Edu Challenges Bolivia(Italian)

Sfide educative in Bolivia: dalle barriere educative all’incompatibilità delle competenze per il lavoro

 

Nello Stato Plurinazionale della Bolivia ci sono recentemente stati diversi sviluppi positivi e negativi. Il KOF Swiss Economic Institute ha evidenziato nel 2019 [i] che la Bolivia ha mantenuto un tasso medio di crescita del 4,9% del prodotto interno lordo (PIL), principalmente grazie all’esportazione di risorse naturali come oro, zinco, argento, rame e riserve di gas naturale. Tuttavia, con un PIL di $ 3.117 (dollari US) pro capite, significativamente inferiore a quello dei suoi vicini, la Bolivia rimane lo stato più povero del Sud America. L’indice del coefficiente GINI della Banca Mondiale ha evidenziato l’alto tasso di disuguaglianza di reddito: la Bolivia ha ottenuto 44,6 su 100 nel 2016 in termini di parità di reddito.

Questi alti e bassi dello sviluppo sono evidenti in diversi ambiti, compreso quello educativo. Secondo Andersen et al. (2020) [ii], l’istruzione boliviana manca di dati statistici perché, negli ultimi vent’anni, il paese non ha partecipato alle principali valutazioni educative solitamente condotte da organizzazioni internazionali come il Program for International Student Assessment (PISA) dell’OCSE o i Trends in International Mathematics & Science Study dell’IEA (TIMSS). Ciò lascia in gran parte ricercatori e responsabili politici all’oscuro di quali siano le principali sfide educative e quali soluzioni possano migliorare l’accesso a un’istruzione di qualità affinché la Bolivia raggiunga tempestivamente il quarto obiettivo di sviluppo sostenibile: “garantire un’istruzione di qualità inclusiva ed equa e promuovere opportunità di apprendimento permanente per tutti” [iii]. Per avere un quadro più accurato dello stato dell’istruzione in Bolivia e della probabilità che coloro che si diplomano con livelli di istruzione adeguati o anche più elevati soddisfino le richieste del mercato del lavoro, è necessario raccogliere informazioni da fonti diverse ma credibili.

 

Barriere storiche all’istruzione

Borgen Project, che mira a ridurre la povertà globale attraverso la politica estera degli Stati Uniti, ha rilevato nel 2015 [iv] che circa uno studente su sette in Bolivia non finisce la propria istruzione. La maggior parte di loro non inizia l’istruzione secondaria. Pur riducendo il tasso complessivo di analfabetismo dal 36,21% nel 1976 al 7,54% nel 2015 [v], oltre un milione di boliviani di età pari o superiore a 15 anni rimane analfabeta. Ci sono quattro ragioni principali per questi problemi [vi]:

  1. Sebbene la maggior parte degli studenti provenga da ambienti indigeni e parli quechua o aymara a casa, le lezioni sono normalmente tenute in spagnolo;
  2. Rimane un ampio divario tra abitanti delle zone rurali e urbane. Gli studenti nelle aree rurali completano in media solo 4,2 anni di istruzione prima di abbandonare gli studi per sostenere finanziariamente le loro famiglie. Al contrario, gli studenti nelle aree urbane completano in media 9,4 anni di scolarizzazione;
  3. L’istruzione rimane al di fuori della competenza dello Stato, il che si traduce in una mancanza di risorse per creare un ambiente favorevole agli studenti che perseguono un’istruzione di buona qualità; e
  4. Insieme al punto precedente, gli insegnanti continuano a percepire salari bassi e spesso scioperano, lasciando gli studenti senza accesso all’istruzione per giorni o settimane.

Alcuni dei problemi di cui sopra derivano dallo sviluppo storico dell’istruzione in Bolivia. Redin (2020) [vii] spiega che, dopo la fine della dittatura militare, le riforme neoliberiste tra il 1980 e il 1990 hanno aumentato il sostegno alla diversità etnica ma hanno ridotto l’interferenza dello stato e la spesa sociale. Ciò ha avuto un forte impatto sull’iscrizione alle scuole pubbliche. Lo stato non ha avuto successo nei suoi tentativi di aumentare tali iscrizioni facendo uscire le famiglie rurali dalla povertà e incoraggiandole a mandare i propri figli a scuola. Questo fallimento ha ispirato i movimenti indigeni, come i Native Peoples’ Educational Councils (CEPOS), così come i genitori, a creare le loro basi per prendere in mano la situazione, autorizzando scuole e insegnanti a fornire un’istruzione di migliore qualità, considerando e incorporando debitamente la cultura e la lingua indigena. L’istruzione si è così trasformata in un’istituzione privatizzata gestita dalla società piuttosto che dallo stato a causa di un “processo di cattiva distribuzione” in cui i diritti politici civili venivano rafforzati alle spese dei diritti sociali. [viii]

 

Accesso all’istruzione e accessibilità

Un’altra caratteristica del sistema educativo boliviano, rilevata dallo studio qualitativo di MuyorRodriguez et al (2021) [ix], è che le università pubbliche non sono riuscite a soddisfare i bisogni educativi degli studenti con disabilità. Nonostante gli impegni delle università pubbliche per fornire l’accesso all’istruzione a tutti gli studenti a parità di condizioni, i partecipanti alle discussioni di gruppo hanno sostenuto che vi è una mancanza di uguale valore nell’istruzione ricevuta dagli studenti con disabilità a favore della diversità etnica o sessuale, che ha escluso o stereotipato alcune disabilità. Sebbene la risoluzione n. 9/09 del 2009 abbia esonerato gli studenti con disabilità dal sostenere i test di ammissione per l’accesso agli atenei pubblici, il grado di autonomia derivante dal sistema di cogoverno esistente tra docenti e studenti, ha fatto sì che alcune università non abbiano attuato la politica [xi]. I partecipanti hanno anche discusso della discriminazione subita dai professori che non distinguevano tra i requisiti educativi per gli studenti con disabilità e quelli per gli studenti senza disabilità, e il pregiudizio derivante dalla mancanza di risorse per il personale universitario per soddisfare i loro bisogni. L’effetto cumulativo è l’inefficace gestione di lungo termine dell’impatto delle campagne di inclusività [xii].

