Governmental policies for education in Argentina

Governmental policies for education in Argentina

Introduction

Basic education in Argentina has a long history, marked by important legal milestones and public policies that have shaped the educational system. One of the fundamental pillars of this development was Law 1420 of 1884, which established free and compulsory public primary education (Ministerio de Educación, 2006a). This law aimed to promote social integration and the formation of citizens for the new Argentine Republic, guaranteeing access to education for all children between the ages of 6 and 14 (Ministerio de Educación, 2006a). Law 1420 also emphasised the secular nature of education, an innovative aspect for the time, removing religious influence from the classroom (Ministerio de Cultura, 2020).

In the 20th century, the educational system continued to expand but faced challenges related to regional inequality and funding. During the military dictatorship (1976-1983), there was a repression of academic freedoms and a reduction in education funding. With the return to democracy in the 1980s, the country began to rebuild its educational system.

In 1994, the Argentine Constitution recognised education as a fundamental human right, expanding the State’s responsibilities to guarantee free, quality education. However, it was with the National Education Law of 2006 (Law 26,206) that the Argentine education system was consolidated in its current form. This law extended compulsory schooling to the age of 13, including the initial level (from the age of 4), primary education, and secondary education. The National Education Law of 2006 also reinforced the decentralisation of education, granting greater autonomy to the provinces to manage their schools, although this has generated challenges related to regional equity (Ministerio de Educación, 2006b).

Today, the Argentine government continues to implement inclusion policies, such as the Conectar Igualdad Programme, which seeks to reduce the digital divide, along with efforts to combat school dropout rates at the secondary level (Ministerio de Justicia, 2002). Basic education in Argentina faces challenges, such as regional inequalities, insufficient funding in some provinces, and the need to adapt to contemporary technological demands.

National Education Act of 2006

The 2006 National Education Act was the result of a context of redemocratisation and the search for improvements in the quality of education following a period of political and social instability in Argentina. This historical context began after the end of the civil-military dictatorship (1976-1983), during which the country faced severe political repression, including media censorship, persecution of opponents, and systematic violations of human rights. With the re-establishment of democracy in 1983, Argentina faced the challenge of rebuilding its democratic institutions. In this context, education began to be regarded as a means of strengthening democracy.

During the 1990s, several reforms were implemented, focusing on expanding access to education, training teachers, and updating the curriculum. Of particular note was the 1993 National Education Act (Law 24.195), which established a decentralised model, transferring responsibility for basic education from federal authorities to the provinces. This allowed each province to adapt its educational policy to local needs, although it also generated inequalities between regions (República Argentina, 1993).

In 2005, the Education Financing Law was enacted, establishing that the Argentine State should progressively increase investments in education, science, and technology. Consequently, the Argentine State was to allocate 4.7% of the Gross Domestic Product (GDP) in 2006, gradually increasing this to 6% by 2010 (Figure 1).

 

Figure 1. Educational Expenditure as a Percentage of GDP (2006-2010).

Source: República Argentina (2005).

In addition to setting investment targets in education, the National Education Law made secondary education compulsory for all students, covering an age range of 12 to 18 years. Furthermore, it sought to guarantee access to free and inclusive higher education, particularly in public universities, which have traditionally been the main means of access to higher education in Argentina.

Another important aspect introduced by the National Education Law was the implementation of Comprehensive Sexual Education (CSE). Sexual education was made compulsory for all schools across the country, from early childhood education to secondary school. The CSE curriculum was developed with the aim of providing a comprehensive education to students, addressing issues of sexuality with an emphasis on sexual diversity, human rights, sexual and reproductive health, and affective relationships.

When analysing the impact of the National Education Law on the development of secondary education for young people and adults, Olivares (2024) concluded that the approval of this law significantly enhanced the growth of secondary education for this demographic, which was already advancing across the country. The law provided a framework that enabled the implementation of new graduation programmes, such as the Plan for Completion of Primary and Secondary Education (FinEs), which achieved extensive national coverage.

Education in the Political-Economic Context

It is necessary to provide a brief political and economic context of Argentina throughout the 21st century, considering the impacts on education. The beginning of the century was marked by a political and economic crisis that started in 1998. In 2002, the crisis ended, but the previous year, then-President Fernando De La Rua was impeached. After this turbulent period, the 2000s were characterised by relatively strong economic growth, under the presidencies of Néstor and Cristina Kirchner. During Cristina Kirchner’s presidency (2007-2015), the government faced protests over tax increases, nationalized private pension funds, and dealt with inflation and capital flight. Despite a recession in 2009, the economy grew in 2010, and inflation remained high, reaching nearly 40% by 2014 (Romig, 2014). The expansion of public education was supported by this period of economic prosperity, allowing for increased investment in the sector.

