Educational challenges in Nicaragua

Written by Agnes Amaral

Nicaragua is a Central American country that the Spanish colonised in the 16th century. Its independence began at the beginning of the 19th century, with a split between groups that defended monarchical ideals and groups that defended independence. For a time, the country became part of the provinces of Central America, and only in 1838 did it become a republic. Understanding this process of late independence is relevant to understanding the country’s politics and how these relations affect education.

There is an intense process of political rivalry between liberal and conservative groups, which has led to civil war and fostered close relations with US politicians. As a result of these close ties, Nicaragua suffered a series of American interventions aimed at protecting its interests in the region. These interventions led to another civil war, starting in 1926. These conflicts occurred between liberals and conservatives, with various political and local consequences for the population.

Another historical event that has led to analysis of the country’s current situation was the Sandinista insurrection of 1972. These revolutions sought to end a period of dictatorship that had been in place since 1936. This movement was one of the first to align two strands: liberation Christianity and Marxism. Christians played an important role as allies of the revolutionaries in this historic moment.

There are undoubtedly many other nuances and other relevant moments in Nicaragua’s history, but these specific moments indicate the attacks on students that have been taking place recently, especially on university students.

Attack on human rights

In 2018, the Nicaraguan Association for Human Rights (ANPDH) reported the deaths of more than 280 people and more than 2,000 injured due to President Daniel Ortega’s reaction to protesters. The protests were against a reduction in budget pressure. In addition, several university students took to the streets to demand more assertive government action on other issues, such as forest fires. It can be said that this year was crucial for human rights in Nicaragua, especially in terms of education, since students were responsible for demanding fairer actions for the country’s population.

Photo by Markus Spiske on Unsplash

The reactions of the government and government-backed groups against the protesters shocked the country and the world, even causing threats to the Nicaraguan Association for Human Rights (ANPDH), which closed its office in the country due to harassment and death threats over the phone.

Human rights activists become targets of a backlash against protests. Not only students have suffered from this political situation of curtailment of rights, but also doctors and health workers have reported constant attacks and threats.

Since then, it has been possible to observe the role of President Daniel Ortega’s government and how it reacts to social demands. Mainly by attacking students who participated in protests to guarantee human rights.

Attack on universities

In 2022, the struggle of university students continues. Daniel Ortega’s government has instituted reforms to control the country’s education system better. As an example of these oppressive attitudes, the Central American University (UCA) announced that classes and administrative activities had been suspended in August 2022. The UCA’s assets and financial accounts were to be transferred to the government.

Groups from the Jesuit order and students claimed that Daniel Ortega’s government declared the UCA a centre of terrorism against the government. Therefore, it should be held responsible for the university’s accounts. The UN issued a statement reaffirming the impact of this authoritarian change on the right to education. Dictatorial attitudes characterise these actions aimed at the university in an attempt to curtail critical thinking and the right to demand social policies for all.

Photo by Redd F on Unsplash

The question arises regarding the right to education, especially an education that provides free and critical thinking. A variety of theorists and researchers have reinforced the event as dictatorial since not even the university with the highest level of teaching quality in the country was unscathed by government oppression.

The process of revoking these universities, which began with the repressions in 2018, has been accentuated. In 2022, private universities were legally placed as hotbeds of opposition to the government. Several foreign universities with campuses in Nicaragua were closed because they did not follow the authorities of the government in question. The complexity of the issue can be seen in the use of the legal apparatus to silence the voices of students and university professors.

Conclusion

The news from 2023 shows that this event is not over. Daniel Ortega’s government continues to attack university institutions in retaliation for the 2018 protests. Specific attacks on private centres and religious institutions demonstrate a curtailment of the right to education in Nicaragua.

Academics and students are silenced at every turn because there is an attempt to strengthen power and silence political opponents. This is not the first government to try to take away the right to a free and critical education, which shows human rights defenders the need for a continuous struggle to guarantee this right in all spaces. The government’s regulation is mainly aimed at leading institutions in social studies. Researchers are banned from accessing public reports and statistics to carry out their work. It can be said that there has been a definitive attack on education in Nicaragua in recent years.

Many scholars report a totalitarian tendency on the part of the government. The legal apparatus and the force of the state are being used to curtail the right to education, critical thinking, and protests to guarantee quality of life. It is essential to pay attention to this situation since critics and students report disproportionate oppression. The use of militias has been intensive, and the threats to the voices of this oppression have been silenced.

International reactions can be observed, but the COVID-19 pandemic has changed the perception of the events suffered by Nicaragua students, academics, and human rights defenders. It is necessary to emphasise and discuss what can be done to guarantee human rights, especially critical and quality education, in Nicaragua.