 

Educazione dopo Evo Morales

Con l’elezione di Evo Morales a presidente, nel 2005, i nuovi sforzi nel campo dell’istruzione hanno mirato a decolonizzare il curriculum boliviano, da un “progetto blanco-meticcio incentrato sulla scienza” di nazionalità e verso uno “spazio uguale alla scienza e alla conoscenza ancestrale ‘ [xiii]. Il governo ha cercato di stabilire un equilibrio che rimane focalizzato sullo sviluppo delle capacità scientifiche, pur continuando l’interculturalità del 1994 che conserva le culture indigene, la storia e la conoscenza della società boliviana. Questi cambiamenti hanno costretto gli insegnanti a dover trovare metodi creativi per bilanciare un’istruzione che fornisca agli studenti le competenze necessarie per passare a livelli di istruzione superiori e che contemporaneamente fornisca loro le competenze necessarie per essere assunti nel mercato del lavoro [xiv].

 

L’istruzione non soddisfa le richieste del mercato del lavoro

Andersen et al. (2020) hanno rilevato la discrepanza tra l’istruzione e le competenze lavorative richieste dal mercato del lavoro, che ha portato molti laureati a non raccogliere i frutti della loro istruzione tra il 2007 e il 2017 [xv]. La loro analisi sottolinea che coloro che sono particolarmente colpiti dalle sistematiche carenze educative sono i maschi non indigeni che vivono nei centri urbani, rimasti senza un’adeguata distribuzione del reddito durante i primi 15 anni di istruzione. Secondo KOF gran parte della popolazione occupata della Bolivia opera nei settori primari dell’agricoltura, caccia, silvicoltura e pesca, nonché nei settori secondari dell’attività manifatturiera, edile, mineraria e industriale, rappresentando rispettivamente il 27,4% e il 22,6% degli occupati totali [xvi]. Questa è la conseguenza di quello che viene definito il “Ciclo delle materie prime”, che ha aumentato la domanda di materie prime di esportazione primarie della Bolivia, menzionate sopra, con il risultato che i giovani abbandonano la scuola per trarre vantaggio dai profitti di questi settori. Inoltre, ha innescato quella che è nota come “malattia olandese” nel settore delle costruzioni [xvii]. Ciò ha creato un circolo vizioso di prezzi elevati delle materie prime, che porta a un maggiore sviluppo del territorio che, a sua volta, richiede più manodopera, che fa affidamento sulla formazione sul posto di lavoro piuttosto che sul raggiungimento di particolari livelli di istruzione. Si crea così un mercato del lavoro che richiede lavoratori attrezzati, preferendo l’esperienza pratica rispetto alla conoscenza teorica [xviii]. Una delle principali preoccupazioni di questa discrepanza è l’aumento del tasso di fuga di cervelli in Bolivia. Fino al 2015, 799 605 boliviani (circa il 7,5% della popolazione nazionale) sono emigrati, o per perseguire livelli di istruzione più elevati o per raccogliere i frutti dell’istruzione che hanno già ricevuto. Di conseguenza, la Bolivia perde i benefici delle conoscenze e delle abilità raggiunte dai suoi studenti

[xix].

Lo scoppio della pandemia di Covid-19 funge da moltiplicatore di questi problemi già esistenti. Come riportato nel Country Report 2020 del Fondo delle Nazioni Unite per l’infanzia (UNICEF) [xx], un totale di 2,9 milioni di bambini sono rimasti senza accesso all’istruzione e ai sistemi di supporto nutrizionale forniti dalle loro scuole. La pandemia ha anche messo in evidenza il divario digitale tra le popolazioni urbane e rurali poiché disporre di una connessione Internet stabile è fondamentale per accedere ai servizi educativi virtuali.

 

Il futuro dell’istruzione in Bolivia

Il governo boliviano ha compiuto sforzi per migliorare lo stato dell’istruzione [xxi]:

  1. Ha messo fine, nel 2017, le iscrizioni tra l’istruzione primaria e secondaria basato sul reddito, genere o etnia;
  2. Ha triplicato la disponibilità di insegnanti tra il 2000 e il 2017. Ora c’è un insegnante pienamente qualificato ogni 24 studenti;
  3. Il 39% di tutti i boliviani ha investito in una qualche forma di istruzione formale nell’anno 2017; e
  4. Il database degli indicatori dell’istruzione dell’UNESCO spiega che il governo ha investito in media il 7% del suo PIL nell’istruzione. Ciò dimostra l’impegno del governo a garantire l’accesso ad un’istruzione pubblica e gratuita di prima qualità che tenga conto della diversità e offra pari opportunità e benefici senza discriminazioni.

Gli studenti boliviani si stanno preparando ai cambiamenti legati a fattori esterni che governano il ciclo delle merci in Bolivia. Come Andersen et al. hanno affermato, “sembra certamente meglio peccare di troppa istruzione piuttosto che di troppo poca” [xxii].

Il governo boliviano deve armonizzare le proprie risorse con il settore privato e le altre parti interessate nazionali per migliorare la qualità dell’istruzione ricevuta e i ritorni necessari dal mercato del lavoro che promuova un sistema educativo che aggiunga valore e, a sua volta, crei valore per lo stato e i boliviani in generale. Questo ciclo positivo di sviluppo aiuterebbe anche la Bolivia a raggiungere i suoi altri obiettivi SDG, inclusa la fine di tutte le forme di povertà, la creazione di opportunità di lavoro dignitoso, la promozione di una crescita economica sostenibile e inclusiva e la riduzione dei livelli di disuguaglianza insieme ad altri stati [xxiii].

 

Scritto da Karl Baldacchino

A cura di Farai Chikwanha e Olga Ruiz Pilato

Tradotto da Francisca Orrego Galarce da Educational Challenges in the Plurinational State of

Bolivia: From Educational Barriers to a Mismatch of Skills

 

Tags: Bolivia, Sfide educative, diritto all’educazione, educazione di qualità, uguaglianza nell’educazione, incompatibilità di competenze per il lavoro

 

Edu Challenges Bolivia(Spanish)

Desafíos educativos en el Estado Plurinacional de Bolivia: de las barreras educativas al

desajuste de competencias

 

El Estado Plurinacional de Bolivia ha experimentado recientemente acontecimientos tanto positivos como negativos. El Instituto Económico Suizo KOF destacó en 2019i que Bolivia mantuvo una tasa promedia de crecimiento del Producto Interno Bruto (PIB) de un 4,9%, principalmente por su exportación de recursos naturales como oro, zinc, plata, cobre y reservas de gas natural. Sin embargo, con un PIB per cápita de $ 3117, significativamente más bajo que sus vecinos, Bolivia sigue siendo el estado más pobre de América del Sur. El índice del coeficiente GINI del Banco Mundial destacó la alta tasa de desigualdad de ingresos: Bolivia obtuvo 44,6 de 100 en 2016 en igualdad de ingresos.

