26 keer gearresteerd, wat kan worden toegeschreven aan de toenemende aandacht van buitenlandse en binnenlandse toeschouwers die haar acties observeren, haar ervaring lezen op haar online WordPress-blog en uiteindelijk door CNN worden genoemd als een van de acht uitmuntende vrouwen van 2016 op haar 50e dag van protest. [viii]

Deze aandacht werd aanzienlijk vergroot na het decreet van 6 januari 2017 toen Gülmen werd ontslagen uit Eskişehir, wat ertoe leidde dat ze haar strategie naar een volgende versnelling verlegde door op 9 maart 2017 in hongerstaking te gaan. onderwijzer Semih Özakça, de vrouwen hebben de weerslag van de nooddecreten meegemaakt. [ix] De grondgedachte achter de staking was dat verbale protesten de norm zijn in de activistische toolkit, die vaker wel dan niet genoeg aandacht van de autoriteiten krijgt, maar een hongerstaking is een krachtige actie die actoren die zich ermee bezighouden, plaatst met de ernstige gezondheidsproblemen. risico’s die op het spel staan, vergelijkbaar met wat Gülmen uitlegt als ‘noodzakelijk om het verzet naar een hoger niveau te tillen’ en ‘ze echt onder druk te zetten om actie te ondernemen’.[x] Als reactie op de hongerstaking werd op 2 mei 2017 een aanklacht ingediend bij het 19e zware strafhof in Ankara, waarbij zowel Gülmen als Özakça werden beschuldigd van lidmaatschap van en betrokkenheid bij de illegale activiteiten van het Revolutionaire Volksbevrijdingspartijfront (DHKP-C), wat op zijn beurt leidde tot hun detentie op 23 mei 2017 in de Sincan-gevangenis in Ankara. [xi] De rechtbank vond het paar schuldig omdat ‘als ze niet werden teruggezonden, ze de rechtsgang zouden schaden’, een regel die lijkt tegenstrijdig gezien het gebrek aan bewijs in de ingediende aanklachten en wanneer beide docenten waakzaam blijven in het ontkennen van enige betrokkenheid bij DHKP-C tot het punt dat hun advocaat zelfs hun strafblad openbaar maakte als bewijs dat een dergelijke betrokkenheid niet bestaat en de inspanningen van de minister van Justitie tegengingen Binnenlandse Zaken Suleyman Soylu en het onderzoeks- en studiecentrum van zijn ministerie om te proberen de beschuldigingen te staven. [xii]

Er werd gevreesd dat beide leraren zouden worden geconfronteerd met verdere mensenrechtenschendingen, aangezien gevangenisbewakers en artsen wettelijk mogen ingrijpen en een hongerstaking beëindigen zonder de toestemming van de leraren. Ze kunnen ook ingrijpen wanneer ze bewusteloos zijn, zoals vermeld in artikel 82 van de wet op de tenuitvoerlegging van vonnis nr. 5275, wat als gevolg daarvan de vrijheid van meningsuiting zou schenden en waarschijnlijk zal leiden tot bij wrede, onmenselijke of onterende behandeling of bestraffing.[xiii] Tijdens een bezoek van de voorzitter van de Orde van Advocaten van Ankara, Hakan Canduran, en enkele van zijn collega’s, uitte Gülmen de benarde situatie waarin zij en Özakça zich bevinden, en vertelde Canduran dat ze ziet ‘het recht vervaagt net als [haar] spieren’ terwijl ze niet in staat is haar nek zonder hulp omhoog te houden, haar armen te bewegen of een pen vast te houden. Op zijn beurt zagen we Canduran de regering oproepen om een einde te maken aan de hongerstaking door middel van maatschappelijke verzoening en te onderhandelen met degenen die onterecht zijn getroffen door de nooddecreten.[xiv] Medio 2017 diende het duo bij het Grondwettelijk Hof en ook bij het Europees Hof voor de Rechten van de Mens een verzoek in om een einde te maken aan hun detentie omdat hun hongerstaking tegen die tijd duidelijke gezondheidsrisico’s met zich meebracht, maar beide rechtbanken wezen hun verzoek af omdat deze risico’s niet levensbedreigend waren en de juiste medische maatregelen waren getroffen om hen bij te staan als dat het geval zou zijn. [xv]

