Seven Turkish Citizens Abducted in Kenya Press RELEASE

Panashe Mlambo and The Journalism Department.

Broken Chalk is deeply concerned about the proposed amendments to the Iraqi Personal Status Law No. 188 of 1959 and appeals to the government to safeguard the interests of children. If enacted, these amendments would pose a significant threat to the rights of women and children in Iraq.The proposed changes aim to reinstate religious laws over the current constitutional laws that govern Iraq. A particularly alarming aspect of this proposal is that it would allow for the legal marriage of girls to be 9 years and boys 15 years. Currently, Iraqi law prohibits marriage under the age of 18, ensuring a level of protection for children.The enactment of this proposal would have far-reaching consequences, not only economically and politically but also in terms of education. Every child has the right to education and to be treated as a child. As a signatory to the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child, Iraq is obligated to protect the interests of its children. This proposal represents a serious deviation from Iraq’s commitments under the UN Convention and would likely result in grave human rights violations.Research has consistently shown that child marriages reduce educational opportunities, increase school dropout rates, and restrict the freedom of children. Moreover, this law would likely exacerbate gender-based violence and further diminish accountability for perpetrators who target children.Broken Chalk strongly urges the Iraqi government to safeguard the interests of children and to protect their childhood and freedom by rejecting this harmful proposal.

Seven-Turkish-Citizens-Abducted-in-Kenya-Press-RELEASE

Teacher Yüksel Yalçınkaya v. Türkiye

ECHR courtroom - Copyright AP Photo Euronews.com

By Maria Popova

In a significant judgement on the 26th of September, the Grand Chamber of the European Court of Human Rights held that Türkiye has to address a systematic problem of terrorism convictions decisively based on using a messaging application by the accused. The Court held that there had been a violation of Article 7 ECHR (no punishment without law), Article 6(1) ECHR (right to a fair trial) and Article 11 (freedom of assembly and association).

Facts of the case

The case had to deal with the conviction of a former teacher, Yüksel Yalçınkaya, who was assumed to have participated in an armed terrorist organisation called the “FETÖ/PDY” formerly known as the “Gülen movement” and considered by the Turkish authorities to be behind the attempted coup d’état of 15 July 2016.

The teacher was arrested in 2016 on suspicion of membership in a terrorist organisation. He was put in pre-trial detention and received his bill of indictment in 2017. According to the authorities, the accusation and the following arrest were based on the following evidence: suspicious banking activity, membership of a trade union, which allegedly had a terrorist link and the use of a mobile application called ByLock, which had reportedly been used for communication purposes by the members of the terrorist organisation.

Following his trial, Mr. Yalçınkaya was sentenced to six years and three months in prison. A decision later upheld by the Court of Appeal in Ankara and the Cassation Court. The decisive evidence in the case was using the mobile application, which was considered exclusively employed by the “FETÖ/PDY”. The Bank Asya account and the participation in the trade union served as supportive evidence due to their affiliation with the terrorist organisation.

Applicant’s submission before the Court of Human Rights

Following his conviction, Mr Yalçınkaya lodged an application with the European Court of Human Rights in 2020 due to alleged violations of his rights under the European Convention on Human Rights.

He relied on Article 6(1) ECHR, which stipulates the right to a fair trial. According to the applicant, there were irregularities regarding the collection and the admissibility of the evidence regarding the ByLock application. Furthermore, according to the applicant, there were difficulties in challenging said evidence, which is an essential procedure constituting a fair trial.

Mr Yalçınkaya also alleged a violation of Article 7 (stipulating that there shouldn’t be a punishment if the act or the omission were not categorised as a crime at the time of committing) and 11 ECHR (stipulating the freedom of assembly and association) because his conviction was based on acts which did not constitute a crime under Turkish law—mainly, the participation in a trade union and the possession of a bank account.

Government’s submission

The Turkish Government argued that a state of emergency justified all measures taken following an attempted military coup. Therefore, according to its representatives, Türkiye has not violated any applicant’s rights under the ECHR. The Government used in its defence article 15 ECHR, which stipulates that in the case of any nation-threatening emergency, the country might derogate from its obligations under the Convention.