 

Estos altibajos evolutivos se notan en varios ámbitos, incluido el educativo. Según Andersen et al. (2020)ii, la educación boliviana carece de datos estadísticos porque, en los últimos veinte años, el país no ha participado en las principales evaluaciones educativas que suelen realizar organizaciones internacionales como el Programa para la Evaluación Internacional de Estudiantes (PISA) de la OCDE o Trends in International de la IEA: Estudio de Matemáticas y Ciencias (TIMSS). Esto deja en gran medida a los investigadores y a los formuladores de políticas sin idea de cuáles son los principales desafíos educativos y qué soluciones pueden mejorar el acceso a una educación de calidad para que Bolivia logre oportunamente el cuarto Objetivo de Desarrollo Sostenible: ‘garantizar una educación de calidad inclusiva y equitativa y promover oportunidades de aprendizaje permanente para todos’. iii Para obtener una imagen más precisa del estado de la educación en Bolivia y la probabilidad de que aquellos que se gradúen de niveles educativos adecuados y superiores satisfagan las demandas del mercado laboral, se debe investigar y recopilar información de fuentes creíbles.

 

Barreras históricas a la educación

El Proyecto Borgen, que tiene como objetivo reducir la pobreza global a través de la política exterior de los EE. UU., señaló en 2015iv que aproximadamente uno de cada siete estudiantes en Bolivia no termina su educación. Esto lleva a que la mayoría de ellos no comiencen la educación secundaria. Si bien la tasa general de analfabetismo se redujo del 36,21 % en 1976 al 7,54 % en 2015v, más de un millón de bolivianos de 15 años o más siguen siendo analfabetos. Hay cuatro motivos a los que se deben estos problemas:vi

  1. Aunque la mayoría de los estudiantes provienen de entornos indígenas y hablan quechua o aimara en casa, las clases normalmente se imparten en español;
  2. Sigue existiendo una gran brecha entre los habitantes rurales y urbanos. Los estudiantes de las zonas rurales solo completan un promedio de 4,2 años de educación antes de abandonar la escuela para mantener económicamente a sus familias. En contraste, los estudiantes de las áreas urbanas completan un promedio de 9.4 años de escolaridad;
  3. La educación permanece fuera del ámbito del estado, lo que resulta en una falta de recursos para crear un ambiente propicio para que los estudiantes busquen una educación de buena calidad; y
  4. En conjunto con el punto anterior, los docentes continúan recibiendo salarios bajos y muchas veces se declaran en huelga, dejando a los estudiantes sin acceso a educación durante días o semanas seguidas.

 

Algunas de las cuestiones anteriores derivan del desarrollo histórico de la educación en Bolivia. Redin (2020) vii explica que, tras el fin de la dictadura militar, las reformas neoliberales entre 1980 y 1990 incrementaron el apoyo a la diversidad étnica, pero redujeron la injerencia del Estado y el gasto social. Esto tuvo un gran impacto en la matriculación en las escuelas públicas. El estado tuvo éxito en sus intentos de impulsar dicha matriculación sacando a las familias rurales de la pobreza y animándolas a enviar a sus hijos a la escuela. Este fracaso inspiró a movimientos indígenas, como los Consejos Educativos de los Pueblos Originarios (CEPOS), así como a padres de familia, a crear sus fundaciones para tomar cartas en el asunto y empoderar a escuelas y maestros para brindar una educación de mejor calidad, considerando e incorporando debidamente la cultura e idioma de los pueblos indígenas. Por lo tanto, la educación se convirtió en una institución privatizada administrada por la sociedad en lugar del estado debido a un “proceso de mala distribución” en el que los derechos políticos civiles se fortalecían a cambio de esfuerzos reducidos hacia los derechos sociales.viii

 

Acceso a la educación y accesibilidad

Otra característica del sistema educativo de Bolivia, señalada por el estudio cualitativo de MuyorRodríguez et al, (2021)ix, es que las universidades públicas no han logrado satisfacer las necesidades educativas de los estudiantes con discapacidades. A pesar de los compromisos de las universidades públicas de brindar acceso a la educación a todos los estudiantes en igualdad de condiciones, los participantes de las discusiones grupales argumentaron que existe una falta de valorización en la educación que reciben los estudiantes con discapacidad en favor de la diversidad étnica o sexual, lo que ha excluido o estereotipado algunas discapacidades.x Si bien la Resolución N° 9/09 de 2009 eximió a los estudiantes con discapacidad de realizar las pruebas de admisión para ingresar a las universidades públicas, el grado de autonomía resultante del sistema similar al de cogobierno que existe entre docentes y estudiantes, hizo que algunas universidades no implementaran la política.xi Los participantes también discutieron la discriminación que sufrieron por parte de los profesores que no distinguían entre los requisitos educativos para los estudiantes con discapacidad y los estudiantes sin discapacidad, y el prejuicio resultante de la falta de recursos para que el personal universitario pueda satisfacer sus necesidades. El efecto acumulativo es la gestión ineficaz a largo plazo del impacto que traen las campañas de inclusión.xii

 

Educación desde Evo Morales

Con la elección de Evo Morales como presidente en 2005, nuevos esfuerzos en el campo de la educación apuntaron a descolonizar el plan de estudios boliviano de un ‘proyecto blanco-mestizo centrado en la ciencia’ de la nación y cambiar hacia un ‘espacio equitativo para la ciencia y el conocimiento ancestral’.xiii El gobierno buscó establecer un equilibrio que permanezca enfocado en el desarrollo de habilidades científicas mientras continúa la intraculturalidad de 1994 que conserva la(s) cultura(s), la historia y el conocimiento indígena de la sociedad boliviana. Estos cambios han dejado a los docentes con la carga de tener que encontrar métodos creativos para equilibrar la provisión de una educación que brinde a los alumnos las habilidades necesarias para avanzar a niveles educativos más altos y brindarles el conjunto de habilidades necesarias para ser absorbidas por el mercado laboral.xiv

 