De gezondheid van Gülmen werd uiteindelijk ernstig en tegen 26 september 2017 had ze haar overplaatsing naar een gevangenencel in het Numune-ziekenhuis gerechtvaardigd. Ze werd vervolgens op 1 december uit haar detentie vrijgelaten, toen het 19e zware strafhof haar veroordeelde tot 6 jaar en 3 maanden gevangenisstraf, maar haar vrijlating onder gerechtelijk toezicht mogelijk maakte. [xvi] Ondanks hun vrijlating bleven Gülmen en Özakça protesteren voor het Mensenrechtenmonument, maar moesten uiteindelijk hun hongerstaking beëindigen op 26 januari 2018, na de afwijzing van een regeringscommissie die was aangetikt om hun zaken te beoordelen, en in plaats daarvan probeerden hun inspanningen in de toekomst te concentreren op het binnenlandse rechtssysteem, waarbij ze benadrukten dat hun verzet niet was geëindigd en zou voortduren.[xvii] Na 324 dagen in hongerstaking te zijn gegaan, had Gülmen een aanzienlijk deel van haar oorspronkelijke gewicht verloren, van 59 kilogram naar 33,8 kilogram, wat aantoont hoe serieus haar inspanningen waren om haar baan te behouden en haar rechten te respecteren.[xviii]

De volgende keer dat Gülmen in de schijnwerpers stond, was toen ze op 11 augustus 2020 opnieuw werd gearresteerd tijdens een politie-inval in het Idil Culture Centre in Istanbul op 5 augustus, een centrum dat wordt gerund door de linkse folkband Grup Yurum, waarvan de redenen onverklaard blijven.[xix] Later dat jaar werden Gülmen en andere collega’s van haar uit de Education and Science Workers’ Union (Eğitim-Sen) gezet vanwege hun imago als ‘Yüksel Resistanceists’ of verzetsstrijders in de publieke belangstelling. [xx] De laatste ontwikkeling was zo recent als 4 november 2021, toen het paar een klacht indiende bij het Grondwettelijk Hof, dat later hun beweringen verwierp dat de aanklacht van 2 mei 2017 hetzelfde bewijs gebruikte als een eerder onderzoek op 14 maart 2017, wat leidde tot tot hun arrestatie, maar werd vervolgens ontslagen en werden vrijgelaten onder gerechtelijk toezicht, wat aangeeft dat de aanklacht en detentie op 2 mei 2017 hun recht op vrijheid en veiligheid schonden, verder stellend dat de gerechtelijke autoriteiten die over de zaak beslisten, onpartijdig of onafhankelijk waren .[xxi] Het Hof verwierp hun zaak omdat de beweringen van Gülmen en Özakça geen concreet bewijs bevatten, dat hun geschonden rechten onaanvaardbaar waren om naar voren te brengen en dat ze niet alle binnenlandse middelen hadden uitgeput voordat ze hun vorderingen indienden.[xxii]

Wat duidelijk blijkt uit het gedurfde activisme van Nuriye Gülmen, is dat de regering van Turkije sinds 2016 honderdduizenden individuen onterecht heeft aangevallen op basis van argumenten die geen steek houden, en degenen die het meest getroffen zijn en besluiten zich te verzetten tegen de regeringsbesluiten. acties zullen te maken krijgen met aanzienlijke repressie door middel van detentie en juridische intimidatie. Broken Chalk roept de Turkse regering en de juiste autoriteiten op om haar acties ernstig te heroverwegen, waardoor duizenden mensen geen werkzekerheid meer hebben of de mogelijkheid hebben om het land te verlaten en werk te zoeken in het buitenland. Broken Chalk roept in het bijzonder op tot het herstel van onder meer Nuriye Gülmen en Semih Özakça, in hun respectievelijke banen op het gebied van onderwijs, en hun verwijdering heeft de toegang en kwaliteit van het onderwijs in Turkije zeker verminderd.

Door Karl Baldacchino

Edited by Erika Grimes

Vertaald door Karl Baldacchino uit Nuriye Gülmen: A Six-Year Struggle Against Systematic Abuses

Sources:

[i] Grabenwarter, C. et al. (2017) ‘Draft Opinion on the Measures Provided in the Recent Emergency Decree Laws with Respect to Freedom of the Media’. European Commission for Democracy Through Law (Venice Commission). Available online from: https://www.venice.coe.int/webforms/documents/default.aspx?pdffile=CDL(2017)006-e [Accessed on 08/03/2022], pp. 3-4.

[ii] Decree-Law No. 679 (6^th January 2017) ‘Measures Regarding Public Personnel’. Available online from: https://insanhaklarimerkezi.bilgi.edu.tr/media/uploads/2017/02/09/KHK_679_ENG.pdf [Accessed 08/03/2022], p. 1.

[iii] Jones, T. (2018) ‘Two Turkish Teachers End Almost 11-Month Hunger Strike’. DW. Available online from: https://www.dw.com/en/two-turkish-teachers-end-almost-11-month-hunger-strike/a-42318478 [Accessed 08/03/2022]; Işık, A. (2017) ‘In Turkey, Hope for ‘Justice is Fading Away Just like my Muscles’’. DW. Available online from: https://www.dw.com/en/in-turkey-hope-for-justice-is-fading-away-just-like-my-muscles/a-39482207 [Accessed 08/03/2022].