Later, from 2015, with the government of Macri (2007-2015), Argentina faced an economic crisis characterised by high inflation, currency devaluation, and rising external debt. In December 2015, Macri lifted foreign exchange restrictions, leading to a 30% devaluation of the Peso and rising unemployment (Gannius, 2015). The government’s removal of export restrictions caused price hikes in staple goods, further straining the population. These economic challenges directly impacted government finances and the resources allocated to education.

During Alberto Fernández’s government (2019-2023), the economic crisis worsened by the COVID-19 pandemic, leading to significant financial strain. In 2019, inflation hit a 28-year high of 53.8%. The pandemic severely affected SMEs, with many unable to pay salaries and expenses, resulting in potential closures. By 2023, inflation exceeded 100%, further impacting public sector resources and the broader economy (Gozzi, 2023).

Milei Government and the Current Argentine Education Policies

Following Javier Milei’s election, significant budget cuts were made across various sectors, including a 52% reduction in education funding (Rivas Molina, Centenera, & Lorca, 2024). This is part of Milei’s proposed “Reforma Global de la Educación” (Global Education Reform), which aims to restructure the education system to align with his principles. The reform includes external evaluations for teachers and introduces national exams for high school completion. These changes are seen as a threat to teacher stability, autonomy, and the integrity of educational content, with private entities gaining increasing control (Marron, 2024).

Additional reforms include the promotion of hybrid learning, reduced regulation on teacher conditions, the reinstatement of university fees for foreign students, and diminishing university financial autonomy. Commercial advertisements in schools and restrictions on workers’ right to protest also form part of this package. These changes signal a shift towards a market-driven system, potentially excluding disadvantaged students from higher education. The reforms have faced resistance from unions, student groups, and education advocates who are fighting for a public and inclusive education system (Marron, 2024).

 

Conclusion

Argentina’s educational system has undergone significant transformations over the years, shaped by historical milestones such as Law 1420 and the National Education Law of 2006. These legal frameworks aimed to expand access to education, promote inclusivity, and address regional inequalities, while also responding to the challenges posed by political and economic instability. In particular, the 2006 law marked a pivotal moment by making secondary education compulsory and enhancing the focus on inclusivity, such as the introduction of Comprehensive Sexual Education. However, despite these advances, Argentina’s education system continues to grapple with persistent challenges, such as funding discrepancies, regional disparities, and the need for digital integration.

The recent policy changes under President Javier Milei, including significant budget cuts and reforms aimed at restructuring the education system, represent a sharp departure from the inclusive, state-driven approach of the past. These changes, which include the introduction of external evaluations, hybrid learning models, and a greater role for private entities, have been met with widespread resistance. Critics argue that these reforms could undermine the stability and autonomy of teachers, exacerbate inequalities, and further exclude disadvantaged students from higher education. As such, the ongoing debate surrounding these reforms highlights the tension between market-driven educational models and the push for a more equitable and public education system in Argentina.

References

Gannius, D. (2015). Retenciones: El costo fiscal de la quita dispuesta por Macri. El Destape Web. Retrieved from https://www.eldestapeweb.com/retenciones-el-costo-fiscal-la-quita-dispuesta-macri-n13174

Gozzi, L. (2023). Argentina inflation soars past 100% mark. BBC. https://www.bbc.com/news/world-latin-america-64960385

Marron, L. (2024). How Milei’s measures affect education?. De La Calle. https://delacalle.org/como-afectan-a-la-educacion-las-medidas-de-milei/

Ministerio de Cultura. (2020). Ley 1420: piedra fundacional de la educación argentina. https://www.cultura.gob.ar/ley-1420-el-gran-avance-en-los-derechos-educativos-de-los-ninos-y-nina-10724/

Ministerio de Educación. (2006a). Ley de educación nacional. http://bnm.me.gov.ar/giga1/normas/5421.pdf

Ministerio de Educación. (2006b). Ley de educación nacional (Ley No. 26.206). . https://www.argentina.gob.ar/educacion/validez-titulos/glosario/ley26206

Ministerio de Justicia (2002). Conectar Igualdad. https://www.argentina.gob.ar/justicia/derechofacil/leysimple/educacion-ciencia-cultura/conectar-igualdad

República Argentina (1993) Ley 24.195 – Ley de educación nacional. https://www.argentina.gob.ar/normativa/nacional/ley-24195-17009/texto

República Argentina (2005) Ley de financiamiento educativo. https://www.argentina.gob.ar/normativa/nacional/ley-26075-112976/texto

Rivas Molina, F., Centenera, M. & Lorca, J. (2024). Milei, una motosierra que desguaza el Estado. El País. https://elpais.com/argentina/2024-10-13/milei-una-motosierra-que-desguaza-el-estado.html?utm

Romig, S. (2014). Argentina’s economy contracted, hurt by inflation. The Wall Street Journal.