Judgement of the Court

Regarding the defence put forward by the Turkish Government regarding Article 15 ECHR, the Court of Human Rights has decided that Article 15 does not allow for a derogation from Article 7 ECHR. Therefore, it will be considered only about the other articles mentioned in the case.

Regarding the violation of Article 7 ECHR, the Court established that it prescribes that only an existing legal provision can define a criminal act and lay out a penalty. Such a law should not be enacted to the detriment of the accused. The Court agreed that article 314(2) of the Turkish Criminal Code and the provisions of the Prevention of Terrorism Act, which constitute the legal framework under which Mr Yalçınkaya was convicted in Türkiye are clear and well-defined enough for the applicant to understand whether he has committed a criminal offence.

Under Turkish legislation, for the convicted to be liable for participation in a terrorist organisation, there has to be proof of his specific knowledge and intent to be a member of the terrorist group. For example, there had to be an “organic link” with the organisation; that link should be continuous, and they must be well aware that the group’s activities are illegal and the person must possess a specific intent to further such unlawful activities. There should also be proof that the accused willingly participated in the organisation’s hierarchical structure. It is not enough that the law was well defined. The law had to be applied precisely, following all of its requirements regarding a conviction. Something the Turkish authorities failed to do.

The ECtHR held that the Turkish authorities failed to prove every requirement of the law but instead automatically presumed that Mr Yalçınkaya was a member of the “FETÖ/PDY” solely because he was using the app ByLock. That assumption was made irrespective of the nature of his messages or the receivers of his messages. The applicant had no opportunity to defend himself nor challenge such presumptions and allegations. Therefore, his rights under Article 7 ECHR were violated as the article aims to ensure safeguards against arbitrary convictions.

The Court also sided with the applicant regarding the violation of Article 6 ECHR, or the right to a fair trial. The Court held that for Article 6 to be ensured correctly, evidence in a problem had to be collected fairly and legally, and the accused should be able to challenge and review the evidence against him. Those are some of the factors required for a fair trial to be ensured.

In this case, the Turkish courts had failed to ensure the safeguards prescribed by Article 6(1) ECHR. Firstly, there was no valid reason why the ByLock data was kept from the applicant, nor why the applicant was not allowed to comment on the evidence against him, which would have also allowed him to challenge its validity. The Courts have also denied the applicants’ request that the ByLock data be submitted to an independent examination to ensure its validity. The disregard for such safeguards constitutes a violation of Article 6 ECHR.

Regarding Article 11 ECHR, the Court held that the applicant’s conviction of membership in a terrorist organisation based on his participation in a trade union constitutes a violation of his rights. The mere participation in a trade union that has operated lawfully before the coup cannot be foreseen as an indication of criminal conduct.

According to the court

There are currently approximately 8,500 applications on the Court’s docket involving similar complaints under Articles 7 and 6 of the Convention, and given that the authorities had identified around 100,000 ByLock users, many more might potentially be lodged. The problems which had led to findings of violations were systemic. Under Article 46 (binding force and implementation of judgments), the Court held that Türkiye had to take general measures appropriate to address those systemic problems, notably regarding the Turkish judiciary’s approach to Bylock evidence.

Following the decision

The Court’s judgement received criticism from the Turkish Minister of Justice Yılmaz Tunç, who described it as unacceptable due to the ECtHR “overstepping its jurisdiction” by examining the credibility or lack of evidence used in the national trial. On the contrary, the applicant’s lawyer, Johan Heymans, characterised the judgement as a “milestone” and stated his belief that the decision of the Court would set an important precedent for similar Turkish cases.