La educación no satisface las demandas del mercado laboral

Andersen et al. (2020) notaron el desajuste entre la educación y las habilidades laborales demandadas por el mercado laboral, lo que resultó en que muchos graduados no cosecharan los frutos de su educación entre 2007 y 2017.xv Su análisis señala que aquellos particularmente afectados por las fallas educativas sistémicas son varones urbanos no indígenas, que permanecieron sin una distribución de ingreso adecuada durante los primeros 15 años de educación. El factbook de KOF establece que gran parte de la población ocupada de Bolivia opera en los sectores primarios de agricultura, caza, silvicultura y pesca, así como en los sectores secundarios de manufactura, construcción, minería y actividades industriales, ubicándose en 27,4% y 22,6% respectivamente.xvi Esta es la consecuencia de lo que se conoce como el “Superciclo de los productos básicos”, que aumentó la demanda de los productos primarios de exportación de Bolivia, mencionados anteriormente, y que provocó que los jóvenes abandonaran la escuela para aprovechar las ganancias en estas industrias. Además, desencadenó lo que se conoce como ‘enfermedad holandesa’ en el sector de la construcción.xvii Esto ha creado un círculo vicioso de altos precios de las materias primas, lo que lleva a un mayor desarrollo de la tierra que, a su vez, requiere más mano de obra, que depende de la capacitación en el trabajo en lugar del logro de determinados niveles de educación. Así, se crea un mercado laboral que requiere trabajadores equipados, prefiriendo la experiencia práctica frente al conocimiento teórico.xviii Una de las principales preocupaciones de este desajuste es el aumento de la tasa de fuga de cerebros en Bolivia. Hasta el 2015, 799 605 bolivianos (aproximadamente el 7,5% de la población nacional) habían emigrado, ya sea para obtener niveles educativos más altos o para cosechar los beneficios de la educación que ya habían recibido. Como resultado de la emigración, Bolivia ha perdido y sigue perdiendo los beneficios de los conocimientos y habilidades alcanzados por sus estudiantes.xix

 

El estallido de la pandemia de Covid-19 ha multiplicado la fuerza de los problemas existentes. El Informe de país de 2020 del Fondo de las Naciones Unidas para la Infancia (UNICEF) estimó que un total de 2,9 millones de niños se habían quedado sin acceso a la educación y a los sistemas de apoyo nutricional que brindaban sus escuelas.xx La pandemia también ha puesto de relieve la brecha digital entre las poblaciones urbanas y rurales, ya que contar con una conexión estable a Internet es vital para acceder a los servicios educativos virtuales.

 

 

El futuro de la educación en Bolivia

El gobierno boliviano ha realizado varios esfuerzos para mejorar el estado de la educación, entre

otros:xxi

  1. Ha cerrado la inscripción entre la educación primaria y secundaria en función de los ingresos, el género o la etnia (año 2017);
  2. Ha triplicado la disponibilidad de docentes entre el año 2000 y el 2017. Ahora hay un docente totalmente calificado por cada 24 escolares;
  3. El 39% de todos los bolivianos estaban invertidos en algún tipo de educación formal en 2017; y 4. La base de datos de indicadores de educación de la UNESCO explica que el gobierno ha invertido un promedio del 7% de su PIB en educación. Esto demuestra el compromiso del gobierno de garantizar el acceso a una educación pública, gratuita y de primera calidad que tenga en cuenta la diversidad y brinde igualdad de oportunidades y beneficios sin discriminación.

 

Los estudiantes bolivianos se preparan para los cambios en los factores externos que rigen el ciclo de las materias primas en Bolivia. Como Andersen et al. declaró, “ciertamente parece mejor errar por el lado de demasiada educación en lugar de muy poca”.xxii

 

El gobierno boliviano debe armonizar sus recursos con el sector privado y otros actores nacionales para mejorar la calidad de la educación recibida y los retornos necesarios del mercado laboral que promueva un sistema educativo que agregue valor y, a su vez, cree valor para el estado y los bolivianos en general. Este ciclo positivo de desarrollo también ayudaría a Bolivia a cumplir con sus otras metas de los ODS, incluida la eliminación de todas las formas de pobreza, la creación de oportunidades de trabajo decente, la promoción del crecimiento económico sostenible e inclusivo y la reducción de los niveles de desigualdad junto con otros estados.xxiii

 

 

Texto original escrito por Karl Baldacchino

Edición y traducción por Olga Ruiz Pilato

 

‘Educational Challenges in the Plurinational State of Bolivia: from educational barriers to a mismatch of skills’ accessible via el siguiente link:

https://brokenchalk.org/educational-challenges-in-the-plurinational-state-of-bolivia-from-educationalbarriers-to-a-mismatch-of-skills/

 

Endnotes

 

  1. KOF Swiss Economic Institute (2019) ‘KOF Education System Factbook: Bolivia’. KOF Education System Factbooks: Zurich, 1st Ed., pp. 3-5.
  2. Andersen, L. E. et al. (2020) ‘Occasional Paper Series No. 63 – A Country at Risk of Being Left Behind:

Bolivia’s Quest for Quality Education’. Southern Voices, p. 11.

3. United Nations Department of Economic & Social Affairs. ‘Goal 4’. Available online from: https://sdgs.un.org/goals/goal4 [Accessed on 28/02/2022]. iv Binns, M. (2015) ‘Top 4 Reasons Education in Bolivia Lags’. The Borgen Project. Available online from: https://borgenproject.org/top-4-reasons-education-in-boliva-lags/ [Accessed on 28/02/2022]. v Muyor-Rodriguez, J. et al. (2021) ‘Inclusive University Education in Bolivia: The Actors and Their

4. Discourses’. Sustainability, Vol. 13. Available online from: https://doi.org/10.3390/su131910818 [Accessed on 28/02/2022], p. 2. vi ‘Top 4 Reasons Education in Bolivia Lags’. vii Redin, M. C. B. (2020) ‘Dilemmas of Justice in the Post-Neoliberal Educational Policies of Ecuador and Bolivia’. Policy Futures in Education, Vol. 18(1), pp. 53-56. viii Ibid., p.58. ix ‘Inclusive University Education in Bolivia’, p. 3. x Ibid., pp. 8-10.

xi Ibid., pp. 4 & 9-10 & 12.

xii Ibid., pp. 13-14.

xiii Ibid., pp. 58-59.

\xiv Ibid., p. 61.

xv ‘A Country at Risk of Being Left Behind’, pp. 15-16.

xvi ‘KOF Factbooks’, p. 4.

xvii ‘A Country at Risk of Being Left Behind’, pp. 19-20.

xviii Ibid., p. 27.

xix Ibid., p. 21.

xx United Nations Children’s Fund (2020) ‘Country Office Annual Report 2020 – Bolivia, Plurinational State of’, p. 1.

xxi ‘A Country at Risk of Being Left Behind’, pp. 27-29.

xxii Ibid., p. 29.

xxiii Ibid., pp. 22-26.

