Educational Challenges in Belarus: Behind the Iron Curtain: The Struggles of Belarusian Education

Educational Challenges in Belarus: Behind the Iron Curtain: The Struggles of Belarusian Education

Behind the Iron Curtain: The Struggles of Belarusian Education

Written by Danylo Malchevskyi

Broken Chalk, Amsterdam, 2024

 

Introduction and Context

Image: Energy Intelligence (2023)

How can a nation rich in cultural heritage struggle so profoundly in educating its youth?

Belarus, a landlocked nation in Eastern Europe, is often recognized for its rich cultural heritage. However, beneath the cultural richness lies a complex and evolving educational landscape. Heavily influenced by its Soviet past, the Belarusian education system has undergone significant changes since the nation gained independence in 1991. Despite efforts to modernize, the system faces numerous challenges that affect both the quality and accessibility of education. Issues such as political censorship, lack of international cooperation, and brain drain paint a complicated picture of the educational environment in Belarus. The year 2022 brought additional complexities, as the Russian invasion of Ukraine had profound implications for Belarus.

This article delves into these challenges, exploring the root causes and potential solutions, while highlighting the critical need for greater investment in education amidst a backdrop of regional instability and geopolitical conflict.

Current challenges

Political Influence and Censorship

Image: Free Press Unites (2024)

One of the most significant challenges in the Belarusian education system is the pervasive political influence and censorship. The government, under the leadership of President Alexander Lukashenko since 1994, has maintained tight control over the educational sector. This control manifests in various ways, including the curriculum, which is often used as a tool for political propaganda (StopFake, 2023). Textbooks and teaching materials are closely monitored and aligned with the state’s ideological stance, limiting academic freedom and critical thinking among students (StopFake, 2023).

The extent of this control is reflected in the findings of the Academic Freedom Index, which assesses levels of respect for academic freedom in 175 countries and territories based on surveys of more than 2000 country experts around the globe. According to Scholars at Risk Europe (2023), there has been a steady decline in academic freedom in Belarus. The country’s score plummeted from 0.6 in 1994 to 0.19 in 2019, and further to a mere 0.03 in 2022, placing Belarus in the bottom 10% of all countries covered (Scholars at Risk Europe, 2023).

Moreover, the 2023 Freedom House Belarus Country Report concludes that academic freedom “remains subject to intense state ideological pressures,” with new laws mandating adherence to a particular historical narrative and imposing criminal sanctions for those who express contrary views (Freedom House, 2023). The repression of academic freedom is further evidenced by the Honest University project, part of the non-governmental organization Honest People. This project has documented 1,693 incidents of students and professors facing repression or pressure at universities in Belarus (Honest People, 2024). These incidents range from dismissals and expulsions to threats and detentions, creating an atmosphere of fear and self-censorship within academic institutions.

Such pervasive control and suppression of dissenting voices degrade the overall quality of education, as critical thinking and open discourse are essential components of a robust academic environment. The lack of freedom to explore diverse perspectives and challenge established narratives significantly hampers the intellectual development of students and the academic community at large.

Lack of International Cooperation and Impact of Sanctions

Image: YouTube, DW News (2021)

International cooperation plays a crucial role in enhancing the quality and relevance of education systems worldwide by fostering academic exchanges, research collaborations, and sharing best practices. However, one of the significant challenges for Belarusian education is the limited engagement with global educational networks. Belarus has been subjected to numerous sanctions from “Western” countries (Council of the European Union, 2024). These sanctions were first implemented in the early 2000s and later intensified following the disputed 2020 presidential election, which was marked by widespread allegations of electoral fraud (Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty, 2020). The government’s severe crackdown on opposition movements and massive demonstrations further exacerbated the situation, leading to increased international condemnation and punitive measures.

Belarus’s close alignment with Russia and its involvement in the ongoing war in Ukraine have further strained its relations with the international community. In 2022, Belarus allowed Russian forces to use its territory as a launching pad for the invasion of Ukraine. This decision was pivotal, as it provided strategic advantages to Russia, enabling Putin’s army to launch attacks more effectively and rapidly into Ukrainian territory (Court, 2023). The consequences of this decision were severe and far-reaching: the Russian invasion led to the occupation of several Ukrainian regions, bringing with it a wave of violence and human rights abuses (Amnesty International, 2023). As a result, the Bologna Process Follow-Up Group suspended the representation of Belarus in the Bologna Process, as well as in working groups of the European Higher Education Area (European Higher Education Area, 2020). This marked the beginning of a series of successive suspensions from academic networks, associations, and formal collaborations.

Such sanctions limit the exposure of Belarusian educators and students to innovative teaching methods, modern pedagogical practices, and cutting-edge research. The absence of robust international partnerships also means that Belarusian institutions are less competitive in attracting international students, further perpetuating a cycle of isolation.

Brain Drain

Image: TheGlobalEconomy.com (2023)

The phenomenon of brain drain poses a significant challenge for Belarus, as many talented and educated individuals leave the country in search of better opportunities abroad. According to Andrei Kazakevich, director of the Institute of Political Sphere, approximately 180,000 people have left Belarus since 2020, the majority of whom are young individuals (BSA, 2023). This emigration is driven by various factors, including the lack of academic freedom, limited career prospects, and better living conditions abroad.

The brain drain primarily impacts the higher education sector, with many young Belarusians choosing to pursue their studies abroad. Consequently, Belarus loses a significant portion of its educated workforce, hindering the country’s development and exacerbating the challenges facing its education system. It is estimated that approximately 30,000 Belarusian students are currently enrolled in foreign universities, seeking better educational opportunities (Dunaeu, 2023).

In response to this issue, Alexander Lukashenko has expressed noticeable irritation, remarking, “They will return with completely changed mindsets” (ILRT, 2023). He has proposed several repressive measures to prevent young people from studying abroad. One such measure includes establishing a working group tasked with curbing the emigration of young professionals (LRT, 2023). The group’s responsibilities include monitoring the activities of educational institutions, scrutinizing student applications for international programs, and imposing administrative barriers to prevent students from obtaining necessary travel documents. These efforts reflect a broader attempt to control and influence the younger generation. By restricting opportunities for international study and work, the government aims to maintain its grip on the country’s future leaders and professionals.

Discrimination Based on Language

Image: Facts.net (2024)

The history of the Belarusian language is rich and complex, with its written form dating back at least 10 centuries (International Centre for Ethnic and Linguistic Diversity Studies, 2024). Following World War II, Belarusian schoolchildren became major targets of Soviet assimilationist policies. The Russification of education intensified after 1959 when Soviet leader Nikita Khrushchev declared that speaking Russian was essential for building communism. By the late 1980s, nearly 80% of schoolchildren in Belarus were studying in Russian, and Belarusian schooling was largely eliminated in cities (International Centre for Ethnic and Linguistic Diversity Studies, 2024).

The current government under President Aleksandr Lukashenko is continuing this trend, having little tolerance for the Belarusian language (Voice of Belarus, 2020). The preference for Russian is part of a broader strategy to suppress nationalistic sentiments that could challenge Lukashenka’s rule. After the 2020 protests, which erupted in response to a disputed presidential election widely criticized for electoral fraud, speaking Belarusian became increasingly dangerous (Jozwiak, 2024). The government’s severe crackdown on opposition movements and demonstrators created an atmosphere of repression and fear. In such socio-political climate, using the Belarusian language became a form of dissent, attracting suspicion and potential repercussions (Jozwiak, 2024).

In the field of education, the suppression of the Belarusian language is starkly evident. For example, Andrei, a lecturer at a Belarusian technical university, remarked: “Belarusian has always been rare in our university, but three years ago there were two or three teachers who used to give lectures in the language. Now they don’t work here, and none of the new ones are willing to teach in Belarusian. A new vice-rector has recently appeared at the university. Everybody knows that he is a former KGB officer. It seems that he has plans to search for dissenters inside the university” (Total Belarus, 2024).

This suppression is further exemplified by the actions of the government. On July 24th, 2023, the Ministry of Information of Belarus blocked Kamunikat.org, the largest online library of Belarusian literature, restricting access to this crucial resource (Belarusian Language Society, 2024). The website is now only accessible from abroad or via VPN services, further stifling the presence of the Belarusian language in public and academic life. This move can be seen as part of a broader strategy to suppress nationalistic sentiments and diminish the role of the Belarusian language in society.

Policy Recommendations

Image: ear-citizen.eu (2024)

It is crucial to mention that all the below-mentioned proposals can ONLY be effectively implemented after a regime change in Belarus. The current political environment under President Alexander Lukashenko’s authoritarian rule impedes meaningful reform. A shift towards a more democratic and transparent government is essential for creating the necessary conditions for these recommendations to take root and flourish.

1) Enhance Academic Freedom

To counteract political influence and censorship in Belarusian education, it is essential to establish independent educational bodies free from governmental control. Legal protections for educators and students must be implemented to ensure they can express diverse viewpoints without fear of reprisal.

For example, creating a National Academic Freedom Charter, similar to those in democratic countries, could help protect the rights of educators and students to teach and discuss controversial topics without interference. The Magna Charta Universitatum, adopted by over 900 universities worldwide, serves as a prime example of such a document (Magna Charta Observatory, 2024). Although Belarusian institutions have not signed this charter, it embodies the fundamental principles of academic freedom and institutional autonomy that could serve as a model for Belarus

2) Integrate with the European Union (EU)

 

  1. Adopt EU Educational Standards: Implement curricula and accreditation standards in line with EU guidelines.
  1. EU Funding Programs: Apply for EU educational and research grants to enhance resources and opportunities for Belarusian institutions.
  1. Erasmus+ Participation: Encourage participation in Erasmus+ and other EU exchange programs to increase student and staff mobility between Belarus and EU countries.

 

3) Address Brain Drain
  1. Career Development Programs: Implement career development centers in universities that offer counseling, job placement services, and skill-building workshops tailored to the local job market. Belarus can take note from Germany’s Career Service Centers at universities, which provide comprehensive support to students and graduates, including career counseling, job placement services, and skill-building workshops (University of Munich, 2024). These centers have proven effective in reducing brain drain.
  2. Tax Incentives: Provide significant tax breaks for young professionals and graduates who commit to working in Belarus for a certain period. An example could be Ireland’s “Special Assignee Relief Programme” (SARP), which offers tax incentives to highly skilled workers who relocate to Ireland for work (Revenue, 2024).

 

  1. Research and Innovation Funding: Create specific funding opportunities for innovative projects led by young researchers and professionals, ensuring they have the financial support to pursue cutting-edge research within Belarus.