Sources:
YÜKSEL YALÇINKAYA v TÜRKİYE App no 15669/20 (ECtHR, 26 September 2023)

European Court of Human Rights, ‘Türkiye must address systemic problem of convictions for terrorism offences based decisively on accused’s use of the ByLock messaging application’ (Press Release issued by the Registrar of the Court, 26.09.2023) accessed 17 September 2023

<https://hudoc.echr.coe.int/app/conversion/pdf/?library=ECHR&id=003-7756172-10739780&filename=Grand%20Chamber%20judgment%20Y%C3%BCksel%20Yal%C3%A7inkaya%20v.%20T%C3%BCrkiye%20-%20systemic%20problem%20of%20convictions%20for%20terrorism%20offences%20based%20on%20use%20of%20ByLock%20messaging%20application.pdf

‘Conviction based on app use violated Turkish teacher’s rights, European court rules’ (Euronews, 26 September 2023) <https://www.euronews.com/2023/09/26/conviction-based-on-app-use-violated-turkish-teachers-rights-european-court-rules> accessed 17 September 2023

Summary on the 2022 EU Enlargement Package regarding Turkey

In 2018, negotiations regarding Turkey’s accession the European Union (EU) came to a standstill as no further chapters could have been discussed for the foreseeable future. However, both parties maintained an amicable relationship, working toward a future where they could collaborate on common interests. In March of 2021, the European Commission expressed its readiness to cooperate with Turkey on joint areas such as counterterrorism, food security, migration trade and energy. To date, Turkey remains a key partner of the EU in its facilitated dialogue between Russia and Ukraine in the agreement on the export of grains. However, tension in the Eastern Mediterranean remains high with the EU urging Turkey to encourage stability within the region.

This summary discusses the 2022 EU Enlargement policy report as communicated by the European Commission in its 2022 Enlargement package. The report tackles multiple areas in which the EU has expressed concern such as fundamental freedoms and democracy in Turkey. The summary will also relay the report’s findings when it comes to education, culture and employment policies. All of which reflect on Turkey’s accession to the EU.

  1. Fundamental Rights

Freedom of expression and association

Of the most crucial rights that spark controversy in Turkey, freedom of expression has been under scrutiny by the government of Turkey which did not go unnoticed. The 2022 Turkey report states that currently Turkey is in the early stages of taking a European-based human right approach when it comes to the dissemination of opposition voices and freedom of expression. Many instances regarding criminal cases and convictions of journalists, students, lawyers and human rights defenders continue in the country.

For instance, the legislative environment regarding the internet, anti-terrorism and the Criminal Code limit the exercise of freedom of expression. There have been reports of selective and arbitrary application of legislation raise concerns regarding the rule of law and the right to a fair trial. The Council of Europe Committee of Ministers strongly urged the Turkish authorities to consider changes to the Criminal Code as many cases related to freedom of expression have been lodged to the European Court of Human Rights.

As for freedom of assembly and association, the report states that there had been some serious backsliding by the Turkish government as implementation and legislation are not in line with the Turkish constitution, European standards or the international conventions which Turkey is party to. Many human rights defenders have been detained or arrested due to their exercise of their freedom of association. This included prominent non-governmental organisations such as Human Rights Association which were subjected to police raids.

Women’s and Children’s rights

It had been evident that the regression concerning the right of women and girls in Turkey has had tangible effects in the country. The presidential decision to withdraw from the Council of Europe Convention on Preventing and Combating Violence Against Women and Domestic Violence had been met with serious backlash from the public. Turkey is in the process of implementing The Fourth National Action Plan for Combating Violence against Women (2021-2025) yet, there had been 339 killing of women in 2021 alone. Turkey lacks a robust system for data collection to assess the nature of this issue. There are numerous concerns regarding women’s right as hate speech increased against independent women organizations and women’s participation in politics and decision making is low.  On the other hand, some penalties were increased for violence against women who are or were the spouse of the perpetrator in July 2021.

In the area of the rights of the child, Turkey needs to improve its juvenile justice system. There has been reports of continuous juvenile arrests on charges of membership to terrorist organizations and often, detained in non-juvenile institutions. Turkey had shown limited progress in tackling and reducing core issues related to child marriages and gender-based violence against children. Additionally, the effects of COVID-19 have been tangible when it came to the decreased education of the Roma children.

Rights of persons with disabilities

Turkey has started its National Action Plan on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities which will be its implementation tool for its 2030 Barrier Free Vision Document. Turkey needs an independent implementation and monitoring framework as required by the UN Conventions on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities. This is also true for mental health and Turkey does not have a concrete foundation for mental health monitoring and implementation in the country. Moreover, community-based care services, including foster care and adoption, need to be expanded for minors with disabilities who are in need of state protection.