 

 

 

 

Educational Challenges in Bolivia (Hungarian)

Kihívások Bolívia Többnemzetiségű Államának Oktatási Rendszerében: Az Oktatási

Akadályaitól a Készségfejlesztések Hiányosságaiig

Írta: Karl Baldacchino

 

Bolívia többnemzetiségű államában a közelmúltban számos pozitív és negatív fejlemény történt. A KOF Svájci Gazdasági Intézet 2019-ben kiemelte,i hogy Bolívia megtartotta a bruttó hazai termék (GDP) átlagos 4,9%-os növekedési ütemét, elsősorban a természeti erőforrások, például az arany, cink, ezüst, réz és földgáz exportjának köszönhetően. Az egy főre jutó 3117 dolláros GDP-vel azonban – amely lényegesen alacsonyabb, a szomszédos országoknál – Bolívia továbbra is a legszegényebb állam Dél-Amerikában. A Világbank GINI-koefficiens indexe rávilágított a jövedelmi egyenlőtlenségek magas arányára: Bolívia 2016-ban 100-ból 44,6 pontot ért el a jövedelmi egyenlőségi felmérésen.

Ezek a fejlődési hullámvölgyek több területen is érzékelhetőek, többek között az oktatásban is. Ahogy Andersen et al. (2020) tárgyalja,ii a bolíviai oktatásról nincsenek statisztikai adatok, mivel az elmúlt húsz évben az ország nem vett részt az általában nemzetközi szervezetek – például az OECD Nemzetközi Tanulói Felmérési Programja (PISA) vagy az IEA Nemzetközi Matematikai és Tudományos Tanulmányok Tendenciái (TIMSS) – által végzett nagy oktatási felmérésekben. Ez nagyrészt tanácstalanul hagyja a kutatókat és a politikai döntéshozókat azzal kapcsolatban, hogy melyek a fő oktatási kihívások, és milyen megoldások javíthatják a minőségi oktatáshoz való hozzáférést, hogy Bolívia időben elérje a negyedik fenntartható fejlődési célt: „inkluzív és méltányos minőségi oktatás biztosítása és az egész életen át tartó tanulás lehetőségeinek előmozdítása mindenki számára”.iii Ahhoz, hogy pontosabb képet kapjunk a bolíviai oktatás helyzetéről és arról, hogy a megfelelő és magasabb szintű képzést elvégzők milyen valószínűséggel felelnek meg a munkaerőpiaci igényeknek, különböző hiteles forrásokból kell információkat gyűjteni.

 

Az oktatás történelmi akadályai

 

A Borgen Project, amely az Egyesült Államok külpolitikai tevékenységinek részeként a globális szegénység csökkentéséért küzd, 2015-ben megállapította, hogy Bolíviában körülbelül minden hetedik diák félbehagyja tanulmányait és többségük nem kezdi meg a középfokú oktatást. iv Bár az írástudatlanság általános aránya az 1976-os 36,21%-ról 2015-re 7,54%-ra csökkent, v több mint egymillió 15 éves és idősebb bolíviai továbbra is írástudatlan. A probléma forrásaként négy okot jelölnek meg:vi

  1. Bár a diákok többsége őslakos, így otthon quechua vagy aymara nyelven beszélnek, az órákat általában spanyolul tartják;
  2. Továbbra is nagy a szakadék a vidéki és a városi lakosok között. A vidéki diákok átlagosan csak 4,2 évet végeznek el mielőtt megszakítják tanulmányaikat, hogy családjukat anyagilag támogassák. Ezzel szemben a városokban a diákok átlagosan 9,4 évet töltenek az oktatásban;
  3. Az oktatás továbbra is az állam fókuszterületén kívül esik, ami erőforráshiányt eredményez, amelyek hátráltatja a minőségi oktatáshoz szükséges körülmények megteremtését; és
  4. Az előző ponttal összefüggésben a tanárok továbbra is alacsony béreket kapnak, így gyakoriak a tanársztrájkok, mely ugyanakkor a diákok oktatásának napokon vagy akár heteken át tartó szünetelését jelenti.

 

A fenti problémák egy része a bolíviai oktatás történelmi fejlődéséből ered. Ahogy Redin (2020) rávilágít,vii a katonai diktatúra végét követően az 1980 és 1990 közötti neoliberális reformok növelték az etnikai sokszínűség támogatását az országban, azonban ezek a reformok csökkentették az állami beavatkozás mértékét és a szociális kiadásokat is. Ez nagymértékben befolyásolta az állami iskolákba való beiratkozást. Az állam sikertelenül próbálta növelni a beiskolázást azáltal, hogy kiemelte a vidéki családokat a szegénységből, és arra ösztönözte őket, hogy gyermekeiket iskolába járassák. Ez a kudarc arra ösztönzött őslakos mozgalmakat, például az Őslakosok Oktatási Tanácsát (CEPOS), illetve számos szülőt, hogy alapítványi iskolák létrehozásával a saját kezükbe vegyék az oktatás ügyét, melytől az iskolák minőségének emelkedését és az oktatási színvonal fejlődését várták, illetve amely intézmények az őslakosok kultúráját és nyelvét is integrálja az oktatási intézménybe. A bolíviai oktatás ügye egy olyan privatizált intézményrendszerré fejlődött, melynek szervezését és vezetését inkább társadalmi csoportok, mintsem az állam végzi. Tehát az állam redisztribúciós képességeinek hiányában a polgári politikai jogok egy része megerősödött, amik ugyanakkor csökkentették a szociális jogokra irányuló erőfeszítéseket.viii

 

Az oktatás elérhetősége mindenki számára

 

Ahogy Muyor-Rodriguez et al. (2021)ix kvalitatív tanulmánya is megállapította, a bolíviai oktatási rendszer másik fontos jellemzője, hogy az állami egyetemek nem tudják kielégíteni a fogyatékkal élő hallgatók oktatási igényeit. Annak ellenére, hogy az állami egyetemek kötelezettséget vállaltak arra, hogy minden hallgató számára egyenlő feltételek mellett biztosítják az oktatáshoz való hozzáférést, a csoportos beszélgetések résztvevői szerint a fogyatékossággal élő hallgatók oktatásában nem érvényesül az az esélyegyenlőség és egyenlő körülmények biztosítása, melyet az etnikai vagy szexuális kisebbségek élveznek, ez pedig egyes fogyatékossággal élő tanulókat kirekeszt vagy sztereotipizál.x Bár a 2009. évi 9/09. sz. határozat felmentette a fogyatékossággal élő hallgatókat az állami egyetemekre való bejutásukhoz szükséges felvételi vizsgák alól, a tanárok és a hallgatók között fennálló, társirányítás-szerű rendszerből adódó autonómia miatt egyes egyetemek nem hajtották végre ezt az intézkedést.xi A résztvevők arról is beszámoltak, hogy egyes professzorok által diszkrimináció éri a fogyatékossággal élő diákokat, mely abban nyilvánul meg, hogy a professzorok nem tesznek különbséget a fogyatékossággal élő és a nem fogyatékossággal élő hallgatók oktatási követelményei között. Probléma az is, hogy az egyetemi személyzet számára nincsenek olyan erőforrások biztosítva, melyek lehetővé tennék a fogyatékossággal élő tanulók oktatási igényeinek kielégítését, mely előítéletességhez is vezethet a fogyatékossággal élő diákok irányába. A kumulatív hatás az inkluzivitásból fakadó kampányok által kiváltott hatások hosszú távú kezelésének eredménytelenségét jelenti.xii