Olivares, J. (2024). The impact of the National Education Law on the development of secondary education for young people and adults in Argentina. Revista IICE, (55). https://doi.org/10.34096/iice.n55.13289

Governmental Policies For Education In Bolivia 

Written by Pedro Fonseca

Introduction 

One of the particularities when analysing the Plurinational State of Bolivia is the state configuration that reflects the cultural, ethnic, and linguistic diversity of the country. This recognition and coexistence of multiple indigenous nations within Bolivian territory creates a series of specific challenges in the formulation of public policies. 

The fundamental principle guiding these particularities is the decolonisation and plurinationality of the Bolivian State. While decolonisation seeks to break away from colonial structures, which are the institutions, laws, and practices imposed during the colonial period and which continued to marginalise indigenous populations even after the country’s independence. Plurinationality refers to the recognition by the state of the equality and sovereignty of all indigenous nations and peoples within the country, rejecting the idea that the state should be homogeneous. (Estado Plurinacional de Bolivia, 2009, Article 9). 

The Bolivian constitution, based on the principles of decolonisation and plurinationality, acknowledges the ethnic and cultural diversity of 36 indigenous nations and peoples1, as well as other ethnic groups, thereby ensuring that the cultures of these nations are protected by the State (Estado Plurinacional de Bolivia, 2009, Articles 5, 30). Furthermore, the Bolivian constitution guarantees the self-management of indigenous peoples in their territories and the practice of their norms and customs (Estado Plurinacional de Bolivia, 2009, Articles 2). 

These rights are reflected in an educational plan that seeks to respect and promote the country’s cultural and linguistic diversity. Consequently, Bolivian education is guided by interculturality and bilingualism, promoting instruction in both Spanish and indigenous languages. 

However, it is important to emphasise that this context is relatively recent. The current Bolivian constitution was approved in 2009 amidst significant changes in Bolivian society, including the election of Evo Morales as president, the first indigenous person to be elected to the executive office in the country’s history. Indeed, when examining Bolivia’s political precedents, one observes a country marked by significant political instability and profound social inequalities. It is worth noting that Bolivia has experienced more than 190 attempted coups d’état since its independence in 1825. 

This article aims to present educational policies put in place throughout Bolivian history and compile data that showcase the results of these measures. 

Evolution of Bolivian Educational Policies 

  • Education Code of 1955 

Bolivian education in the mid-20th century was characterised by its centralisation, with low coverage in rural areas and high dropout rates. During this period, the main government policy was the 1955 Education Code, also known as Code 55.  

Through this decree, the government expanded education to rural areas, which until then had been restricted to small sectors of society (IIPP, 2023, p.56). Additionally, the Education Code and the Teacher Classification Law were enacted, creating a better structure and organisation for school administration. Among these structures was the creation of the Ministry of Education (IIPP, 2023, p.56). 

Code 55 aimed to create a uniform structure for the Bolivian educational system, with the goal of enabling better planning and implementation of public education policies (Suarez, 1986). To this end, approximately 23% of the country’s general budget was allocated to education (IIPP, 2023, p.59). 

Despite the efforts, the results achieved by the 1955 Education Code were far from those projected (IIPP, 2023, p.61). The formulation of Code 55 was carried out by a non-indigenous and urban elite. In other words, the project lacked historical adherence, as most of the population was composed of indigenous peoples living in rural areas. 

  • Educational Reform Program (1994) 

The 1994 Education Reform sought to deepen the specifically educational character of the 1955 Education Code (IIPP, 2023, p.74). Two points stand out in the 1994 Education Reform. First, Educación Intercultural Bilingüe (EIB), a demand of indigenous peoples since the 1980s and considered an “instrument of liberation” (Arispe, 2020). The EIB was implemented in 1988 with the financial and technical support of UNICEF through an agreement with the Ministry of Education (IIPP, 2023, p.80). The second point was the expansion of teacher training centers in the country, amplifying professional development for educators.  

 As a result of the reforms, data from the Instituto de Investigaciones Pedagógicas Plurinacional show that in 2004, the school enrolment rate increased by 60% at the initial level, 34.5% at the primary level, and 94.8% at the secondary level. In addition, the number of school units increased from 12,000 in 1997 to more than 13,000 in 2004. The same happened with the number of educational units, which reached nearly 15,000 (IIPP, 2023, p.79). 

Despite its importance, Educación Intercultural Bilingüe (EIB) has been criticised for the way it was conducted. The main argument is that it consists of disseminating teaching and “official knowledge” through native indigenous languages (IIPP, 2023, p.82). 