  1. Education and culture

In Early Childhood Education (ECE) in Turkey, the net enrolment rate (NER) for preschool education largely decreased from 71.22 % in 2019-2020 to 56.89 % in 2020-2021 and the combined NER for Turkish children between 3 and 5 years old decreased from 41.78 % to 28.35 %. It is important to note that as the country’s efforts to improve accessibility to persons with disabilities, the number of students in special education increased from 425 774 in 2020 to 425 816 in 2021. For persons with special needs, Turkey continued to invest towards inclusive education instead of segregated settings, yet the school closures due to COVID-19 have affected the access of such students to education. It is worth to note that Turkey is in an advanced stage in implementing the Bologna measures despite the disparity in quality of education between Turkey’s 207 higher education institutions.

In 2022, Turkey had declared the year as the Year of Youth Participation. Turkey also participates in the European Year of the Youth. Turkish youth organisations showed high levels of interest in the Erasmus+ and European Solidarity Corps programmes, which continue to be major sources of funding for international youth exchange activities in Turkey.

In the post-pandemic era, Turkey’s cultural sector suffered from inadequate and unsustainable funding. Non-governmental cultural actors were hindered by the insufficient cultural infrastructure, lack of professionalism and limited management capacities. Also, the number of books obtaining the warning “harmful for minors/ +18” has increased. Six publications were declared “obscene” in 2021. The books were focused on gender-based rights, gender identity or included LGBTQI characters, and such measures pose a threat to freedom of publication.

 

  1. Social policy and employment

The labour market situation in Turkey has slightly improved. The employment rate (15+) increased to 45.2 % in 2021 from 42.7 % in 2020. The rate increased for men to 62.8 % from 59.4 %, for women to 28 % from 26.2 %. Unemployment rate (15+) decreased from 13.1 % to 12 % in 2021. The unemployment rate for women remained almost at the same level with 14.7 %. The youth unemployment rate (15-24) decreased from 24.9 % in 2020 to 22.6 % in 2021. The rate of young people neither in employment nor in education or training (NEET) aged 15-24 decreased from 28.4 % in 2020 to 24.7 % in 2021; however for women, the rate is still quite high at 32.4 %. Turkey adopted its first National Youth Employment Strategy and Action Plan (2021-2023) in October 2021.

In the area of social inclusion and social protection, Turkey still requires a policy framework for poverty reduction. The accelerating inflation levels pose risks for vulnerable segments of the population. It is worth to note that social assistance payments amounted to TRY 97.8 billion or 1.74% of the GDP. Furthermore, Turkey needs a solid strategy and action plan for non-discrimination in employment and social policy. Discrimination on the grounds of sexual orientation and gender identity is not prohibited by law. The role of Human Rights and Equality Institution (HREI) and the Ombudsman remained limited in combating discrimination in employment. Employment of persons with disabilities in the private sector is reported to be challenging, partly due to limited physical accessibility, prejudices and skills mismatch. Efforts are needed to prevent discrimination for LGBTIQ in employment and social policy.

In employment and social policy, the gender gap in the labour market has remained high. Legislation needs to be improved for a better work-life balance. To achieve this, half-time work allowances were paid to 4,841 beneficiaries in 2021. The employment rate for women (18-64 age group) in case there are children in the household remained below the EU average. Women’s employment is hindered due to insufficient access to quality and affordable formal care services and the gender bias in caring responsibilities and discriminatory stereotypes. Some programmes supporting employment of mothers with children were terminated by the end of 2021.

In conclusion, Turkey lacks concrete implementation of polices regarding its fundamental rights such the freedom of speech and association. The situation concerning social policy, discrimination and the juvenile justice system need to have proper monitoring framework. There was some progress in terms early education and youth participation in the EU programmes. Still, Turkey needs to align its goals with its intent to accede the European Union.

Written by Ruwaifa Al-Riyami

Image Source : https://www.realinstitutoelcano.org/en/work-document/turkeys-10-years-of-eu-accession-negotiations-no-end-in-sight/

Source:

European Commission, (2022). Türkiye 2022 Report: 2022 Communication on EU Enlargement Policy. European Commission. https://neighbourhood-enlargement.ec.europa.eu/system/files/2022-10/T%C3%BCrkiye%20Report%202022.pdf

Türkiye Cumhurbaşkanı Recep Tayyip Erdoğan Arnavutluk’u Ziyaret Etti: Kardeşlik Mi Stratejik Araç Mı?