 

Oktatás Evo Morales óta

 

Evo Morales 2005-ös elnökké választásával új erőfeszítések indultak az oktatás területén, amelyek célja a bolíviai tanterv dekolonizációja volt a „tudományközpontú blanco-mestizo projekttől” való megszabadulás révén, mely kizárólag a nemzettudat erősítésére irányult; ehelyett pedig a „tudomány és az ősöktől származó tudás egyenlő mértékben kapott teret”.xiii A kormány olyan egyensúlyt akart létrehozni, amely továbbra is a tudományos készségek fejlesztésére összpontosít, miközben folytatja az 1994-ben elkezdett intra-kulturalitást, amely megőrzi a bolíviai társadalom őshonos kultúráit, történelmét és tudását. A változások praktikai implementálásának kifejlesztése azonban a tanárokat terhelti, akiknek kreatív módszereket kell találniuk az egyensúly megteremtéséhez, miközben olyan oktatást kell biztosítaniuk, amely a tanulóknak a tanulmányi előre lepéséhez megadja a szükséges készségeket, valamint a munkaerőpiac által igényelt készségek kifejlesztését is eredményezi.xiv

Az oktatás nem felel meg a munkaerőpiaci igényeknek

 

Andersen et al. (2020) megállapította, hogy az oktatás által kifejlesztett készségek nem felelnek meg a munkaerőpiac igényeinek, ami abban is megmutatkozik, hogy 2007 és 2017 között számos diplomás nem tudta hasznosítani az oktatásban megszerzett tudását a munkaerőpiacon. xv Elemzésük rámutat, hogy a rendszerszintű oktatási problémák különösen a nem őslakos városi férfiakra volt hatással, akik a tanulmányaik befejezése utáni első 15 évben nem tudtak a létszükségleteiket kielégítő jövedelemhez jutni. A KOF adatgyűjteménye megállapítja, hogy Bolívia foglalkoztatott lakosságának nagy része (27,4%) elsősorban a mezőgazdaság, vadászat, erdőgazdálkodás és halászat ágazataiban dolgozik, míg sokan mások a feldolgozóipar, építőipar, bányászat és ipari tevékenységek ágazataiban találnak munkát (ez a bolíviai lakosság 22,6%-át jelenti). xvi Ez a jelenség úgynevezett “nyersanyag-szuperciklus” következménye, amely növelte a keresletet Bolívia fent említett elsődleges iparágak által kitermelt exportárui iránt. Ez azt eredményezte, hogy sok fiatal férfi korán befejezte tanulmányait, hogy ezekben a nyereséges iparágakban dolgozzanak.xvii Ez azonban az építőipari ágazatban a “holland betegségnek” nevezett problémát idézte elő: a szektorban megjelenő számottevő munkaerő magas nyersanyagárak ördögi körét hozta létre. A szektor bővülése intenzívebb területfejlesztéshez vezetett, ami viszont több munkaerőt igényelt, akik inkább a munkahelyi képzésre támaszkodtak, mintsem bizonyos iskolai végzettségi szintek elérésére. Így egy olyan munkaerőpiac jött létre, amely gyakorlati tapasztalatokat igényel az elméleti tudással szemben.xviii Ennek az aránytalanságnak az egyik fő oka az agyelszívás megnövekedett aránya Bolíviában. 2015-ig 799 605 bolíviai (az ország lakosságának nagyjából 7,5%-a) vándorolt el, vagy azért, hogy magasabb szintű képzést szerezzen, vagy azért, hogy a már megszerzett oktatás előnyeit külföldön élvezni tudja. Ennek eredményeképpen Bolívia elveszíti társadalmának magasan képzett rétegét.xix

A Covid-19 világjárvány kitörése e meglévő problémák multiplikátoraként hatott. Az ENSZ Gyermekalapjának (UNICEF) 2020-as országjelentése szerint összesen 2,9 millió gyermek maradt az oktatáshoz való hozzáférés és az iskolák által biztosított étkeztetési rendszerek nélkül Bolíviában.xx A világjárvány rávilágított a városi és vidéki lakosság közötti digitális szakadékra is, mivel a virtuális oktatáshoz való hozzáféréshez elengedhetetlen a stabil internetkapcsolat megléte.

 

 

 

 

Az oktatás jövője Bolíviában

 

Ahogy azt a következők mutatják, a bolíviai kormány erőfeszítéseket tett az oktatás helyzetének javítása érdekében:xxi

  1. 2017-re felszámolták az általános és középfokú oktatásba történő beiskolázás során jelen lévő jövedelemi, nemi vagy etnikai alapú diszkriminációt;
  2. Megháromszorozták a tanárok számát 2000 és 2017 között. Most már minden 24

iskolásra jut egy képzett pedagógus;

  1. 2017-re a bolíviaiak 39%-a részesült valamilyen formális oktatásban; és
  2. Az UNESCO oktatási indikátor-adatbázisa kifejti, hogy a kormány átlagosan a GDP 7%-át fektette az oktatásba. Ez mutatja a kormány elkötelezettségét az ingyenes közoktatáshoz való hozzáférés biztosítása iránt, amely minőségi oktatást biztosít, továbbá figyelembe veszi az ország kulturális és társadalmi pluralitását és egyenlő esélyeket biztosít mindenki számára megkülönböztetés nélkül.xxii

A bolíviai kormánynak össze kell hangolnia erőforrásait a magánszektorral és más hazai érdekelt felekkel, hogy javítsa a hazai oktatás minőségét és a munkaerőpiacra történő beilleszkedés lehetőségét. Ez egy olyan oktatási rendszer kialakításának szükségességét jelenti, amely hasznosítható készségeket fejleszt, ezzel értéket teremtve a bolíviai állam és a lakosság számára. A fejlődésnek ez a pozitív ciklusa segíti Bolíviát abban is, hogy más SDG-céljait is elérje, beleértve a szegénység minden formájának felszámolását, a tisztességes munkalehetőségek megteremtését, a fenntartható és inkluzív gazdasági növekedés előmozdítását, valamint az egyenlőtlenségek szintjének csökkentését más államokkal együtt.xxiii

 

A cikket Farai Chikwanha és Olga Ruiz Pilato szerkesztette.