References
  1. Álvarez, M. (2023, May 9). Transforming rural education in Nicaragua: “Rural and Inclusive Digital Education” project advances towards educational equity. UNESCO. https://www.unesco.org/en/articles/transforming-rural-education-nicaragua-rural-and-inclusive-digital-education-project-advances
  1. BBC News. (2018, August 6). Nicaraguan human rights group closes offices after threats. BBC News. https://www.bbc.com/news/world-latin-america-45082607
  1. Confidencial, R. (2023, September 17). Nicaragua’s state universities impose the “Ortega truth.” Confidencial. https://confidencial.digital/english/nicaraguas-state-universities-impose-the-ortega-truth/
  1. Jazeera, A. (2018a, July 17). Nicaragua unrest: What you should know. Al Jazeera. https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2018/7/17/nicaragua-unrest-what-you-should-know
  1. Jazeera, A. (2018b, July 17). Nicaragua unrest: What you should know. Al Jazeera. https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2018/7/17/nicaragua-unrest-what-you-should-know
  1. Jazeera, A. (2023, August 17). Nicaragua seizes Catholic university accused of being ‘centre of terrorism.’ Al Jazeera. https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2023/8/17/nicaragua-seizes-catholic-university-accused-of-being-centre-of-terrorism
  1. Selser, G. (2023, September 12). UN says Nicaragua’s human rights violations and persecution of dissidents are on the rise | AP News. AP News. https://apnews.com/article/nicaragua-human-rights-united-nations-04dd198410aa10760a778166db26a4bf
  2. Seizure of university a blow to science – Researchers. (n.d.). University World News. https://www.universityworldnews.com/post.php?story=20230830114724305

Arbitrariness on the education field in the Nicaraguan Regime: Cancellation and Expropriation of Universities

Written by: Samantha Orozco

Since 2018, Nicaragua has been experiencing an unprecedented political crisis that has led to a series of human rights violations against its population. The limitation on the exercise of fundamental rights, recognised in both the Nicaraguan Constitution and international treaties to which Nicaragua is a party, has not ceased since the onset of citizen protests against the regime. These restrictions have escalated since the controversial re-election of Daniel Ortega as president, who assumed office alongside his wife, Rosario Murillo, as vice president, following elections deemed arbitrary and fraudulent by the international community.

The field of education has not been exempt from this series of violations and arbitrary actions by the authorities of this Central American country. A concerning example is the closure of 27 universities in Nicaragua, which has affected over 37,000 higher education students and even forced university professors into exile. This situation gained more prominence after the closure of two of the country’s most recognised university centres: the Universidad Centroamericana (UCA) and the INCAE Business School. In addition to having their legal status revoked, these institutions were also confiscated.

Demonstration outside an University in Nicaragua. Photo by Jorge Mejía Peralta on Flickr.

Background on the Ortega-Murillo Regime

In 2018, Nicaragua experienced a profound political and social crisis. It began with municipal elections in November 2017, which were heavily criticised due to allegations of fraud and lack of transparency. These elections marked the beginning of a period of growing political polarisation in the country.

The situation worsened in April 2018 when the government of Daniel Ortega announced a reform to the social security system that triggered widespread protests across the country. These protests, led mostly by university students and civil society, resulted in a violent response from the government. The repression by the police and government-affiliated paramilitary groups led to a high number of casualties, as well as the detention of protesters and opposition leaders.

Since 2018, the situation in Nicaragua related to the violation of human rights has been on the rise, resulting in the closure and cancellation of media outlets and non-profit organisations, the expulsion of international missions, the cancellation of political parties, and the imprisonment of opposition leaders.i This ultimately led to the 2021 elections in which Ortega and his wife, Rosario Murillo, competed as the sole presidential ticket. These elections were rejected due to evident irregularities that silenced the opposition and sowed fear among voters.

During their new term, the government of Ortega and Murillo has followed a single mission: to silence criticism, attack the opposition, and control the country’s institutions. The education and university sector has not gone unnoticed, becoming another target of the regime to consolidate control over the population.

Measures against Universities: At least 26 universities have been cancelled.

As mentioned earlier, the Ortega government has made several decisions that have led to the closure and revocation of the legal status of media outlets, non-profit organisations, and, of course, private universities in the country. To understand this situation better, it is essential to recall that university students led the citizen protest movements against the Ortega regime. Therefore, this could be seen as a retaliation and an effort by the government to control students and their civic engagement. These arbitrary measures should be understood as a way for the government to ensure aligned thinking that does not encourage criticism or scrutiny, which also jeopardises academic freedom through intimidation and persecution of teachers considered traitors to the regime.