17 Ocak 2022’de Türkiye Cumhurbaşkanı Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, 2019 depreminden etkilenen aileleri barındırmak için Türk hükümetinin fonlarıyla Lac’ta inşa edilen apartman kompleksi başta olmak üzere altyapı çalışmalarının açılışını içeren bir gündem iddiasıyla Arnavutluk’u ziyaret etti. Arnavutluk’u vuran deprem, 51 kişinin ölümüne, 1000’den fazla kişinin yaralanmasına ve 17.000 kişinin yerinden edilmesine neden olmuştu. Türkiye tarafından finanse edilen çalışmalar arasında 2 okul ve “şükran ifadesi olarak” “Recep Tayyip Erdoğan” adı verilen bir meydanın restorasyonu yer aldı. Türkiye Cumhurbaşkanı’na “Fahri Vatandaş” unvanı verildi.

Ayrıca, Türkiye Cumhurbaşkanı, Arnavutluk’ta Osmanlı Dönemi’nin değerli ve eşsiz bir anıtı olan ve TİKA (Türk İşbirliği ve Koordinasyon Ajansı) tarafından restore edilen Tiran’ın merkezindeki Ethem Bey Camii’nin açılışını yaptı.

Plan, yedi işbirliği anlaşması imzalanarak nihai hale getirilen ikili ilişkilerin güçlendirilmesini içeriyordu. Görüşmede, Türkiye Cumhurbaşkanı Erdoğan ve Başbakan Edi Rama, başta ekonomi, kültür, yasal süreç vb. alanlarda olmak üzere iki ülke arasındaki yakın işbirliğine övgüde bulundu. Arnavutluk’ta Dış Ticaret konulu son rapora göre Türkiye, İtalya’dan sonra ikinci sırada yer almıştı. Bu durum Türkiye’yi önemli bir stratejik ortak haline getiriyor.

Toplantının ‘ülkeler arası kardeşlik’ açısından ele alındığını belirtmekte fayda var. Erdogan “Vurgulamak istediğim ilke, kardeşliğin göstergesi çağrıldığında değil, kardeş ihtiyaç duyduğunda gelinmesi inancıdır. Bu nedenle yanınızda olmaya devam edeceğiz” dedi.

 

AMA BU KARDEŞLİK KOŞULSUZ MU GELİYOR?

Görüşmenin devamını ve bizzat Cumhurbaşkanı’nın sözlerine bakacak olursak: “FETÖ’nün hala Arnavutluk’ta faaliyet gösterebilmesi milletimize derinden zarar vermektedir. Önümüzdeki dönemde en samimi beklentimiz, Arnavutluk’taki FETÖ yapılanmalarına karşı daha somut, ısrarlı ve hızlı adımlar atılmasıdır” dedi.

“FETÖ”, Erdoğan ve hükümetinin, terör örgütü olmakla ve 270’den fazla kişinin ölümüne neden olan başarısız 2016 darbesini planlamakla suçladığı, sürgündeki Türk vaiz Fethullah Gülen ve yandaşlarına atfettiği sözde örgüttür.

Erdoğan, “FETÖ’nün hala dost ve kardeş Arnavutluk’ta faaliyet alanları bulması, çocuklarını şehit eden milletimizi yaralamıştır” dedi.

 

1992 yılında Arnavutluk’ta “Mehmet Akif” erkek okulunun açılmasıyla yatırımlarına başlayan Gülen, günümüzde Arnavutluk’ta Türk okul ve kolejleri olarak bilinen geleneksel okulları kontrol etmekte ve farklı kuruluşlarda faaliyet göstermektedir.

taken from: https://www.facebook.com/MACGraduates

Gülen yapılanmasının Balkanlar’da önemli bir etkisi var. Mevcut Türk rejimine ait Anadolu Haber Ajansı’nın yayınladığı verilere göre, hareket Bosna Hersek’te 15, Arnavutluk’ta 12, Makedonya’da 7, Kosova’da 5 ve Sırbistan’da 1 olmak üzere yaklaşık 40 okulda faaliyet gösteriyor.