Fordította: Farkas Johanna

 

  1. KOF Swiss Economic Institute (2019) ‘KOF Education System Factbook: Bolivia’. KOF Education System Factbooks: Zurich, 1st Ed., pp. 3-5.
  2. Andersen, L. E. et al. (2020) ‘Occasional Paper Series No. 63 – A Country at Risk of Being Left Behind:

Bolivia’s Quest for Quality Education’. Southern Voices, p. 11.

  1. United Nations Department of Economic & Social Affairs. ‘Goal 4’. Available online from: https://sdgs.un.org/goals/goal4 [Accessed on 28/02/2022]. iv Binns, M. (2015) ‘Top 4 Reasons Education in Bolivia Lags’. The Borgen Project. Available online from: https://borgenproject.org/top-4-reasons-education-in-boliva-lags/ [Accessed on 28/02/2022].

 

  1. Muyor-Rodriguez, J. et al. (2021) ‘Inclusive University Education in Bolivia: The Actors and Their

Discourses’. Sustainability, Vol. 13. Available online from: https://doi.org/10.3390/su131910818 [Accessed on 28/02/2022], p. 2.

  1. ‘Top 4 Reasons Education in Bolivia Lags’.
  2. Redin, M. C. B. (2020) ‘Dilemmas of Justice in the Post-Neoliberal Educational Policies of Ecuador and Bolivia’. Policy Futures in Education, Vol. 18(1), pp. 53-56. viii Ibid., p.58. ix ‘Inclusive University Education in Bolivia’, p. 3. x Ibid., pp. 8-10.

xi Ibid., pp. 4 & 9-10 & 12. xii Ibid., pp. 13-14. xiii Ibid., pp. 58-59. xiv Ibid., p. 61. xv ‘A Country at Risk of Being Left Behind’, pp. 15-16.

 

xvi ‘KOF Factbooks’, p. 4. xvii ‘A Country at Risk of Being Left Behind’, pp. 19-20. xviii Ibid., p. 27. xix Ibid, p. 21 xx United Nations Children’s Fund (2020) ‘Country Office Annual Report 2020 – Bolivia, Plurinational State of’, p. 1.

xxi ‘A Country at Risk of Being Left Behind’, pp. 27-29. xxii Ibid., p. 29 xxiii Ibid., p. 22-26

 

Educational Challenges in Bolivia (Albanian)

Sfidat arsimore në shtetin shumëkombëtar të Bolivisë: Nga pengesat arsimore në një

mospërputhje aftësish

Nga Karl Baldacchino

 

Shteti shumekombetar i Bolivisë ka përjetuar kohët e fundit disa zhvillime pozitive dhe negative. Instituti Ekonomik Zviceran -KOF theksoi në vitin 2019i se Bolivia mbajti një normë mesatare prej 4.9% rritje të Prodhimit të Brendshëm Bruto (PBB), kryesisht për shkak të eksportit të saj të burimeve natyrore si ari, zinku, argjendi, bakri dhe rezervat e gazit natyror. Megjithatë, me një GDP prej 3,117 dollarë për frymë – dukshëm më e ulët se fqinjët e saj – Bolivia mbetet shteti më i varfër në Amerikën e Jugut. Indeksi i koeficientit GINI të Bankës Botërore theksoi shkallën e lartë të pabarazisë së të ardhurave: Bolivia shënoi 44.6 nga 100 në vitin 2016 në barazinë e të ardhurave.

Këto ulje-ngritje zhvillimore vërehen në disa sfera, duke përfshirë edhe atë arsimore. Siç vëren Andersenet al. (2020) ii, arsimit Bolivian i mungojnë të dhënat statistikore sepse, në njëzet vitet e fundit, vendi nuk ka marrë pjesë në vlerësimet kryesore arsimore të kryera zakonisht nga organizata ndërkombëtare si Programi i OECD për Vlerësimin Ndërkombëtar të Studentëve (PISA) ose Trendet e IEA-së në matematikën ndërkombëtare dhe Studimi shkencor (TIMSS). Kjo i lë në masë të madhe studiuesit dhe politikëbërësit të paditur mbi sfidat kryesore arsimore dhe zgjidhjet qe mund të përmirësojnë aksesin në arsim cilësor për Bolivinë për të arritur në kohë objektivin e katërt të zhvillimit të qëndrueshëm: të “sigurojë arsim cilësor gjithëpërfshirës dhe të barabartë dhe të promovojë mundësitë e të mësuarit gjatë gjithë jetës për të gjithë”iii,. Për të marrë një pasqyrë më të saktë të gjendjes së arsimit në Bolivi dhe gjasat e atyre që diplomohen nga nivele të përshtatshme dhe më të larta të arsimit që plotësojnë kërkesat e tregut të punës, informacioni duhet të mblidhet nga burime të ndryshme, por të besueshme.

Barrierat historike në arsim

Projekti Borgen, i cili synon të reduktojë varfërinë globale përmes politikës së jashtme të SHBA-së, vuri në dukje në vitin 2015 se afërsisht një në shtatë studentë në Bolivi nuk e mbarojnë arsimin e tyre. Kjo bën që shumica e tyre të mos fillojnë arsimin e mesëm. Edhe pse duke ulur shkallën e përgjithshme të analfabetizmit nga 36.21% në 1976 në 7.54% deri në vitin 2015, mbi një milion bolivianë të moshës 15 vjeç e lart mbeten analfabetë. iv Ka katër arsye të sugjeruara për këto çështje:

  1. Megjithëse shumica e studentëve vijnë nga prejardhje indigjene dhe flasin Keçua ose Aymara në shtëpi, klasat zakonisht mësohen në spanjisht;
  2. Mbetet një hendek i madh ndërmjet banorëve ruralë dhe urbanë. Studentët në zonat rurale përfundojnë mesatarisht vetëm 4.2 vjet arsimim përpara se ta braktisin shkollën për të mbështetur financiarisht familjet e tyre. Në të kundërt, nxënësit në zonat urbane përfundojnë mesatarisht 9.4 vite shkollim;
  3. Arsimi mbetet jashtë kompetencës së shtetit, gjë që rezulton në mungesë të burimeve për të krijuar një mjedis të favorshëm që studentët të ndjekin një arsim cilësor; dhe
  4. Në lidhje me pikën e mëparshme, mësuesit vazhdojnë të marrin paga të ulëta dhe shpesh hyjnë në grevë, duke i lënë studentët pa akses në arsim për ditë ose javë.