 

4) Support Belarusian Language and Culture

  1. Language Programs: Develop and fund comprehensive Belarusian language programs in schools and universities.
  2. Cultural Grants: Provide grants for projects that promote Belarusian culture and heritage in the arts and humanities sectors.

 

A historic example that could serve as a guideline is the case of Wales (the Welsh Language Act 1993 and the subsequent Government of Wales Act 1998), which established measures to promote the Welsh language in education and public life (Law Wales, 2024). Comprehensive Welsh language programs in schools and universities have helped revive and sustain the Welsh language.

Conclusion

The education system in Belarus faces significant challenges stemming from political influence, censorship, limited international cooperation, brain drain, and language-based discrimination. Under President Alexander Lukashenko, political control has severely compromised academic freedom, transforming curricula into tools of propaganda and stifling dissent, which in turn undermines the quality of education and intellectual growth.

International sanctions and Belarus’s involvement in the Russia-Ukraine war have further isolated the country, restricting opportunities for academic exchanges and modernization. The brain drain phenomenon worsens these issues, as many talented individuals seek better opportunities abroad.

Meaningful reforms – such as enhancing academic freedom, aligning with European educational standards, addressing brain drain, and promoting the Belarusian language – can only be effectively implemented following a regime change towards a more democratic and transparent government. These measures are essential for overcoming the current educational challenges and fostering a more inclusive and dynamic academic environment in Belarus.

 

 

References

Amnesty International. (2024). Human rights in Ukraine. https://www.amnesty.org/en/location/europe-and-central-asia/eastern-europe-and-central-asia/ukraine/report-ukraine/

BSA. (2023). State of Belarusian academia 2023. https://drive.google.com/file/d/1yFFhZX4n4sFeCNMrYjvQTlZCXwBQhc1J/view

Belarusian Language Society. (2024). Overview of language rights violations in Belarus during the second half of 2023. BelLit. https://bellit.info/manitorynh/overview-of-language-rights-violations-in-belarus-during-the-second-half-of-2023.html

Council of the European Union. (n.d.). EU sanctions against Belarus. https://www.consilium.europa.eu/en/policies/sanctions-against-belarus/

Court, E., & The Kyiv Independent news desk. (2023, August 18). Lukashenko admits Russian troops invaded Ukraine through Belarus in 2022. The Kyiv Independent. https://kyivindependent.com/lukashenko-admits-russian-troops-invaded-ukraine-through-belarus/

Dunaeu, U. (2023, July 25). 30,000 Belarusian students are studying abroad, but half of them in Russia. Bologna by. https://bolognaby.org/index.php/en/ibc-in-media/619-uladzimir-dunaeu-30-000-belarusian-students-are-studying-abroad-but-half-of-them-in-russia

European Higher Education Area. (2020). Belarus (Suspended). https://ehea.info/page-belarus#:~:text=Belarus%20(Suspended),of%20Belarus%20in%20the%20EHEA.

Freedom House. (2023). Freedom in the world 2023: Belarus. Retrieved from https://freedomhouse.org/country/belarus/freedom-world/2023

Honest People. (2024). Honest University project. Retrieved from https://hu-repressions.honestby.org/ru

International Centre for Ethnic and Linguistic Diversity Studies. (2024, April 4). Discrimination of the Belarusian language in Belarus: A systemic problem with a multi-level historical context. ICELDS. https://www.icelds.org/2024/04/04/discrimination-of-the-belarusian-language-in-belarus-a-systemic-problem-with-a-multi-level-historical-context/

Jozwiak, V. (2024, February 15). Repressed by Lukashenko, the Belarusian language rallies his opponents. Balkan Insight. https://balkaninsight.com/2024/02/15/repressed-by-lukashenko-the-belarusian-language-rallies-his-opponents/

LRT. (2023, June 28). Запретят учиться за границей: Как Лукашенко встряхнет вузы [Banning studying abroad: How Lukashenko will shake up universities]. https://www.lrt.lt/ru/novosti/17/2197100/zapretiat-uchit-sia-za-granitsei-kak-lukashenko-vstriakhnet-vuzy

Law Wales. (2024). Welsh Language Act 1993. Retrieved from https://law.gov.wales/culture/welsh-language/welsh-language-act-1993

Magna Charta Observatory. (2024). Magna Charta Universitatum. Retrieved from https://www.magna-charta.org/magna-charta-universitatum

Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty. (2020, November 13). EU threatens sanctions as Belarusian reportedly beaten to death by security forces. https://www.rferl.org/a/eu-threatens-sanctions-as-belarusian-reportedly-beaten-to-death-by-security-forces/30945612.html

Revenue. (2024). Special Assignee Relief Programme (SARP). Retrieved from https://www.revenue.ie/en/personal-tax-credits-reliefs-and-exemptions/income-and-employment/special-assignee-relief-programme/index.aspx

Scholars at Risk Europe. (2023). Briefing: Belarus and academic freedom. Retrieved from https://sareurope.eu/wp-content/uploads/2023/03/Briefing-Belarus-and-Academic-Freedom.pdf

StopFake. (2023, July 19). Belarus: Militarisation of minors. StopFake. https://www.stopfake.org/en/belarus-militarisation-of-minors/

Total Belarus. (2024, February 21). Can the Belarusian language survive? Transitions Online. https://tol.org/client/article/can-the-belarusian-language-survive.html

University of Munich. (2024). Career Service Center. Retrieved from https://www.lmu.de/en/workspace-for-students/career-services/

Voice of Belarus. (2021, June 18). Belarusians struggle to save their language, overcoming all-out discrimination. Voice of Belarus. https://www.voiceofbelarus.org/article/belarusians-struggle-to-save-their-language-overcoming-all-out-discrimination/

 

 

Too Hot to Learn: How Climate Extremes Are Disrupting Education in India

Too Hot to Learn: How Climate Extremes Are Disrupting Education in India

Written by Shennara Lisapaly 

Schools Close as Temperatures Continues to Rise

In April 2025, as the summer season barely began, over 20 cities across North India reported temperatures above 42°C. For example, Delhi experienced a high of 38.2°C in April 2025, which is 3.1 degrees above the norm. Other states such as Uttar Pradesh, Rajasthan, and Bihar all faced similar scorching temperatures. Yet the India Meteorological Department (IMD) warned that the worst was yet to come (ET Online, 2025). The extreme heat, humidity, and poor air quality foster an unsafe and uncomfortable environment for students to learn and participate in. This extreme weather condition spreading across India ultimately forced many schools to shut down for the safety of the students and staff.

However, this isn’t a one-off emergency. It’s part of a growing crisis. This widespread school shutdown did not only happen this year, but it also occurred in previous years, 2024 and 2023. With climate extremes, such as heatwaves, floods, pollution, and cyclones, it is clear that climate change is no longer a future concern—it is already disrupting learning for millions of students in South Asia alone.

Climate and Education Are Deeply Connected

According to a 2024 UNICEF report, over 128 million students in South Asia risk facing educational disruptions due to climate extremes. India had the highest number of students affected by climate-related school disruptions in 2024, at a staggering 54,784,029 students (UNICEF, 2024).

The effects of climate change go beyond temporary school closures. The Hindustan Times reported that even when schools remain open, extreme weather lowers attendance and weakens learning capacities (Tulsyan, 2025). When floods occur, travel becomes more difficult, especially in rural and low-lying areas. On especially hot or polluted days, students struggle to focus. This results in a drop in academic performance and growing learning losses.

Heatwaves Are Jeopardising Student Health

This summer, India faces another scorching season. According to a Republic World article from May 2025, the government announced widespread school closures across multiple states as temperatures soared (Chanotra, 2025). The Indian Meteorological Department (IMD) predicted intense heatwave conditions in regions including Punjab, Haryana, Rajasthan, and many others. In response, states implemented early or extended summer vacations, with reopening dates ranging from mid-June to early July, depending on the weather conditions.

In Rajasthan and Uttar Pradesh, the temperature often exceeded 45°C, creating an insufferable and unsafe environment for students to learn in (Siddeeq, 2025). Teachers also reported that many students experienced heat-related illnesses, such as heat stroke and heat exhaustion. A teacher from the Rajasthan Barmer district had even said that the indoor temperature of his school at one point reached 47°C. School infrastructure, especially in rural areas, struggled to cope. Many buildings lack proper ventilation, reliable cooling systems, and access to clean drinking water. The loss of school days due to extreme heat and poor infrastructure not only disrupts students’ education but also hits marginalised communities the hardest. Especially children who depend on schools for daily meals and a safe, stable environment (OWSA, 2025).

 

Floods and Rains Wash Away Learning Opportunities

It’s not just the heat. Heavy monsoon rains in 2025 also caused widespread school closures (Jolly, 2025). In Delhi-NCR, schools were shut due to severe waterlogging. In Uttarakhand and Himachal Pradesh, the risk of floods and landslides forced district administrations to cancel classes. In Jharkhand’s Jamshedpur, authorities closed schools until July 10 after heavy rains flooded low-lying areas and advised a shift to online classes. However, in certain communities, this is not possible since digital access is limited or nonexistent.

Climate Impact on the Most Vulnerable

While the climate crisis affects all children, its impact is far from equal. According to One World South Asia (OWSA), adolescent girls are particularly vulnerable. They reported that more interruptions to education lead to higher dropout rates, lower academic performance, and child marriage and/or labor rates, which disproportionately affect girls (OWSA, 2025). OWSA cites that the UNICEF report warns us that the climate-related disruption to learning is undoing the years of progress made in promoting girls’ education.

What Needs to Change

Experts say India must climate-proof its education system to improve learning outcomes and to aid long-term development. The Hindustan Times outlined five key steps governments can take to drive meaningful and impactful change.

  1. Data collection. Schools and state departments need to track how climate shocks affect learning. This will help design targeted policies.
  2. Invest in heat- and flood-resilient infrastructure—cool roofs, solar fans, ventilation, and water access.
  • Plan for learning continuity. Schools should have flexible calendars, online options, and community-based learning hubs during climate emergencies.
  1. Include climate education in the curriculum. Students must understand climate risks and be prepared to adapt and lead to change.
  2. The government, civil society, and the private sector must work together to make education climate resilient.

These recommendations offer a roadmap for creating a more robust, inclusive, and productive education system. One that can withstand the pressures of an increasingly unpredictable and hostile climate. Of course, implementing such changes will not come without challenges and obstacles, but they are essential. Without action, students in vulnerable regions across India will continue to face school closures, unsafe conditions, and disrupted learning.