Mevcut Türk hükümetinin bu konuda Balkan ülkeleri üzerindeki baskısı 2016 yılında başladı. Rejim, Türklere ait okulların Türkiye bayrağı ve diğer sembolleri kullanmasını durdurdu. O zamandan beri Arnavutluk, Gülen hareketi aleyhine Türk makamlarıyla hareket etmeyi resmen reddetti.

Ayrıca Arnavutluk 2016’dan beri Gülen’e bağlı eğitim kurumlarının mevcut Türk rejimine ait Maarif Vakfı tarafından devralınmasına izin vermiyor, ancak bununla beraber Arnavutluk Hükümeti, Maarif Vakfı’na kendi okullarını açması için izin veriyor.

 

About the condition set on January 17, the head of the Albanian government said that Albania owes nothing to Erdogan or Turkey, just as neither Turkey nor Erdogan owe Albania anything. “There are no debts between friends and brothers,” Rama said, thus responding again to Erdogan’s request against the Gülen Movement with refusal. 

 

Arnavut hükümetinin başkanı, 17 Ocak’ta belirlenen şartla ilgili olarak, Arnavutluk’un Erdoğan’a veya Türkiye’ye hiçbir borcu olmadığını, tıpkı ne Türkiye’nin ne de Erdoğan’ın Arnavutluk’a hiçbir borcu olmadığını söyledi. Rama, Erdoğan’ın Gülen Hareketi’ne yönelik talebine yine ret cevabı vererek, “Dostlar ve kardeşler arasında borç yoktur” dedi.

Bu toplantı yerli ve yabancı basında geniş yankı buldu. Yerel basın, konferansın, Arnavut topraklarında ve Balkanlar’ın ötesinde Osmanlı İmparatorluğu’nun işgaline karşı Arnavut direnişinin sembolü olan ulusal kahraman Gjergj Kastrioti’nin (İskender Bey) 554. yıldönümüne denk geldiği yorumunu yaptı. Başbakan Edi Rama, sosyal ağlarda yayınlanan uzun bir yazıyla, kendisine göre iki olay arasında hiçbir bağlantı olmadığını gösteren bazı noktaları sıralayarak tepki gösterdi.

Arnavutluk’taki kanaat önderleri ve siyaset analistleri bu toplantıyı bir kardeşlik değil, bir “etki altına alma girişimi” olarak gördüler. Onlara göre, ifade edilen ve Erdoğan tarafından istenen ‘kardeşlik’, Arnavutluk’u benimsemiş olduğu Batı yönelimli değerlerden uzaklaştırıyor. Daha önce Yunan medyasında da Penta Postagma’da, bu ziyaretin Erdoğan’ın Büyük İmparatorluğun(Osmanlı) bir eyaleti olarak gördüğü Büyük Arnavutluk’u birleştirme ve etki altına alma çabası olarak yorumlandı.

Sonuç olarak, Türkiye’nin genel olarak Arnavutluk ve Balkanlar’a müdahalesinin daha büyük stratejisinin bir parçası olduğunu söyleyebiliriz: Mevcut rejim, Balkanlar’da ekonomik ve insani yardım görünümüyle dürüst bir ortak olarak imajını iyileştirmeyi ve dikkatleri AB’den çekmeyi amaçlamaktadır. . Orta-uzun vadeli bir hedef olarak Türk Hükümeti, AB ile sürekli tartışmalar yoluyla Avrupa’daki etkisini artırmayı, elini ve varlığını güçlendirmeyi hedeflemektedir.