The measures taken against universities not only violate human rights but also run counter to the Nicaraguan Constitution, which protects the autonomy of universities and prohibits the confiscation of their assets. So far, 26 universities have had their legal status revoked, with reasons for revocation ranging from allegations of financial opacity or non-compliance with educational standards to more serious accusations such as money laundering, terrorism, and weapons proliferation. The cancellations began with the confiscation of Universidad Politécnica (Upoli), culminating in the shocking cancellation and expropriation of UCA and the INCAE headquarters, two of the most renowned universities in the Central American region.ii

UCA was cancelled through government decree, under the accusation of being a hub for terrorism. This action has been the pinnacle of Ortega’s religious persecution against the Catholic Church, which has been running through this university founded by Jesuits and belonging to the Latin American network of universities entrusted to the Society of Jesus (AUSJAL for its acronym in Spanish). In response to the closure of UCA, AUSJAL issued a press release condemning the actions of the Nicaraguan government, declaring, “The UCA has been slandered and harassed, just like the more than three thousand civil society organisations in Nicaragua.’´iii Additionally, hundreds of professionals expressed their outrage and called for the reinstatement of the legal status of this university. This illustrates the significant blow that Ortega has dealt not only to Nicaragua’s education sector but to the entire region. In an interview, Miquel Cortés Bofil, Rector of Universidad Rafael Landivar mentioned to Broken Chalk ‘’Certainly the University is not a centre of terrorism, nor has it ever been. It is a study house where critical thinking and responsible and democratic citizenship are encouraged. Accusations of “terrorism” are unfounded.’’ Now, the defunct UCA has been renamed the National University Casimiro Sotelo Montenegro in honour of a leader of the Sandinista movement.

The most recent action against the university system occurred with the closure and expropriation of the INCAE campus in Nicaragua. This stirred indignation among professionals throughout the Latin American region, as this was the first campus of one of the most prestigious business schools in the region.iv The justification for its revocation, according to the government resolution, was a lack of transparency in its financial statements. The most deplorable aspect of these measures is that university representatives have been denied their right to a defence, as the challenges to the resolutions have been dismissed by the relevant judicial bodies, leaving them without access to an objective and impartial justice that can protect against such arbitrary actions.v A situation proper of a dictatorship where all institutions and bodies are co-opted.

The CNU, the Accomplice of the Ortega-Murillo Regime

These attacks on education and the academy have had key institutions and actors. In this case, it is important to mention the National Council of Universities (CNU) of Nicaragua as the institution that has facilitated these actions. Without key allies, these arbitrary actions against the country’s universities would not be possible. The CNU of Nicaragua is an entity responsible for the coordination and supervision of public universities in the country. It plays a significant role in the regulation and planning of higher education in Nicaragua. This institution is composed of the rectors of public universities. It is responsible for establishing educational policies, accrediting academic programs, and supervising the quality of education in public higher education institutions.

Currently, the CNU is presided over by Ramona Rodríguez, the rector of UNAN-Managua, who has been a key figure in the attack on the autonomy of Nicaraguan universities and is responsible for jeopardising higher education in the country. Rodríguez has been a loyal supporter of the Ortega regime and has been the public face justifying the closure of universities in the country.

An example of this is what was highlighted by the former authorities of UCA, who emphasised that since 2018, when the protests began, the CNU had begun to strangle the university by not extending certifications for its operation, excluding it as a member of the CNU, which meant it could not receive the corresponding budget allocation as established in the constitution.vi Furthermore, Rodríguez has publicly justified the closure of several universities on the grounds of financial transparency or not meeting minimum quality and infrastructure standards. In response to this, Adrián Meza, an exiled professor from the University Paulo Freire, stated to the media that “many of the universities that have been closed under these pretexts were in the middle of verification processes and were not granted the right to defend themselves”.vii

In addition, the CNU has implemented new policies following reforms approved by the legislative assembly to the General Education Law and the Law on Autonomy of Higher Education Institutions, centralising functions within the CNU and undermining university autonomy. Among the new powers granted to the CNU is the exclusive authority to open or close universities in the country, among others, turning it into a dangerous weapon against higher education.

Manifestation of students and alumni of public and private schools in Managua, Nicaragua. Photo by Jorge Mejía Peralta on Flickr.