A Call to Action

India’s classrooms are on the frontlines of the climate crisis. Every year, more children are losing days, weeks, or months of school due to extreme weather. The risks are growing, and so are the inequalities. Protecting education must be a core part of India’s climate strategy. That means more than building roads and floodwalls. It means building schools that can withstand the storms ahead.

If the classroom becomes unsafe, the future becomes uncertain. India must adapt to the current climate crisis and climate-proof its schools before it’s too late. This requires urgent political will, sustained investment, and a long-term vision. Rather than having the education system remain a victim of the climate crisis, these changes can transform it into a powerful tool for resilience.

 

Reference List: 

Chanotra, Nimakshi. 2025. “Heatwave Forces Early School Closures across India: A State-By-State Breakdown.” Republic World. May 19, 2025. https://www.republicworld.com/education/schools-closed-in-multiple-states-across-india-check-the-list. 

ET Online. 2025. “Heatwave Grips India: 20+ Cities Cross 42°c in First Week of April, Experts Warn of Worse Ahead.” The Economic Times. Economic Times. April 7, 2025. https://economictimes.indiatimes.com/news/new-updates/heatwave-grips-india-20-cities-cross-42c-in-first-week-of-april-experts-warn-of-worse-ahead/articleshow/120051541.cms. 

Jolly, Akshita. 2025. “Schools Closed: Heavy Monsoon Rain Disrupts Life across India, Schools Shut in Several States.” Jagranjosh.com. Jagran Josh. July 10, 2025. https://www.jagranjosh.com/articles/schools-closed-due-to-heavy-rainfall-list-of-states-affected-1800000865-1. 

OWSA Staff. 2025. “Climate Hazards Disrupt Education for Millions in South Asia, UNICEF Report Reveals Stark Situation in India – OneWorld SouthAsia.” OneWorld SouthAsia. January 27, 2025. https://owsa.in/climate-hazards-disrupt-education-for-millions-in-south-asia-unicef-report-reveals-stark-situation-in-india/. 

Siddeeq, Sara. 2025. “How Extreme Heat in India Is Disrupting Education.” Climate Impacts Tracker Asia. April 8, 2025. https://www.climateimpactstracker.com/how-extreme-heat-in-india-is-disrupting-education/. 

Tulsyan, Arpan. 2025. “Heatwaves, Floods, and Smog: Unprepared Education System Is Leading to Learning Losses – Hindustan Times.” Hindustan Times. April 21, 2025. https://www.hindustantimes.com/ht-insight/climate-change/heatwaves-floods-and-smog-unprepared-education-system-is-leading-to-learning-losses-101745226192022.html. 

UNICEF. The Climate Crisis Is a Child Rights Crisis: South Asia Spotlight. New York: United  

Nations Children’s Fund, 2024. https://www.unicef.org/media/170626/file/Global-snapshot-climate-related-school-disruptions-2024.pdf.  

 

 

The Education Crisis on Qamea Island: A School Without Classrooms After Natural Disasters

The Education Crisis on Qamea Island: A School Without Classrooms After Natural Disasters

Written by Mene Van Heerden

Introduction

Natural disasters have a disastrous effect on children’s education. From 2016 onwards, the school in Dreketi village on Qamea Island, Fiji, has been in a continuous natural disaster emergency. In 2016, a horrific cyclone destroyed many classrooms, forcing students to study in temporary classrooms. Then, in 2020, a devastating landslide occurred in Yadua Villiage School on Yadua Island, leaving classrooms destroyed, and all students were forced to study in unsuitable conditions. In November 2024, both schools’ classrooms have still not been rebuilt (“Northern Island Schools Without Classrooms,” 2024). As the world tries to deal with increasing natural disasters linked to climate change, this situation highlights the urgent need for more resilient school infrastructure in more vulnerable communities.

 

Why this is a critical issue

The lack of proper classrooms on Qamea Island and Yadua Island has disrupted the education of hundreds of children. These children were forced to learn in temporary structures or outdoors. According to the education ministry secretary, Selina Kuruleca, the government faces challenges in rebuilding the schools (Tuilevuka, 2024). These challenges include limited access to proper materials and finding tenders. The slow pace of rebuilding the schools have a significant effect on the students, since the quality of their education is compromised, and long-term effects can hinder the development of the entire generation (Herbst, 2024). Furthermore, this also impacts the children’s emotional and mental well-being and future opportunities, impacting the communities’ resilience and overall progress (Herbst, 2024). Overall, Fiji struggles with the effects of an ever-changing climate, and the lack of stable school infrastructure worsens the economy and creates social inequalities.

 

 

The role of the government and response measures

In response to both schools’ destruction, the Fijian government has guaranteed funds for reconstruction and provided temporary learning spaces to students and teachers, such as tents. As previously mentioned, the process has been slow, with funding challenges and difficulty reaching these remote islands adding to the delays (Tuilevuka, 2024). Although the government is committed to rebuilding the school, it needs to rethink how to rebuild the infrastructure to be more resilient to natural disasters, since ensuring resilient school infrastructure is essential to protect learning amid climate change and natural disasters (ReliefWeb, 2023). This can be done by adopting hazard-resistant designs that look at local risks. Examples of these designs include raised structures in flood-prone areas or wind-resistant roofs in areas prone to cyclones (Admin, 2023). Conducting risk assessments can also help the government notice site-specific vulnerabilities, and these vulnerabilities can be addressed. Furthermore, rebuilding these infrastructures using sustainable, locally sourced materials reduces environmental impact and supports durability. Equitable investment and governance are essential to prioritise vulnerable communities (ReliefWeb, 2023). International aid and teamwork with NGOs could also help the children of Qamea Island and Yadua Island continue their education despite these challenges. For example, NGOs could send volunteers to help build better temporary infrastructure while the government rebuilds the proper school facilities.

 

Impact of Climate Change and the Need for Resilience

Qamea Island and Yadua Island are examples of how climate change can affect Pacific Island states. Fijian islands are highly susceptible to natural disasters, including rising sea levels, severe cyclones, and extreme weather events (Fijian Ministry of Finance, 2024). Learning from the experiences of other countries in the Pacific region, implication of new policies, investment in new technologies and strategies appropriate for Fiji’s climate conditions is urgently needed and could help the Fijian government implement plans to reduce the damage caused by natural disasters. The Fijian government does advocate for resilience through its National Climate Change Policy Framework (Sayed-Khaiyum & Ministry of Economy, 2018). This framework emphasises the risk of climate change on any infrastructure development, including schools. Moreover, it underlines the need for weather-resilient buildings and sustainable materials and practices. In other words, the policy states that the government needs to adequately equip these educational institutions with infrastructure that can withstand natural disasters to ensure continued learning and endure for future generations.

 

Cooperating with other countries is another way to ensure continued learning and more substantial infrastructure. For example, Australia’s commitments to making climate and disaster resilience more applicable within the Pacific have proved beneficial to some Fijian Islands. They enhanced infrastructure development to withstand natural disasters and developed programs to help communities build resilience against climate-related challenges (DFAT, 2024). These programs also endorse community participation and knowledge-sharing to ensure that resilience strategies are culturally appropriate and locally relevant (DFAT, 2024). Through this cooperation between Australia and Fiji, infrastructures that can withstand climate-related disasters and promote a sustainable future can be built.

 

 

 

Conclusion

In conclusion, the education crisis on Fiji’s islands highlights a serious issue many countries face when natural disasters strike. The issue goes beyond the direct harm that natural disasters cause; it also involves the impact of climate change and inadequate school infrastructure on children’s ability to learn effectively. Inadequately equipped and built schools jeopardise the future of this young generation, and they severely restrict the potential for success and growth in the lives of many students. As seen on Qamea Island and Yadua Island, climate change worsens vulnerabilities in school infrastructure, highlighting the urgent need for resilient infrastructure capable of withstanding extreme natural disasters. To address these challenges, collaboration between the Fijian government, international partners, and local communities is essential. They must prioritise sustainable, hazard-resistant school designs and community-centred approaches to resilience. By putting resources into strong and flexible educational infrastructures, countries like Fiji can safeguard their most vulnerable members, their children. Improved school infrastructures can ensure continued education, even in tough times, and strengthen the future of the communities’ children facing climate change challenges head-on.

 

Featured Photo by Carl Campbell on Unsplash

 

 

 

References

 

Admin. (2023, December 28). Building for the future: The importance of resilient and disaster-resistant structure design. GDI Engineering. https://gdiengdesign.com/building-for-the-future-the-importance-of-resilient-and-disaster-resistant-structure-design/

 

Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade (DFAT). (2024). Fiji: Australia’s commitment to strengthening climate and disaster resilience in the Pacific. Australian Government. https://www.dfat.gov.au/about-us/publications/fiji-australias-commitment-to-strengthening-climate-and-disaster-resilience-in-the-pacific

 

Fijian Ministry of Finance. (2024). National climate change policy framework. Government of Fiji. https://www.finance.gov.fj/wp-content/uploads/2024/09/NPDF_final.pdf

 

Herbst, M. (2024). The state of the world’s children 2024: The future of childhood in a changing world. UNICEF.

 

Northern Island Schools Without Classrooms. (2024, September 27). Fiji Sun. https://fijisun.com.fj/2024/09/27/northern-island-schools-without-classrooms/

 

Sayed-Khaiyum, A., & Ministry of Economy. (2018). National climate change policy 2018 – 2030. Ministry of Economy. https://fijiclimatechangeportal.gov.fj/wp-content/uploads/2022/01/FIJI-NCCP-2018-2030_0.pdf

 

Tuilevuka, N. (2024, October 31). Still in tents: 300 students in the north without classrooms. The Fiji Times. https://www.fijitimes.com.fj/still-in-tents-300-students-in-north-without-classrooms/

 

The Hengshui Model: Educational Alienation in the Context of Involution

Source: File:Mingzhi Building.JPG - Wikimedia Commons

Written By: Bowen Qi

Introduction of the Hengshui Model

The Hengshui Model, originally from Hengshui High School in Hebei Province, China, refers to an exam-oriented education system designed specifically for China’s college entrance examination (gaokao). The gaokao is one of China’s most critical selection examinations, largely determining whether students can enter university and shaping their future path, thus having enormous influence on individual destinies.

Within this system, schools function essentially as “examination factories,” while students become machines constantly operating to produce good scores, losing creativity amid drill-and-kill methods and examination preparation environments. This education model gradually became popular nationwide due to its ability to significantly improve students’ exam scores and university admission rates, especially in economically underdeveloped and heavily populated provinces and regions. According to China Newsweek, as of 2021, at least 21 branch schools across the country had been named “Hengshui High School”, spread across more than ten provinces in central and western China, demonstrating the rapid replication and dissemination of this model nationwide (Xu, 2021).