 

Şuradan çevrildi: [President of Turkey, Recep Tayyip Erdogan, visits Albania: Brotherhood or Strategic Instrument?] Tarafından: Xhina Cekani

 

Kaynaklar;

Turkish leader Erdogan visits Albania to boost ties – ABC News (go.com)

Turkey’s Erdogan in Albania to boost bilateral ties | The Independent

Erdogan Opens Apartment Complex in Albania for Quake Victims | Balkan Insight

What Did Erdoğan Do In Albania? — Greek City Times

Turkish President Recep Erdogan visits Albania | Foreign Brief

Vizita e Erdogan, Nesho: Rama sillet si vasal, Shq – Syri | Lajmi i fundit

Vizita e Erdogan në Shqipëri, si u komentua në mediat greke – Opinion.al

Turkish President Recep Erdogan visits Albania | Foreign Brief

Rama i përgjigjet ultimatumit të Erdoganit për sulm ndaj Lëvizjes Gulen – Gazeta Express

Zorla veya İstem Dışı Kaybetmeler Çalışma Grubu Raporu

Zorla veya İstem Dışı Kaybetmeler Çalışma Grubu Raporu (WGEID), 16 Mayıs 2020 – 21 Mayıs 2021 tarihleri arasında incelenen zorla ve istem dışı kayıplar hakkında bir rapor yayınladı. Raporun kapsadığı bu dönemde boyunca, Çalışma Grubu 30 ülkeden 651 yeni zorla kaybolma olayı bildirdi.

kaynak https://www.alhaq.org

Çalışma Grubu birincil görevi kayıp olduğu bildirilen kişilerin akıbetini veya nerede olduğunu belirlemede ailelere yardımcı olmak olan, evrensel bir yetkiyle kurulmuş ilk Birleşmiş Milletler insan hakları tematik mekanizmasıdır.

Türkiye’de, Çalışma Grubu raporlama döneminin başında 86 adet sürüncemede kalmış vaka bildirmiştir. Bu dönem boyunca hükümet tarafından sadece 2 vaka açıklığa kavuşturulmuştur.

Çalışma Grubu ayrıca, çoğunlukla sözde terörle mücadele operasyonlarının bir parçası olarak, kendi vatandaşlarını veya üçüncü ülke vatandaşlarını yakalamak amacıyla, diğer devletlerin katılımı, desteği veya rızasıyla zorla kayıplara yol açan başka ülkelerden kaçırma vakalarını da belgelemiştir.

kaynak https://pro-justice.org

Zorla kaybolmalar da dahil olmak üzere ağır insan hakları ihlallerine ilişkin ciddi ithamlar, Kosova’dan Türkiye’ye yapıldığı iddia edilen uluslararası adam kaçırma vakalarından hemen önce, bu vakalar olurken ya da kaçırmadan hemen sonra Çalışma Grubuna bildirilmiştir. Rapor, terörle mücadele ve ulusal güvenliğin korunması bahanesiyle ülke dışından kaçırılmaların ve zorla geri göndermelerin sürekli meşrulaştırılması konusundaki endişeleri dile getiriyor. Bu nedenle Çalışma Grubu, Türkiye Hükümetini, Tüm Kişilerin Zorla Kaybedilmeden Korunmasına Dair Bildirge’nin 2. maddesinde belirtildiği gibi, zorla kaybetmeleri önlemeye ve sona erdirmeye çağırıyor. Çalışma Grubu savaş tehdidi altında olmak, savaşta olmak, iç siyasi istikrarsızlık veya başka herhangi bir acil durumun hiçbir koşulda zorla kayıpları haklı göstermek için başvurulabilecek bir yol olmadığını hatırlatmaktadır.

Öte yandan, rapor, zorla kaybetmelerin faillerinin eylemlerinin cezasız kalmasının ve ulusötesi transferlere başvurma eğiliminde bulunmaları konusundaki endişeleri de vurguluyor. Çalışma Grubu, bu zorla transferlerin, transfere konu olan kişinin akıbeti veya nerede olduğu hakkındaki bilgilerin bildirilmemesi veya gizlenmesi durumunda zorla kaybetme suçunun tüm unsurlarını oluştuğunu hatırlatmaktadır. Ayrıca, bu transferler, bireyler özgürlüklerinden mahrum bırakıldığı bu dönem süresince, adaletin yerine getirilmesine engel olmakta ve bireylerin etkili bir hukuk yoluna başvurma ve adil yargılanma haklarını ihlal etmektedir.

Morgane Bizien

Hasan Cevir trafından Report of The Working Group on Enforced or Involuntary Disappearances‘dan tercüme edilmiştir

Kapak resmi: /stockholmcf.org