Challenges for Students and Academics

University students and educators have viewed these actions with dismay, considering that the availability of higher education programs has diminished. Many students who were pursuing degrees at universities that have been closed have encountered difficulties in resuming their studies or obtaining their respective degrees due to a series of rigorous administrative requirements imposed by the CNU. Additionally, educators have faced limitations in job opportunities and academic freedom as their curricula are increasingly controlled. Furthermore, a significant number of university educators are now in exile following government persecution by being labelled as conspirators or traitors to the nation. The Interamerican Commission of Human Rights heavily condemned this situation in a press communication in which the actions were qualified as an “arbitrary interference towards academic freedom”.viii

In response to this series of abuses, some universities in the Central American region have taken action to provide support to students and faculty members in exile. The efforts of Jesuit universities such as the Rafael Landívar University in Guatemala and the José Simeón Cañas Central American University in El Salvador exemplify this. These institutions have led initiatives to enable students from the UCA to continue their studies. According to Landivar’s Rector Cortés ‘’Around 2,300 students have requested information from the UCA in El Salvador and the Rafael Landívar in Guatemala to continue their studies virtually. The two Central American universities have formed an inter-institutional commission, and we are responding to the students…’’

Nicaragua: A New Role Model for the Central American Region?

Nicaragua has become an example of antidemocratic standards in the Central American region due to the policies implemented against those considered opposition. Therefore, in light of the democratic crisis prevailing in the region, there is a significant fear that if the situation worsens in neighbouring countries, such actions that undermine higher education could become a popular measure. This is a reminder of the historical role of universities in Central America and the student movements that originate from their classrooms.

In this context, it is essential to remember the university martyrs who fought for freedom and democracy in Central America, often facing persecution and violence for their convictions in the darkest times of the region. Examples such as the assassination of Ignacio Ellacuría by the military in El Salvador or the persecution and murder of student leaders in Guatemala, such as Oliverio Castañeda, serve as stark reminders of the risks faced in universities when one is critical during a dictatorship.

Conclusion

Nicaragua has experienced a profound political and social crisis since 2018, marked by controversial elections, protests, and government repression under Daniel Ortega’s leadership. The situation has worsened with human rights violations, the closure of media outlets, and the persecution of opposition leaders. Furthermore, the role of the National Council of Universities (CNU), led by Ramona Rodríguez, has been instrumental in implementing policies that threaten university autonomy and restrict higher education. These actions have affected both students and educators, with numerous universities closed and a growing diaspora of academics. This situation not only poses a challenge for students and professors but also sets a dangerous precedent in the Central American region, where higher education and academic freedom are at risk. The situation in Nicaragua serves as a reminder of the importance of always defending higher education and human rights, especially during times of democratic crisis.

i Inter-American Commission of Human Rights (ICHR) (2023). Comunicado de prensa sobre la situación en Nicaragua. https://www.oas.org/es/CIDH/jsForm/?File=/es/cidh/prensa/comunicados/2023/201.asp

ii La Prensa. (2022). Régimen de Nicaragua ha cerrado 17 universidades privadas en los últimos 16 meses. https://www.laprensani.com/2023/05/02/nacionales/3140523-regimen-de-nicaragua-ha-cerrado-17-universidades-privadas-en-los-ultimos-16-meses

iii AUSJAL. (2023). Comunicado “Todos somos la UCA Nicaragua”. https://www.ausjal.org/comunicado-todos-somos-la-uca-nicaragua/

iv INCAE Business School. (2023). Sobre la cancelación de la personería jurídica de INCAE Business School en Nicaragua. https://www.incae.edu/es/blog/2023/09/26/sobre-la-cancelacion-de-la-personeria-juridica-de-incae-business-school-en-nicaragua

v Inter-American Commission of Human Rights (ICHR). (2021). Principios para la Libertad Académica. https://www.oas.org/es/cidh/informes/pdfs/principios_libertad_academica.pdf

vi Swissinfo. (2023). El gobierno de Nicaragua cierra 2 universidades privadas más y ordena decomisar sus bienes. https://www.swissinfo.ch/spa/nicaragua-crisis_el-gobierno-de-nicaragua-cierra-2-universidades-privadas-m%C3%A1s-y-ordena-decomisar-sus-bienes/48697976

vii La Prensa. (2022). Régimen de Nicaragua ha cerrado 17 universidades privadas en los últimos 16 meses. https://www.laprensani.com/2023/05/02/nacionales/3140523-regimen-de-nicaragua-ha-cerrado-17-universidades-privadas-en-los-ultimos-16-meses

viii Inter-American Commission of Human Rights (ICHR) (2023). Comunicado de prensa sobre la situación en Nicaragua. https://www.oas.org/es/CIDH/jsForm/?File=/es/cidh/prensa/comunicados/2023/201.asp

References