The most notable features of the Hengshui Model are its military-style management, indoctrination-like propaganda, and mechanical repetitive training. For instance, Hengshui-style schools schedule students’ days precisely to the minute, from rising at 5:30 a.m. to lights-out at 10:30 p.m., leaving virtually no time for free activities. Even mealtimes are compressed to merely fifteen minutes outside of lessons and homework. Additionally, teaching buildings are typically adorned with numerous motivational slogans, and during extracurricular periods, students are required to participate in collective mobilisation and oath-taking ceremonies to reinforce their sense of obedience (Song, 2012). The direct purpose of these two approaches is to control students’ time and energy entirely for repetitive practice of examination questions, thus achieving the core objective of producing good scores through standardised examination preparation.

 

Nature of the Hengshui model: Educational Alienation in the Context of Involution

The concept of “involution” originates from anthropologist Clifford Geertz, who initially used it to describe the process in Indonesian agriculture where, under external expansion constraints, production was maintained through increased  labour input, pointing to a form of “growth without development”—a stagnant complexification (Geertz, 1963, p70). The Hengshui Model represents precisely such an educational involution mechanism: developed to cope with population pressure in a context where social evaluation standards, educational resource distribution, and socioeconomic structures resist short-term change, it employs highly concentrated study time and standardised training to enhance students’ examination performance.

Although the number of newborns in China fluctuated between 2000 and 2010, it remained relatively high and later peaked in 2016 following the introduction of the universal two-child policy, bringing about a dramatic increase in student numbers from the generation known as the “demographic dividend” (National Bureau of Statistics of China, 2017). However, this ‘demographic dividend’ has not conferred advantages on the generation itself but rather caused a sharp increase in peer pressure and competitive stress. In the subsequent decade, this population trend significantly elevated the number of students in China’s basic and higher education, intensifying competition for university admission and employment. Against this backdrop, gaokao scores and undergraduate qualifications became critical thresholds measuring opportunities for individual social mobility, and the Hengshui Model—capable of achieving score improvements through extreme management methods in a short period—emerged in response.

Despite its effectiveness in raising test scores, the Hengshui Model embodies another crucial aspect of involution: the absence of increased output relative to input. While students invest substantially more time and energy in academic preparation, this intensification rarely brings proportional gains in innovative thinking, practical problem-solving abilities, or diverse talent development—qualities essential for broader social progress. Instead, the system primarily optimizes for narrow examination metrics, creating what might be termed ‘educational involution’: an increasingly complex and demanding learning environment that produces diminishing returns in terms of genuine educational outcomes and societal advancement.

The Hengshui model’s harm to education

In addition to the extremely low incremental output resulting from high investment mentioned above, another serious harm of the Hengshui model is the negative impact on the physical and mental health development of adolescents. In 2021, China’s Ministry of Education clearly pointed out in the “Double Reduction” policy that in compulsory education, “excessive academic burden and emphasis on exam-oriented education seriously affect students’ physical and mental health development and overall development (Zhao, 2022). This statement reflects the national-level concern about the negative consequences brought by high-pressure learning environments like the Hengshui model.

These concerns are not unfounded. In 2014 and 2015, two consecutive incidents of student suicide by jumping occurred at one of the high schools in Hengshui. Both students were in their senior year of high school and died despite rescue effort (Sina Education, 2015). The two tragedies happened less than six months apart, triggering widespread public questioning about whether the “Hengshui-style education” was overwhelming students’ psychological resilience. Afterward, the school installed iron railings in the corridors of teaching buildings to prevent further jumping incidents, a measure that also sparked heated discussion online. Many believed this further deepened the impression of a “prison-like school.” These real cases profoundly reveal the potential cost when an education system places “scores” above the physical and mental well-being of individual students.

This highly institutionalized design reflects a deeper mechanism of psychological control: the systematic suppression of the need for “recognition.” Under the educational framework of the Hengshui model, students are cut off from pathways to gain validation through interpersonal relationships, individual expression, or even self-reflection. The school strictly restricts normal emotional interactions such as friendships and romantic relationships, while uniform dress codes and  behavioural requirements further compress the space for individuals to demonstrate differences and independence. In this environment, learning performance becomes almost the only value source that students are allowed to pursue—they can only obtain affirmation from teachers, parents, and the system itself through high scores. Over time, scores are no longer just tools for advancement to higher education but become the sole pillar supporting students’ self-esteem and emotional legitimacy. Once this single pillar is shaken or collapses, extreme  behaviours such as suicide may become an emotional outlet, reflecting the deep erosion of adolescents’ psychological resilience in an extreme exam-oriented environment.

Prospects for change

Despite the heavy criticism of the Hengshui model’s exam-oriented approach and highly disciplined management, its existence is not accidental but rather a product of structural factors in contemporary Chinese society. Against a backdrop of increasingly fierce competition for academic credentials, highly unequal distribution of educational resources, and gradually solidifying social stratification, “high producing” systems like Hengshui Middle School provide many families with a limited yet realistic channel for upward mobility (Wang Ji & Wang Yue, 2021). Therefore, simply restricting or criticizing this type of school model may not fundamentally resolve the distortion in the educational ecosystem.

Truly effective transformation requires institutional-level changes. This includes building a more equitable educational resource distribution system, promoting diversification of educational evaluation standards, establishing ability-oriented rather than credential-oriented employment mechanisms in society, and providing diversified development paths for different types of students. Only in this way can the educational alienation embodied by the Hengshui model possibly be redirected back to “nurturing people” itself, opening new possibilities for the future of basic education in China.

 

Reference：

Geertz, C. (1963). Agricultural involution: The processes of ecological change in Indonesia. University of California Press.

National Bureau of Statistics of China. (2017). China Statistical Yearbook 2017. China Statistics Press. Retrieved from China Statistical Yearbook-2017

Song, S. (2012, June 9). Hengshui High School: “Prison-style education” and “Gaokao factory.” Beijing News. Retrieved from https://www.bjnews.com.cn/news/2012/06/09/203697.html

Sina Education. (2015, April 4). Alarm bells: Two student suicides at Hengshui No. 2 High School within six months. Retrieved from https://top.sina.cn/edu/2015-04-04/tnews-iawzuney2430511.d.html

Wang, J., & Wang, Y. (2021). Reflections on the Hengshui High School education model. Chinese Journal of Education, (5), 36–40.

Wikipedia contributors. (n.d.). Hengshui model. In *Wikipedia*. Retrieved April 20, 2025, fromhttps://zh.wikipedia.org/wiki/%E8%A1%A1%E6%B0%B4%E6%A8%A1%E5%BC%8F

Xu, T. (2021, September 6). The Capitalization Path of the Hengshui Model. China Newsweek, Issue No. 1011. 20多所分校，谁在从衡水中学的资本版图获利？ -中新网

Zhao, B. (2022, January 12). Data interpretation: Achievements in the implementation of the “Double Reduction” policy in 2021. Ministry of Education of the People’s Republic of China. Retrieved from http://www.moe.gov.cn/jyb_xwfb/moe_2082/2021/2021_zl53/tsj/202201/t20220112_593913.html

 

 

The Role of EdTech Startups in Transforming Education in Egypt 

Source: Getty Image https://www.al-monitor.com/originals/2022/01/egypt-moves-redress-teacher-shortages-public-schools

Written by Iasmina Stoian 

Education in Egypt has long faced numerous challenges, including overcrowded classrooms, insufficient resources, and outdated curricula. For decades, these obstacles have limited the quality and accessibility of education for students across the country, particularly in rural areas. In recent years, however, the rise of educational technology (EdTech) startups has begun to change the face of education in Egypt. These innovative companies are leveraging technology to address the systemic issues within the Egyptian education system, offering new opportunities for both students and educators. This article explores the transformative role of EdTech startups in Egypt and their potential to reshape the future of education in the country.

 

The Need for Innovation in Egyptian Education

The Egyptian education system has historically been marked by its rigidity, with an over-reliance on rote memorization and high-stakes testing. Students often lack access to critical thinking, creativity, and problem-solving skills—skills that are increasingly in demand in the global workforce. Furthermore, a significant urban-rural divide exacerbates educational inequality, with students in rural areas facing even greater challenges in accessing quality education.

The COVID-19 pandemic highlighted these pre-existing issues while also introducing new challenges. With schools closing for extended periods, millions of students were left without access to education due to the lack of digital infrastructure and resources. The crisis underscored the urgent need for innovation in education and the potential of technology to provide solutions.

 

 

The Rise of EdTech Startups

In response to these challenges, Egypt has seen a surge in the number of EdTech startups in recent years. These startups are developing innovative platforms, tools, and applications designed to make education more accessible, engaging, and effective for students across the country. The growing demand for online learning during the pandemic acted as a catalyst for many of these ventures, but their impact is expected to extend far beyond the immediate crisis.

EdTech startups in Egypt are tackling a wide range of educational needs, from early childhood learning to university-level education and vocational training. They are focusing on diverse areas, including online tutoring, interactive learning platforms, gamification, and adaptive learning technologies. These companies are not only addressing the issues of accessibility and quality but also working to modernize and digitize the traditional education system.

Key Areas of Transformation

One of the most significant contributions of EdTech startups in Egypt is the promotion of personalized learning. Traditional classrooms often fail to cater to the individual needs of students, as teachers are required to manage large groups with varying levels of ability. EdTech solutions, however, allow students to learn at their own pace, accessing resources tailored to their learning styles and needs.

Platforms like Almentor and Kiwa Academy offer online courses in various subjects, enabling students to select the areas in which they need more support. By providing a more flexible and personalized approach, EdTech companies are helping students to better understand complex concepts, retain information, and develop independent learning habits.

Another crucial area where EdTech startups are making a difference is in bridging the gap between urban and rural education. In Egypt, students in rural areas often have limited access to qualified teachers, modern resources, and extracurricular activities. This has led to a significant disparity in educational outcomes between rural and urban students. Through digital platforms, EdTech startups are making quality education accessible to students in remote areas. For example, Nafham, an Egyptian EdTech platform, provides free educational content aligned with the national curriculum, allowing students across the country to access lessons regardless of their location. The platform also includes interactive features like quizzes and video tutorials, making learning more engaging and effective.

In addition to student-focused initiatives, some EdTech startups in Egypt are also working to enhance teacher training and professional development. The traditional education system often overlooks the need for continuous teacher training, leaving educators ill-equipped to manage the changing demands of the modern classroom. EdTech startups such as Classera provide teacher training programs that help educators develop digital literacy and integrate technology into their teaching methods. By empowering teachers with new tools and skills, these startups are improving the overall quality of education and ensuring that teachers can provide students with a more engaging and interactive learning experience.