  • Education Law No. 70 “Avelino Siñani-Elizardo Pérez” (2010) 

During a period of political and economic instability at the beginning of the century, Bolivia saw the emergence of Evo Morales, a union and indigenous leader, as the main figure in the 2005 presidential race. Elected with more than half of the total votes, Evo Morales implemented a series of structural reforms in Bolivia, nationalising gas, one of the country’s main commodities, and enacting a constitutional reform that established the Plurinational State of Bolivia. 

In education, the main policy was the implementation of Law No. 70 “Avelino Siñani-Elizardo Pérez”, which aimed to promote intercultural and bilingual education, decolonise the curriculum—replacing the traditional curriculum, which often marginalised indigenous knowledge, with one that incorporates local cultural knowledge and practices—and reinforce community participation, aiming to increase the involvement of communities and local authorities in school management and educational decision-making (Estado Plurinacional de Bolivia, 2010). 

It is worth noting that, in addition to the Avelino Siñani-Elizardo Pérez Law, a series of other educational policies were formulated. According to the IIPP, Bolivian educational policy consists of a set of goods, services, and transfers that states mobilise to guarantee the right to education (UNESCO-IIPP, 2024). The table below highlights some of the current policies in place.  

Table 1. Policies according to focus of intervention. 

Current policies  Responsible agency 
Bono Juancito Pinto  Ministerio de Educación, Deportes y Culturas 
Programa Nacional de Alimentación Complementaria

Escolar (PNACE 2015-2020) 

 Ministerio de Educación, Deportes y Culturas 
Programa de Formación Complementaria para Maestras y

Maestros en Ejercicio (PROFOCOM) 

 Ministerio de Educación, Deportes y Culturas 
Programa Nacional de Alfabetización Yo Sí puedo  Ministerio de Educación, Deportes y Culturas 
Programa Nacional de Post Alfabetización  Ministerio de Educación, Deportes y Culturas 
Programa Centros de Apoyo Integral Pedagógico (CAIP)  Ministerio de Educación, Deportes y Culturas 
Centros de Apoyo Integral Pedagógico – Aula Hospitalaria  Ministerio de Educación, Deportes y Culturas 

Source: UNESCO (2024) 

Conclusion 

The results of the implemented policies have led to increased access to education and higher attendance rates among students. Data from the 2021 National Voluntary Report (UDAPE) show that, between 2015-2019, the attendance rate of the school-age population (4-17 years old) rose from 86% to 90.8%. The most significant increase in attendance rates was observed at the initial level, which rose from 36.5% to 61.3%, followed by the primary level, which increased from 96.9% to 98.7% (UDAPE, 2021, p.31). 

Another important piece of data is the number of enrolments. According to data from the General Directorate of Planning, in 2023, enrolment reached 2,951,164 students, of which 891,386 (30.20%) were from rural areas and 2,059,778 (69.80%) from urban areas. Regarding gender distribution, 1,445,375 (48.98%) were female and 1,505,789 (51.02%) were male (Ministerio de Educación, 2024). 

The Plurinational State of Bolivia has made substantial progress in providing education to its population. However, it still faces several challenges, including regional and geographic inequalities and income disparities. In addition to these issues, the country still grapples with a history of political instability that continues to affect the Bolivian people. 

 

Featured Photo by Alexander Grey on Unsplash

 

References 

Arispe, V. (2020). Educación intercultural: La perspectiva de los pueblos indígenas de Bolivia. Revista Caracol, (20), 167-186. Faculdade de Filosofia, Letras e Ciências Humanas da Universidade de São Paulo. https://doi.org/10.7440/res64.2018.03 

Estado Plurinacional de Bolivia (2009). Constitución Política del Estado Plurinacional de Bolivia.  Retrieved from http://www.gacetaoficialdebolivia.gob.bo/app/webroot/archivos/CONSTITUCION.pdf 

Estado Plurinacional de Bolivia (2010). Ley de la Educación Avelino Siñani-Elizardo Pérez. Retrieved from https://bolivia.infoleyes.com/norma/2676/ley-de-la-educacion-avelino-si%C3%B1ani-elizardo-perez-070  

Instituto de Investigaciones Pedagógicas Plurinacional (IIPP). (2023). Hitos de la educación en Bolivia – Serie Histórica N° I. Retrieved from https://www.ine.gob.bo/publicaciones/hitos-educacion  

UDAPE (2021). Informe Nacional Voluntario Retrieved from https://www.udape.gob.bo/portales_html/ODS/28230Bolivia_VNR.pdf 

Ministerio de Educación (2023). Equipe de Estatística Retrieved from https://seie.minedu.gob.bo/reportes/estadisticas/grupo1/matricula  

UNESCO (2024). Bolívia. https://siteal.iiep.unesco.org/pais/bolivia#Caracterizaci%C3%B3n 

Suárez Arnez, C. (1986). Historia de la educación boliviana. Don Bosco.