[iv] Halavut, H. (2017) ‘Interview with Nuriye Gülmen: ‘I Have More Hope Today Than I Did on the First Day’’. 5 Harliler. Available online from: https://www.5harfliler.com/interview-with-nuriye-gulmen/ [Accessed on 08/03/2022].

[v] Ibid.

[vi] Ibid.

[vii] Ibid.; see also Gülmen, N. (2016) ‘DİRENİŞİN TALEPLERi’. Available online from: https://nuriyegulmendireniyor.wordpress.com/2016/11/08/basin-aciklamasina-cagri/ [Accessed on 08/03/2022]; see also Wikipedia (2022) ‘Nuriye Gülmen’. Available online from: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nuriye_G%C3%BClmen#cite_note-18 [Accessed 08/03/2022].

[viii] Ibid.

[ix] Ibid.; see also Amnesty International (2017) ‘Urgent Action: Fear for Hunger Strikers’ Wellbeing’. Available online from: https://www.amnesty.org/en/wp-content/uploads/2021/05/EUR4463402017ENGLISH.pdf [Accessed on 08/03/2022].

[x] Ibid.

[xi] ‘Urgent Action: Fear for Strikers’ Wellbeing’.

[xii] Cumhuriyet (2017) ‘Criminal Record of Gülmen and Özakça, Declared ‘Terrorists’ by Minister Soylu’. Available online from: https://www.cumhuriyet.com.tr/haber/bakan-soylunun-terorist-ilan-ettigi-gulmen-ve-ozakcanin-adli-sicil-kaydi-748105 [Accessed on 08/03/2022]; see also NTV (2017) ‘Statements by Minister Soylu about Semih Özakça and Nuriye Gülmen’. Available online from: https://www.ntv.com.tr/turkiye/bakan-soyludan-aclik-grevi-yapan-nuriye-gulmenle-ilgili-aciklamalar,Jg2i0I634EyPWqK_cXdIbg [Accessed on 08/03/2022]; see also Milliyet (2017) ‘The Unending Scenario of a Terrorist Organisation: “The Truth of Nuriye Gülmen and Semih Özakça”’. Available online from: https://web.archive.org/web/20170813220846/http://www.milliyet.com.tr/bir-teror-orgutunun-bitmeyen-senaryosu-ankara-yerelhaber-2179760/ [Accessed on 08/03/2022].

[xiii] ‘Urgent Action: Fear for Strikers’ Wellbeing’; see also ‘In Turkey, Hope for ‘Justice is Fading Away Just like My Muscles’.

[xiv] ‘In Turkey, Hope for ‘Justice is Fading Away Just like My Muscles’.

[xv] Armutcu, O. (2017) ‘The Constitutional Court Rejected the Appeal Against the Detention of Nuriye Gülmen and Semih Özakça’ Hurriyet. Available online from: https://www.hurriyet.com.tr/gundem/anayasa-mahkemesi-nuriye-gulmen-ve-semih-ozakcanin-tutukluluguna-yapilan-itirazi-reddetti-40503721 [Accessed on 08/03/2022]; see also Cakir, A. (2017) ‘ECHR Rejects Semih Özakça and Nuriye Gülmen’s Application’. Voice of America. Available online from: https://www.amerikaninsesi.com/a/aihm-semih-ozakca-ve-nuriye-gulmen-in-basvurusunu-reddetti/3969669.html [Accessed on 08/03/2022].

[xvi] Bianet (2017) ‘Nuriye Gülmen Released’. Available online from: https://bianet.org/english/human-rights/192100-nuriye-gulmen-released [Accessed on 08/03/2022].

[xvii] ‘Two Turkish Teachers End Almost 11-Month Hunger Strike’.

[xviii] Ibid.

[xix] Duvar English (2020) ‘Dismissed Turkish Academic, Known for Hunger Strike, Arrested Again’. Available online from: https://www.duvarenglish.com/human-rights/2020/08/11/dismissed-turkish-academic-known-for-hunger-strike-arrested-again [Accessed on 08/03/2022].

[xx] Yeni Bir Mecra (2020) ‘Critical Decisions in Eğitim-Sen: Nuriye Gülmen was Expelled’. Available online from: https://yeni1mecra.com/egitim-sende-kritik-kararlar-nuriye-gulmen-ihrac-edildi/ [Accessed on 08/03/2022].

[xxi] Duvar English (2021) ‘Turkey’s Top Court Rules Dismissed Educators’ Rights Not Violated’. Available online from: https://www.duvarenglish.com/turkeys-top-court-rules-rights-of-dismissed-educators-nuriye-gulmen-and-semih-ozakca-not-violated-news-59436 [Accessed on 08/03/2022].

[xxii] Ibid.

Erdogan Fetullah Gulen freedom of expression human rights violations Hunger strike Nuriye Gülmen Turkey Violations of civil and political rights

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