The Egyptian education system has traditionally placed a heavy emphasis on academic learning, often at the expense of vocational training and lifelong learning opportunities. EdTech startups are addressing this gap by providing platforms that cater to non-traditional learners, including those seeking vocational training or professional development.

For instance, platforms like Udemy and SkillAcademy offer courses in various vocational fields, enabling learners to acquire skills that are directly applicable to the job market. These platforms are particularly valuable in a country like Egypt, where unemployment rates are high, and many young people are seeking opportunities to enhance their employability through skills-based learning.

Challenges and Opportunities

Despite the significant progress made by EdTech startups in Egypt, challenges remain. One of the primary obstacles is the lack of digital infrastructure in many parts of the country. While EdTech platforms can reach students in remote areas, they still require a reliable internet connection and access to devices, both of which are limited in many rural regions. Additionally, there is a need for greater collaboration between EdTech companies and the government to ensure that technological solutions are integrated into the national education system in a sustainable and equitable manner.

However, the opportunities for growth are immense. Egypt’s young and tech-savvy population is increasingly open to adopting new technologies, and the government has shown a growing interest in supporting digital education initiatives. By fostering an ecosystem that supports innovation and collaboration, Egypt has the potential to become a regional leader in EdTech, with startups playing a pivotal role in transforming education for future generations.

Conclusion

The rise of EdTech startups in Egypt represents a promising step toward addressing the longstanding challenges of the country’s education system. Through personalized learning, improved access to resources, enhanced teacher training, and innovative teaching methods, these startups are reshaping how students learn and how educators teach. While challenges remain, the transformative potential of EdTech is undeniable, offering hope for a more inclusive, accessible, and effective education system in Egypt. As these startups continue to grow and evolve, they are poised to play a critical role in the future of education in the country.

Education in Egypt has long faced numerous challenges, including overcrowded classrooms, insufficient resources, and outdated curricula. For decades, these obstacles have limited the quality and accessibility of education for students across the country, particularly in rural areas. In recent years, however, the rise of educational technology (EdTech) startups has begun to change the face of education in Egypt. These innovative companies are leveraging technology to address the systemic issues within the Egyptian education system, offering new opportunities for both students and educators. This article explores the transformative role of EdTech startups in Egypt and their potential to reshape the future of education in the country.

 

Keywords: Egypt, education, personalized learning, online learning platforms, digital education, vocational training, teacher, innovation

 

Estonia’s Teacher Shortages: A Threat to Educational Excellence

Estonia’s Teacher Shortages: A Threat to Educational Excellence

Written by Siti Hajar Auliannisa

Introduction

Estonia has a rich history dating back to the 13th century, and it has adopted innovative approaches that prioritize equal access to high-quality education. The comprehensive system provides free education at all levels and gives schools more autonomy by allowing them to tailor curricula, teaching methods, and administrative decisions.

 

Education in Estonia is legally free, unless parents choose to send their children to private schools. Early childhood education, basic education, upper secondary education, and higher education are the four levels of education. The structure of the education system allows everyone to progress from one level of education to the next. Furthermore, the Estonian education system is decentralized, with clear divisions of responsibility between the state, local government, and schools. The language of instruction is mainly Estonian, but other languages may be used as stipulated in the legislation.

 

According to the PISA 2022 educational survey, Estonian 15-year-olds have the absolute best knowledge and skills in Europe and are among the top eight in the world. Among Estonia is ranked first-2nd in mathematics with Switzerland, first in science, and first-2nd in reading with Ireland.

 

According to PISA, Estonian headmasters and teachers enjoy significant autonomy, ranking the country first among nations for the freedom educators have in designing school curricula and contributing to management decisions.

 

However, despite the international acclaim for Estonia’s education system, the growing shortage of qualified teachers stands out as a major concern. This issue, highlighted by the survey, is a critical challenge the nation is working to address in the coming years to preserve its educational excellence.

 

The Scope of the Problem

 

For over a decade, state statistics and international comparisons have highlighted a troubling trend in Estonia’s teaching workforce, with conditions deteriorating each year. The average age of Estonian teachers is approximately 50, and the proportion of educators aged over 60 has risen from 17% to 24% between 2015 and 2023 (Haridussilm, 2024; OECD, 2020). Meanwhile, the percentage of qualified teachers—those with a teaching certificate and a master’s degree or equivalent—dropped from 87% to 81% in general education schools from 2017 to 2022 (Ministry of Education and Research, 2022).

 

Additionally, the latest TALIS report (OECD, 2020) shows that 41% of teachers under 35 in Estonia are considering leaving the profession within the next five years, the highest percentage among all TALIS countries. The COVID-19 pandemic exacerbated the situation, with nearly a third more teachers leaving their roles in the 2021-2022 academic year compared to two years prior (Arenguseire Keskus, 2023). These challenges pose a significant threat to the stability of Estonia’s education system.

 

Underlying Causes of Teacher Shortages

 

Economic Factors

 

The teaching profession’s social status, encompassing low salaries and limited societal recognition, serves as a significant deterrent. Across many countries, teachers earn less than professionals with similar qualifications. In Estonia, the average teacher’s salary equates to 92% of the national average salary for specialists with higher education. In 2023, lower secondary teachers earned an average of USD 37,506, which is 24% higher than the starting salary. However, this remains uncompetitive compared to earnings in other fields, making it difficult to retain teachers in the profession.

 

While salary is not the primary reason individuals pursue teaching, inadequate pay can drive even highly motivated teachers and aspiring educators to leave the field.

 

Social Perceptions

 

The position and perception of teachers in Estonia present a paradox: despite producing some of the world’s best educational outcomes, a significant number of teachers report dissatisfaction with their jobs and the level of societal appreciation. Many teachers perceive their own efficacy as low and view societal attitudes toward the teaching profession as overly critical. Consequently, teaching is not a highly attractive career choice for upper secondary school graduates, leading to a workforce that is increasingly feminized and ageing.

 

Research has also highlighted various personal factors influencing teacher retention. While the impact of gender is mixed, younger and less experienced teachers are more likely to leave the profession. Many young professionals are opting for higher-paying, more flexible career paths outside of teaching. Conversely, teachers with traditional educational qualifications tend to stay in the field longer compared to those who enter through alternative certification programs.

 

Workload and Burnout

 

Teacher retention is heavily influenced by well-being and health, with burnout playing a significant role. For those who choose to stay in the profession, the workload can be overwhelming. Estonian teachers juggle extensive administrative duties alongside the challenges of inclusive education and managing diverse classrooms. Additionally, the national curriculum, often criticized for being excessively demanding, exacerbates their workload, leaving limited opportunities for creativity or personal development.

 

Impact of Teacher Shortages

 

On students

Teacher shortages have a profound impact on students’ education, causing disruptions in learning, reducing opportunities, and hindering academic success. The absence of qualified teachers often results in increased reliance on substitute educators or larger class sizes, which disrupt the continuity of instruction and negatively affect students’ understanding of the material.

 

Moreover, schools facing teacher shortages may be forced to cancel advanced or specialized courses, such as higher-level mathematics or science, limiting students’ academic opportunities and preparation for higher education. Research also suggests that teacher shortages contribute to lower academic performance, as larger class sizes and less qualified instructors may struggle to meet the varied learning needs of students effectively.

 

On teachers

The decentralized structure of Estonia’s education system adds another layer of complexity. While schools and municipalities enjoy considerable autonomy, this flexibility has led to difficulties in resource distribution, long-term planning, and addressing the specific needs of individual schools. Local municipalities, in particular, often struggle to offer adequate support for teachers, which increases their stress and workload, further aggravating the teacher shortage. Although teacher training programs are theoretically robust, they often fall short in providing enough practical experience, leaving new educators unprepared for the challenges of classroom management and inclusive education. Consequently, many teachers either leave the profession early or decide against entering it altogether, intensifying the shortage.

 

On the Education System

 

The National Audit Office highlights that the shortage of adequately qualified teachers undermines the quality of general education. Their analysis reveals that in the context of teacher shortages, lessons in natural and exact sciences are often taught by teachers from other subjects or “career switchers.” While these teachers may hold the required master’s degree and teaching qualification, they often lack the specific training needed for the subjects they teach. The profession’s reputation has been further damaged by negative media portrayals and the increasing practice of employing unqualified individuals, making recruitment even more difficult.

 

Etonia’s Efforts to Address the Issue

 

 

Rethinking teacher schedules, Professional Learning, and Leadership

Estonia is actively reimagining the teaching profession, exploring innovative approaches to school organization that prioritize more flexible schedules for teachers, relevant professional development, and enhanced teacher leadership. These strategies align with calls for similar changes in the U.S. as well.

 

Diversifying the Teacher Pool

Estonia is working to diversify its teacher workforce by attracting individuals pursuing second careers and offering part-time positions for professionals from other fields.

 

Modernizing Teacher Education Programs

The reforms are extending beyond the classroom to teacher education, with preparation programs experimenting with “learn on the job” training and emphasizing the use of digital tools to improve learning and tailor education to students’ needs. Additionally, teacher education students are taking on new roles to assist classroom teachers while gaining valuable learning experiences from them.

 

Increasing Teacher Salaries

Like many other regions, Estonia analyzed teacher salaries and determined that stronger financial incentives were necessary to attract and retain educators. From 2016 to 2020, teacher salaries increased by approximately 40%, and this year, the Education Minister pledged to raise salaries to 120% of the average wage in Estonia by 2023. Additionally, new teachers are offered bonuses to take positions in underserved rural areas.

 

Conclusion

In conclusion, while Estonia’s education system continues to excel globally, the persistent teacher shortages pose a critical challenge to maintaining its high standards. The root causes, including aging educators, low salaries, societal perceptions, and burnout, demand immediate attention. The nation’s efforts to address these issues—through increased salaries, modernized teacher training, diversified recruitment, and innovative school organization—show promise, but more comprehensive strategies and sustained investment are necessary. Without a robust and well-supported teaching workforce, Estonia risks compromising the very foundation of its educational success and the future development of its students.

  

References

 

Arenguseire Keskus. “The Future for the Next Generation of Teachers: Trends and Scenarios up to 2040.” November 15, 2024. https://arenguseire.ee/en/reports/the-future-for-the-next-generation-of-teachers-trends-and-scenarios-up-to-2040/.

 

Estonian News. “Shortage of Qualified Teachers Is Greater in Estonia Than Previously Thought.” January 26, 2024. https://news.postimees.ee/7947387/shortage-of-qualified-teachers-is-greater-in-estonia-than-previously-thought.

 

European Commission. “National Reforms in School Education—Estonia.” Eurydice. Last updated March 29, 2023. https://eurydice.eacea.ec.europa.eu/national-education-systems/estonia/national-reforms-general-school-education.

 

Eva Toome. “PISA 2022: Estonia Consistently Among the World’s Best.” Education Estonia, September 10, 2024. https://www.educationestonia.org/estonias-pisa-2022-results-consistently-among-the-worlds-best/.

 

Gorard, Stephen, Mark Ledger, Beng Huat See, and Rebecca Morris. “What Are the Key Predictors of International Teacher Shortages?” Research Papers in Education, October 23, 2024, 1–28. https://doi.org/10.1080/02671522.2024.2414427.

 

Haridussilm. “Teachers.” Accessed January 11, 2025. https://www.haridussilm.ee/ee/tasemeharidus/haridustootajad/opetajad.

 

Ministry of Education and Research. “Haridus- ja Teadusministeeriumi 2022. aasta tulemusar-uande analüütiline lisa” [Analytical Annex to the Ministry of Education and Research Performance Report 2022]. 2022. https://www.hm.ee/sites/default/files/documents/2023-08/2022_TA_anal%C3%BC%C3%BCtiline_lisa.pdf.

 

NCEE. “How Estonia Is Addressing Its Teacher Shortage.” January 20, 2022. https://ncee.org/quick-read/how-estonia-is-addressing-its-teacher-shortage/.

 

OECD. TALIS 2018 Results (Volume II): Teachers and School Leaders as Valued Professionals. Paris: OECD Publishing, 2020.

 

Educational Challenges in Cambodia

Educational Challenges in Cambodia

Written by Siti Hajar Auliannisa

Introduction

 

Cambodia’s education system has undergone a remarkable transformation thanks to considerable efforts by the Cambodian government and concerned stakeholders. In general education, there has been improvement across the sub-sector. For example, there have been efforts to improve the quality of teachers and school principals as well as educational infrastructure. In 2014, a major reform to the Grade 12 national examination was introduced to combat corruption and cheating during exams (Bredenberg, 2022). In 2016, another reform to general education was undertaken; that is, the introduction of a school improvement initiative known as the New Generation Schools. This important initiative aims to create a new model of public schools in Cambodia to improve the quality of general education (Bredenberg, 2022).

 

Cambodia’s education system: A brief historical account

 

According to McNamara and Hayden (2022), Cambodia has a tragic past. After a brief period of socioeconomic development following its independence from France in 1953, Cambodia plunged into political instability in the early 1970s, after which the country experienced one of the world’s worst tragedies in the 20th century, the Khmer Rouge. After the collapse of the Khmer Rouge regime (1975-1979) that killed one-quarter of the Cambodian population, Cambodia had to start from scratch to rebuild itself, including its education system (McNamara & Hayden, 2022).

 

During the genocide of the Khmer Rouge, Cambodia’s education system was completely dismantled. Educational infrastructure was destroyed or used for non-educational purposes, while teachers and other educated Cambodians were targeted for execution (Ayres, 2000). It was estimated that 75% of the teaching force died during the Khmer Rouge regime (Clayton, 1998). It was only in the early 1990s that Cambodia started to witness significant social and national development. Throughout the 2000s and 2010s, there have been a lot of improvements, particularly in quantitative aspects, in Cambodia’s education system. One of the significant achievements is the surge in student enrollment.

 

Cambodia’s education system: Current structure

 

Cambodia’s current education system is divided into four major streams: (a) pre-primary education or early childhood education, (b) general education, (c) technical and vocational education and training (TVET), and (d) higher education (Tao & Kao, 2023). Pre-primary education caters to children aged three to five and is provided at three distinct types of preschools: public, private, and community-based (Om, 2022). Following that, general education follows the 6+3+3 structure, comprising six years of primary education (Grades 1-6), three years of lower secondary education (Grades 7-9), and another three years of upper secondary education (Grades 10-12). A combination of primary and lower secondary education (Grades 1-9) constitutes the country’s compulsory basic education (UNESCO, 2008).

 

After finishing lower secondary education, students can either continue to regular upper secondary education or enroll in secondary-level TVET programs to qualify for TVET certificate types C1, C2, and C3 (Tao & Kao, 2023). Holders of TVET certificate type C3 can pursue advanced TVET programs: two years for a TVET diploma and four years for a bachelor’s degree in TVET-specific disciplines.

 

According to MoEYS (2023), over the past decade (2013-2022), there has been significant progress in terms of educational infrastructure development, student enrollment, and education access. For instance, the number of kindergarten and general education schools has increased from 14,852 in the 2013-2014 academic year to 18,830 in the 2022-2023 academic year. The number of HEIs has also increased from 110 in the 2013-2014 academic year to 132 in the 2021-2022 academic year. Likewise, the number of education staff has increased from 112,704 in 2013 to 125,597 in 2022.

 

 

Early Childhood Education

 

Early childhood education (ECE), which includes both early childhood care and preschool education, provides children with an essential foundation for success in life. About one-third of all Cambodians are below 15 years of age. In 2019, there were almost 1 million 3- to 5-year-olds (6.2% of the national population) in Cambodia.  Cambodia continues, however, to struggle with achieving the quantity and quality of ECE provision required to meet national needs. The quality of ECE programs in Cambodia relies heavily on having personnel with well-developed skills and knowledge. The problem is especially acute for community-based multilingual preschools, where a severe teacher shortage has significantly impaired expansion. It is also difficult to retain high-performing personnel because employment in the sector is not well-remunerated and lacks social status.

 

To date, ECE programs lack coherence and have not been systematically developed and implemented. Their implementation is subject to variations in socioeconomic conditions and the availability of resources across the country. Different models of ECE provision exist between public and private preschools and between community-based and home-based models. Programs delivered also vary according to particular geographic circumstances and social needs. In general, there is a lack of coherence in how different government levels participate in the management of preschools.

 

Quality of Educations

 

To measure student learning progress against the national curriculum, MoEYS conducts national assessments for grades 3, 6, 8 and 11 on a cyclical basis. To gain insight about performance against other countries, it also participates in the PISA-D survey process; and it has joined the Southeast Asia Primary Learning Metrics (SEA-PLM) initiative.

 

The relatively low performance in the national assessments is in line with findings from PISA-D and SEA-PLM sources. According to human capital index data on the years of schooling and quality of learning for students aged 18 years, Cambodian 18-year-old students had received around 9.5 years of schooling, which was lower than for all other ASEAN countries and Timor-Leste. According to PISA-D, only 8% of Cambodian children achieved a minimum level of reading proficiency; and only 10% achieved a minimum level of proficiency in mathematics .

 

 

Infrastructure and Facilities

 

One of the primary challenges that the Cambodian education system faces is the lack of adequate infrastructure. Many schools, particularly in rural areas, are bereft of basic facilities such as clean drinking water, electricity, and sanitation facilities. This is akin to the situation in several developing countries where rural areas often lag behind urban centres in terms of infrastructure development. Moreover, many schools are constructed from makeshift materials, making them susceptible to damage from natural disasters. This lack of sturdy, well-equipped school buildings can significantly impact the quality of education provided.

 

Alongside the infrastructural issues, there is also a severe shortage of resources. Many schools lack essential teaching aids like textbooks, computers, and other learning materials. This is somewhat reminiscent of the early days of the British education system, where resources were scarce and often outdated. Furthermore, the student to teacher ratio in many Cambodian schools is alarmingly high, leading to overcrowded classrooms and a lack of individual attention for students.

 

Teachers Shortages

 

Ministry of Education, Youth and Sport (2022) stated that key challenges facing Cambodia’s primary education included a shortage of teachers in remote areas and an oversupply of teachers in urban areas, a lack of teacher capacity building, limited quality of teachers, inadequate technological infrastructure, and a lack of materials for sanitation promotion. In secondary education, the challenges were the limited quality of teachers, inadequate opportunities for practical experiences, a lack of science teachers and facilities that support STEM subjects, and a lack of qualified staff or experts in English, ICT, health education, and architecture.

 

More than 60 percent of Cambodian children of lower-secondary-school age (12–14) were out of school in 2015, and 21 percent dropped out. Around 70 percent of sampled schools were short of classrooms. Teacher shortages were serious, and the majority of Cambodian teachers held low qualifications. As a result, student learning outcomes were low, with only eight percent of 15-year-old students reaching the minimum level of reading proficiency, as required by the Sustainable Development Goals, and just 10 percent achieving the minimum level of proficiency in mathematics, based on the PISA-D results in 2018.

 

Due to a lack of teachers and infrastructure, many public schools in Cambodia’s education system only operate for half-a-day morning or afternoon sessions. Many classes are overcrowded, and it is difficult for students to make substantial academic progress by attending just a few hours a day.

Socioeconomic Impact on Education

 

There has been a significant improvement in Cambodia’s student-to-teacher ratios over recent years, but classrooms remain relatively crowded. The situation is worse in rural areas, where classrooms are often overcrowded and school buildings are more dilapidated. There is also a large gap between rural and urban schools, estimated to be in the order of 10–15% points each year, in grade 6 completion rates. National assessment tests in 2016 indicated that while 62% of grade 6 students from urban areas were either proficient or advanced in Khmer language, only 35% of students from rural areas met this standard.

 

Students from better-off households were much more likely to have outperformed students from less well-off home backgrounds. As shown in Fig. 3.10, 60.6% of grade 6 students from the top quintile of family socioeconomic status were considered proficient or advanced in Khmer language, compared with only 24.4% from the bottom quintile of family socioeconomic status.

 

The gap was even more pronounced in mathematics. More than one-half (55.3%) of students from the top quintile for family socioeconomic status were proficient or advanced in mathematics, compared with less than one-quarter (23.1%) from the bottom quintile; and while 39.4% from the top quintile were below a basic level of proficiency in mathematics, the proportion for the lowest family socioeconomic status quintile was 73.1%.

Barriers between Public and Private School

 

Attendance at a public or private primary school was also strongly associated with different performance levels in the grade 6 Khmer language and mathematics tests. In the mathematics test, 67.4% of private school students obtained correct answers, whereas only 48.4% of public school students did so. In the Khmer language test, 52.1% of public school students achieved a satisfactory outcome, compared with 72.1% of private school students.

 

PISA-D survey results confirm the pattern. Fifteen-year-olds from private schools consistently outperformed their peers from public schools across the three areas of reading, mathematics and science. The performance difference was estimated to be equivalent to more than 2 years of schooling, meaning that, on average, the abilities of grade 6 students in public schools could just match the abilities of grade 4 students in private schools. However, private school education’s advantage was largely reduced after adjustment was made for family socioeconomic status. Students from better-off households were more highly represented at private than public schools

 

Conclusion

Cambodia’s education system has made significant strides since the end of the Khmer Rouge regime, but it still faces many challenges. These include teacher shortages, inadequate infrastructure, quality disparities between public and private schools, and significant socioeconomic inequalities. The government’s ongoing efforts to reform and improve education, including the New Generation Schools initiative and the introduction of national assessments, are steps in the right direction. However, addressing the fundamental challenges of teacher quality, infrastructure, and socioeconomic inequality will require sustained commitment and resources from both the government and international stakeholders.

References

  1. Bredenberg, Kurt. “Progress with Reforming Secondary Education in Cambodia.” In Education in the Asia-Pacific Region, 55–80, 2022. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-8213-1_4.
  2. Heng, Kimkong, and Bunhorn Doeur. “Realizing Cambodia’s Vision for a Knowledge-Based Society: Challenges and the Way Forward.” SSRN Electronic Journal, January 1, 2024. https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.4834212.
  3. John. “Challenges Faced By Cambodia’s Education System.” IPGCE @ UWE (blog), May 27, 2024. https://www.ipgce.com/challenges-faced-by-cambodias-education-system/.
  4. Ministry of Education, Youth, and Sport (MoEYS). Education Congress: The Education, Youth and Sport Performance in the Academic Year 2018-2019 and Goals for the Academic Year 2019-2020. MoEYS, 2020a.
  5. Ministry of Education, Youth, and Sport (MoEYS). Education Congress: The Education, Youth and Sport Performance in the Academic Year 2021-2022 and Goals for the Academic Year 2022-2023. MoEYS, 2023.
  6. Sloper, David. “Book Review: Education in Cambodia – From Year Zero Towards International Standards.” Journal of International Comparative Education 12, no. 2 (January 1, 2023): 123–24. https://doi.org/10.14425/jice.2023.12.2.0222.
  7. Tao, Nary, and Sovansophal Kao. “Overview of Education in Cambodia.” In Springer International Handbooks of Education, 1–26, 2023. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-8136-3_43-1.
  8. United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF). UNICEF in Cambodia Country Programme 2019-2023. RGC, 2019. https://www.unicef.org/cambodia/media/2361/file/CountryProgramme_OVERVIEW_25x25_2019_Final.pdf.
  9. United Nations Development Programme (UNDP). “Goal 4: Quality Education.” RGC, 2020. https://www.kh.undp.org/content/cambodia/en/home/sustainable-development-goals/goal-4-quality-education.html#target.

 

Introducing Artificial Intelligence (AI) in schools from the United Arab Emirates

Introducing Artificial Intelligence (AI) in schools from the United Arab Emirates

Written by Iasmina Stoian

Introduction

The United Arab Emirates (UAE) is a country of rapid development, with much advancement and prospective planning. It has emerged globally as a centre of business, tourism, and technology during the last couple of decades. Considering its progress so far, the UAE also envisages Artificial Intelligence (AI) playing a crucial role in the near future in almost all sectors, more so in education. By integrating AI into schools, the UAE is not only preparing students for various challenges in the 21st century but is also securing a leading position in terms of educational innovation. This essay further elaborates on the rationale behind UAE advancing with the integration of AI into education, the potential benefits and challenges this initiative may pose, and  prospects.

The United Arab Emirates’ Vision for Artificial Intelligence in Education

Artificial Intelligence is the replication of human intelligence by machines. AI systems can perform tasks related to problem-solving, decision-making, and data processing more effectively and faster than humans. In education, AI does have a bright future in revolutionizing the way students are taught, with teachers delivering personalized learning, huge administrative tasks performed efficiently, and instant feedback on assessments. The governments of the UAE recognize this potential and have adopted AI as a key enabler in the reform of education.

The UAE has always been committed to using technology to renew and reorganize its education system. It forms part of the broader strategy that the country has in relation to the achievement of education reforms, just like the UAE Vision 2021 and the UAE Centennial 2071 aimed at creating a knowledge-based, competitive economy. In April 2017, the federal government of the United Arab Emirates embarked on what is described as the “UAE Strategy for Artificial Intelligence,” the first of its kind in the region. It would also position the UAE to be the leader in AI on a global scale by 2031, focusing on one of many aspects of education.

AI vision in UAE schools is not to pour new wine into old vessels; rather, it is to achieve the highest degree of customization, efficiency, and effectiveness in the learning process. The UAE government envisions a future where AI should aid teachers and students learning experiences, thus adequately preparing them for the workforce of the future-which is fast becoming AI-intensive.

Benefits of Introducing AI in UAE Schools

Personalized Learning

One of the most significant advantages of AI in education is its ability to enable personalized learning. Through AI-driven platforms, there can be an in-depth analysis of data from each individual student to understand his or her strengths, weaknesses, learning style, and pace. Using such analysis, AI can craft personalized lesson plans, recommend resources, and change the difficulty level of the tasks to meet a student’s needs. This personalized learning will help bridge the gaps and make sure that every student in such a multicultural and diverse environment as UAE has the ability to excel to their full potential coming from different educational  backgrounds.

Improved Teaching Tools

AI can also be of much help to the teacher by displaying insights useful in better understanding the needs of their students. AI will facilitate automating administrative tasks like grading and attendance so that time for the teachers can be released for handling more sensitive parts of teaching.  More so, AI will provide the teacher with real-time feedback in terms of student performance, hence, allowing them to decide on issues and provide a solutions promptly. Therefore, AI will contribute to the provision of quality education within the UAE schools.

Preparing Students for the Future

The introduction of AI to schools also takes shape to prepare students for the AI-transformed future workforce. As AI continues to transform industries, the demand will rise for professionals possessing AI-related skills. With the present move to introduce AI in schools, these are steps that ensure UAE students are well-versed in these technologies and able to work comfortably with them. Exposure to AI at an early age can trigger students’ interests in the fields of STEM (Science, Technology, Engineering, and Mathematics) fields, which are essential to the UAE’s economic diversification efforts.

Challenges of Integrating AI in UAE Schools

Infrastructure and Resource

The major setbacks facing the integration of AI in schools in the UAE are the infrastructural and resource-related issues. Generally, deploying AI technologies requires huge investments in hardware, software, and network infrastructure. Schools are also supposed to have access to stable internet access, and the system should be kept safe from web insecurities. The UAE is well-placed and it indeed does make such investment, but it should not underestimate the scale of this task.

Adaptation and Teacher Training

A key challenge in AI integration is ensuring that teachers are properly trained to use AI tools effectively. Implementing AI in classrooms may require revisiting traditional teaching concepts and adopting new, innovative methodologies. Continuous professional development and training are crucial for teachers to remain updated on AI-driven tools and practices. In many cases, this has proven to be a significant hurdle. For instance, in the US, several studies have shown that insufficient teacher training hinders effective AI implementation. The UAE must prioritize teacher training to avoid similar issues.

Ethical and Privacy Concerns

The application of AI in education further promotes ethical and privacy concerns. Data collection and analysis are central to AI for better service to the learners; nonetheless, data collection must equally have strong data protection measures to ensure security in the information. This may even pose the question whether the decisions are to be left to the AI systems or those of the educators themselves. This balancing with the benefits of AI adds to the critical challenge for the policymakers and educators in the UAE.

Conclusion

Indeed, the UAE’s vision for AI in schools goes purposely beyond the school itself. The integration of AI into UAE’s educational system does not only provide a superior experience for the learners but also fast-tracks the country in embracing the process of creating a more resilient and adaptive student learner. Despite many challenges, potential benefits brought about by AI are substantive. It is with these continuous investments that the UAE is most likely to take a leading position in state-of-the-art innovation in education globally while setting a new standard on how technology can be embraced in order to optimize learning.

 

Keywords: Artificial Intelligence, teaching, UAE, educational innovation, STEM education, digital transformation

References:

 

 

Family punishment in Turkey: The case of Melek İpek

Family punishment in Turkey: The case of Melek İpek

Written by Panashe Marie Louise Mlambo

The recent arrest of Melek İpek, the 78-year-old mother of Akın İpek, a prominent Turkish businessman who has been purged from the country, has brought renewed attention to the practice of family punishment in Turkey. This concept, also known as Sippenhaft—a term originating in Nazi Germany—refers to penalising family members for the actions of a relative, particularly in authoritarian regimes. According to the Stockholm Centre for Freedom, Melek İpek was sentenced to over six years in prison for alleged ties to the Gülen Movement, which the Turkish government has designated as a terrorist organisation since 2015 (Stockholm Centre for Freedom, 2023, p. 1).

 

This is an example of the ongoing violations of the rule of law in Turkey, which mandates that all individuals and institutions, including lawmakers and leaders, are accountable to the same laws. This fundamental principle, which underpins democratic governance, continues to be undermined in Turkey, particularly with respect to freedom of speech and association (Amnesty International, 2022, p. 3).

 

This article analyses cases like that of Melek İpek, explaining how Turkey’s legal system propagates family punishments and their effects. It further examines various methods employed by the Turkish government, including blacklisting, arbitrary detention, passport revocation, and property confiscation, as forms of collective punishment that undermine the rule of law and individual rights.

Historical Background

Family punishment has roots in authoritarian practices throughout history. The term Sippenhaft was notably used during Nazi Germany to hold family members accountable for the crimes of an individual. In Turkey, this practice has resurfaced as a tactic to suppress dissent against President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s administration. The government has systematically targeted relatives of individuals associated with the Gülen Movement, aiming to deter opposition by instilling fear within families (Freedom House, 2023, p. 5).

The Turkish government uses the July 2016 coup attempt as justification for the imprisonment of anyone associated with suspected members of the movement. Anti-terrorism laws have been broadly interpreted to justify extensive crackdowns on dissent. For example, Melek İpek was convicted under these laws for “membership in a terrorist organisation,” reflecting a legal environment where mere association with disfavoured groups can lead to severe penalties. The vagueness of these laws raises significant concerns about due process and individual rights (Human Rights Watch, 2023, p. 7). Additionally, family members with no proven connection to any alleged crimes are frequently targeted, perpetuating a climate of fear and suppression.

Incidents of Family Punishments in Turkey

Melek İpek’s arrest is part of a broader pattern where family members of political dissidents face legal repercussions. Similarly, Enes Kanter Freedom, a former NBA player, has spoken out about the harassment his family faced, which led him to cut ties with them in 2016 (Kanter Freedom, 2016, p. 3). His criticism of the government also resulted in his youth camp in New York being targeted. Another example is journalist Can Dündar, known for exposing government misconduct. His wife faced travel restrictions after his reporting on sensitive issues, such as Turkish intelligence’s arms transfers to Syria (Dündar, 2016, p. 4). Likewise, Hakan Şükür, a former football star and vocal critic of Erdoğan, has seen his relatives harassed and subjected to legal challenges following his departure from Turkey (Freedom House, 2023, p. 8).

The Stockholm Centre for Freedom reports that over two million individuals in Turkey have been blacklisted, including alleged supporters of the Gülen Movement and members of the Kurdish political movement. This blacklisting serves as a punitive measure, circumventing due process and resulting in severe restrictions on daily life. For instance, disabled teenagers have reportedly been denied benefits solely because their fathers were blacklisted (Stockholm Centre for Freedom, 2023, p. 12).

As of July 2023, over 122,000 individuals have been sentenced for alleged links to the Gülen Movement, with 12,108 still in prison. Such measures highlight the expansive reach of the government’s punitive practices, which extend far beyond individuals to encompass their families (Amnesty International, 2022, p. 15).

Legal Framework and Implications

The Gülen Movement was officially designated as a terrorist organisation (Fethullah Terrorist Organisation – FETO) in 2016, enabling the government to arrest and detain individuals under anti-terrorism statutes. By July 2023, over 117,000 terrorism-related convictions had been recorded (United Kingdom Government, 2023, p. 9).

This legal framework permits arbitrary detention without due process for individuals suspected of links to the Gülen Movement. Family members of alleged dissidents, including spouses and children, are frequently detained to coerce compliance or silence dissent. The Turkish government has faced widespread criticism for using vague definitions of terrorism to justify these actions (Human Rights Watch, 2023, p. 11). However, a lack of international accountability has allowed such practices to persist.

The erosion of judicial independence in Turkey further exacerbates these issues. Judges and lawyers have been dismissed or imprisoned for defending dissenting voices, leading to a judiciary that enables politically motivated prosecutions and undermines fair trial rights (Amnesty International, 2022, p. 17).

The Consequences

The implications of Melek İpek’s case extend beyond her individual circumstances. By extending punitive measures to family members, the government effectively discourages dissent and creates a culture of fear. Vulnerable populations, such as the elderly and disabled, are disproportionately affected. For instance, elderly individuals like Melek İpek suffer health complications exacerbated by detention, while disabled individuals are denied state benefits due to familial affiliations (Stockholm Centre for Freedom, 2023, p. 20).

The international community, including organisations such as Amnesty International, has condemned Turkey’s human rights record. Reports highlight abuses linked to anti-terrorism laws and call for reforms to protect individual rights. However, meaningful action, such as imposing sanctions or initiating diplomatic interventions, remains limited (Amnesty International, 2022, p. 22).

Conclusion

Melek İpek’s arrest serves as a stark reminder of the Turkish government’s systematic use of family punishment as a tool for suppressing dissent. The legal framework surrounding her case reflects broader trends within Turkey’s authoritarian regime, where anti-terrorism laws are wielded to justify human rights violations and erode the rule of law. Addressing these systemic issues will be crucial for Turkey to restore individual freedoms and uphold democratic principles. The international community must take decisive action to hold the Turkish government accountable and advocate for the protection of human rights (Amnesty International, 2022, p. 25).

 

Reference List

  1. Stockholm Centre for Freedom. (2024). Family punishment in Turkey. Stockholm Centre for Freedom. Retrieved from https://stockholmcf.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/07/Family-Punishment-in-Turkey.pdf
  2. Loeffel, R. (2012). Family punishment in Nazi Germany: Sippenhaft, terror and myth. Palgrave Macmillan. https://doi.org/10.1057/9781137021830
  3. UK Home Office. (2023). Country policy and information note: Gülenist movement, Turkey. Retrieved from https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/turkey-country-policy-and-information-notes/475f9b93-76c5-4312-b918-68756604f8ed
  4. BBC News. (2016). Turkey coup attempt: US basketball star Enes Kanter disowns family. Retrieved from https://www.bbc.com/news/world-us-canada-37024429
  5. Middle East Eye. (n.d.). We are arrested: How one explosive story led Can Dündar to jail, exile and his life on stage. Retrieved from https://www.middleeasteye.net/discover/we-are-arrested-how-one-explosive-story-led-can-dundar-jail-exile-and-his-life-stage
  6. Nordic Monitor. (2021). Turkey issues 9 arrest warrants for top goal scorer who turned a critic of Erdoğan regime. Retrieved from https://nordicmonitor.com/2021/08/turkey-issues-9-arrest-warrants-for-top-goal-scorer-who-turned-a-critic-of-erdogan-regime/

Turkish authoritarianism continues to flout international law

Turkish authoritarianism continues to flout international law

The arrest of Orhan Artar, an internationally protected asylum seeker, highlights the growing trend of international repression practiced by Turkish leaders.

 

President Erdoğan has constructed a sophisticated apparatus of repression, reaching from domestic institutions to international arenas. This machinery has been activated at several pivotal moments: the Gezi Park protests, which revealed deep public discontent; the 2013 corruption probes, which threatened Erdoğan’s inner circle and were linked to Gülenist-aligned prosecutors; and the failed 2016 coup, widely seen by the government as the culmination of Gülenist infiltration. While Ankara blames the Gülen movement for the attempted coup, international observers have consistently dismissed this claim as politically motivated and unsubstantiated. Once allies, the movement and the ruling party are now fierce adversaries; the former has been designated a terrorist organisation by the Turkish state. Its alleged members have faced sweeping purges, arbitrary arrests, and extraterritorial targeting. The recent illegal deportation of Orhan Artar and his three children from Rwanda to Turkey illustrates the reach of this repression. Upon return, Mr. Artar was detained on suspicion of Gülenist ties, while his children were reportedly placed with relatives.

Who is Orhan Artar?

Orhan Artar is a father, husband, and educator.

In the aftermath of the 2016 coup attempt attributed to the Gülen movement, Turkish pressure prompted Pakistani officials to order the expulsion of 108 Turkish families. Among those affected was Orhan Artar, who, at the time, worked within a network of schools in Pakistan linked to the movement—an affiliation that drew official scrutiny. In response, the Artar family briefly went into hiding before registering for asylum with the UNHCR in Islamabad in 2017. This application was accepted which meant that: Orhan and his family could not be legally returned to a country where their safety and liberty would be threatened.

Despite the official protection offered, the family continued to feel unsafe in Pakistan as compatriots who had received similar legal protections were repatriated to Turkey. In 2018, Mr. Artar was charged in absentia in Turkey with an arrest warrant issued. The family sought refuge in Kenya where they remained until 2023. Here, the family parted ways as Mr. Artar did not have a valid passport; his wife and child went to claim asylum in Germany while he planned to meet them with the other three children later. Further complicating the issue, Mr. Artar’s wife eventually had her asylum claim rejected in May 2024. In spite of these difficulties, Mr. Artar planned to meet his wife and child in Germany, via Rwanda, this month. After travelling through Tanzania, Mr. Artar planned to fly to Belgium before finally reuniting with his family. Instead, Mr. Artar and his children were forcibly detained by Rwandan officials and forcibly deported to Turkey – where he currently awaits trial.

International Law

Seeking asylum is an inalienable human right protected under customary international law, human rights law, and treaty law. The principle of non-refoulement, which prohibits returning individuals to a country where they face persecution, is enshrined in international law through the 1951 Refugee Convention. Both Rwanda and Turkey are signatories to the Convention meaning that both Mr. Artar and his family should enjoy these protections. In deporting the Artar family, Rwanda is in contravention of international law. Furthermore, if Turkey’s actions result in persecution or torture, it too risks breaching its obligations under both refugee and human rights law.

Turkish Repression

Transnational repression has become a systematic weapon wielded against Turkish dissidents based abroad. The Artar case is far from unique: over 100 Turkish nationals based abroad have been forcibly returned since 2016. Turkish authorities level diplomatic demands of repatriation of citizens abroad, with varying degrees of success. For example, while Sweden has steadfastly refused to comply with these demands, other states have proven much more open to accede. Pakistan, Rwanda, and Kenya have facilitated the repatriation orders in violation of international law.

Extrajudicial kidnappings are another tool of the Turkish National Intelligence Organisation (MIT). Freedom House has reported that security forces brazenly carried out such an operation in Azerbaijan against Turkish businessman Uğur Demirok. Tajikistan has seen similar disappearances of at least two Turkish citizens who have since reappeared in Turkish prisons.

Broken Chalk

Broken Chalk stands with the international community in decrying the rise in transnational authoritarianism coming from Turkey. Orhan Artar is a symptom of the growing disdain exhibited by states towards international law. To stem the erosion of the international legal system, supranational organisations, states, and other stakeholders must address the rising tide of authoritarianism. Below are our demands to address the ongoing situation:

  1. Broken Chalk calls for the immediate release of Orhan Artar following his illegal repatriation and arbitrary detention.
    His continued imprisonment contravenes international refugee protections and the principle of non-refoulement. Turkey must release Mr. Artar and drop all charges linked to peaceful association or political affiliation.
  2. We call for an independent international investigation into the actions of both Rwandan and Turkish authorities.
    This investigation should examine the circumstances of Mr. Artar’s detention and deportation, the legality of Rwanda’s cooperation with Turkish demands, and any breaches of international human rights and refugee law.
  3. We urge the UNHCR and relevant UN Special Rapporteurs to publicly condemn this violation of international law.
    The UN Special Rapporteur on torture and the Special Rapporteur on the human rights of migrants should formally request information from both governments and raise the case before the Human Rights Council.
  4. We demand EU Member States suspend deportations to Turkey of individuals affiliated with the Gülen movement.
    Until credible safeguards are in place to prevent arbitrary detention or torture, no individual should be returned to Turkey where they face a real risk of persecution.
  5. We emphasise the binding obligation which states have undertaken to uphold their non-refoulement obligations and resist diplomatic pressure to return Turkish dissidents.
    The use of asylum law must remain rooted in principle, not politics. Countries must resist bilateral pressure and prioritise international legal standards over appeasement.
  6. We condemn the continued inaction of the international community to establish stronger safeguards to prevent transnational repression.
    This includes creating accountability mechanisms for states that collaborate in cross-border targeting of dissidents, especially where asylum seekers and refugees are involved.