Disa nga çështjet e mësipërme rrjedhin nga zhvillimi historik i arsimit në Bolivi. Redin (2020)v shpjegon se, pas përfundimit të diktaturës ushtarake, reformat neoliberale midis viteve 1980 dhe 1990 rritën mbështetjen për diversitetin etnik, por reduktuan ndërhyrjen e shtetit dhe shpenzimet sociale. Kjo ndikoi shumë në regjistrimin në shkollat publike. Shteti ishte i pasuksesshëm në përpjekjet e tij për të rritur një regjistrim të tillë, pra te nxjerrë familjet rurale nga varfëria dhe duke i inkurajuar ato që t’i dërgonin fëmijët e tyre në shkollë. Ky dështim frymëzoi lëvizjet indigjene, të tilla si Këshillat Arsimore të Popujve Vendas (CEPOS), si dhe prindërit, për të krijuar themelet e tyre për t’i marrë gjërat në duart e tyre duke fuqizuar shkollat dhe mësuesit për të ofruar arsim më cilësor, duke marrë parasysh dhe duke përfshirë siç duhet indigjenët, kulturën dhe gjuhën e tyre. Kështu, arsimi u zhvillua në një institucion të privatizuar të menaxhuar nga shoqëria dhe jo nga shteti për shkak të një ‘procesi të keqshpërndarjes’ ku të drejtat politike civile po forcoheshin në këmbim të përpjekjeve të reduktuara drejt të drejtave sociale. vi

Akses në arsim dhe mundësi përfshirjeje

Një tipar tjetër i sistemit arsimor të Bolivisë, i vënë në dukje nga studimi cilësor i Muyor-Rodriguez et al, (2021) vii, është se universitetet publike nuk kanë arritur të plotësojnë nevojat arsimore të studentëve me aftësi të kufizuara. Pavarësisht angazhimeve të universiteteve publike për të ofruar akses në arsim për të gjithë studentët në kushte të barabarta, pjesëmarrësit e diskutimeve në grup argumentuan se ka mungesë të vlerës së barabartë në arsimin e marrë nga studentët me aftësi të kufizuara në favor të diversitetit etnik ose seksual, gjë që ka përjashtuar ose stereotipizuar disa paaftësi. viii Megjithëse Rezoluta nr. 9/09 e vitit 2009 i përjashtoi studentët me aftësi të kufizuara nga marrja e testeve pranuese për të hyrë në universitetet publike, shkalla e autonomisë që rezulton nga sistemi i ngjashëm me bashkëqeverisjen që ekziston midis mësuesve dhe studentëve, nënkuptonte që disa universitete nuk zbatonin kete politikëix. Pjesëmarrësit diskutuan gjithashtu diskriminimin që përjetuan nga profesorët që nuk bënin dallimin midis kërkesave arsimore për studentët me aftësi të kufizuara dhe studentët e tjere dhe paragjykimin që rezulton nga mungesa e burimeve për personelin e universitetit për të përmbushur nevojat e tyre. Efekti kumulativ është menaxhimi joefektiv afatgjatë i ndikimit që sjellin fushatat nga gjithëpërfshirja. x

 

 

Edukimi që nga Evo Morales

Me zgjedhjen e Evo Morales si President në 2005, përpjekjet e reja në fushën e arsimit synuan të dekolonizojnë kurrikulën boliviane nga një “projekt blanco-mestizo i përqendruar në shkencë” i kombësisë dhe në vend të kësaj të zhvendoset drejt një “hapësire të barabartë për shkencën dhe njohuritë stërgjyshore”. Qeveria u përpoq të vendoste një ekuilibër që përqendrohet në zhvillimin e aftësive shkencore, ndërkohë që vazhdonte intrakulturalitetin e vitit 1994 që ruan kulturën(at), historinë dhe njohuritë e shoqërisë boliviane. Këto ndryshime i kanë lënë mësuesit të ngarkuar me nevojën për të gjetur metodat krijuese për të balancuar ofrimin e një edukimi që do t’u japë nxënësve aftësitë e nevojshme për të kaluar në nivele më të larta të arsimit dhe për t’u dhënë atyre aftësitë e nevojshme për t’u përthithur nga tregu i punës. xi

Arsimi nuk i plotëson kërkesat e tregut të punës

Andersenet al.(2020) vuri në dukje mospërputhjen midis arsimit dhe aftësive të punës të kërkuara nga tregu i punës, gjë që rezultoi në dështimin e shumë të diplomuarve për të korrur përfitimet e arsimimit të tyre midis 2007 dhe 2017.xii Analiza e tyre vë në dukje se ata që preken veçanërisht nga të metat sistematike arsimore janë meshkujt jovendas urbanë, të cilët mbetën pa shpërndarje të përshtatshme të të ardhurave gjatë 15 viteve të para të arsimit. Libri i fakteve të KOF-it vërteton se një pjesë e madhe e popullsisë së punësuar të Bolivisë operojnë në sektorët parësorë të bujqësisë, gjuetisë, pylltarisë dhe peshkimit, si dhe sektorët dytësorë të prodhimit, ndërtimit, minierave dhe aktiviteteve industriale, me përkatësisht 27.4% dhe 22.6%.xiii Kjo është pasojë e asaj që quhet “Super Cikli i Mallrave”, i cili rriti kërkesën për mallrat kryesore të eksportit të Bolivisë, të përmendura më lart, duke rezultuar në të rinjtë që braktisin shkollën për të përfituar nga fitimet në këto industri. Për më tepër, ajo shkaktoi atë që njihet si ‘sëmundja holandeze’ në sektorin e ndërtimit.xiv Kjo ka krijuar një rreth vicioz të çmimeve të larta të mallrave, duke çuar në më shumë zhvillim të tokës që, nga ana tjetër, kërkon më shumë punëtorë, të cilët mbështeten në trajnimin në vendin e punës dhe jo në arritjen e niveleve të veçanta të arsimit. Kështu, krijohet një treg pune që kërkon punëtorë të pajisur, duke preferuar përvojën praktike në krahasim me njohuritë teorike.xv Një shqetësim kryesor i kësaj mospërputhje është rritja e shkallës së ikjes së trurit në Bolivi. Deri në vitin 2015, 799 605 bolivianë (afërsisht 7.5% e popullsisë kombëtare), kishin emigruar, ose për të ndjekur nivele më të larta arsimore ose për të korrur përfitimet e arsimimit që kanë marrë tashmë. Si rezultat, Bolivia humbet përfitimet e njohurive dhe aftësive të fituara nga studentët e saj.xvi

Përhapja e pandemisë Covid-19 shërben si një shumëfishues i forcës për këto çështje ekzistuese. Siç raportohet në Raportin e Shtetit të Fondit të Kombeve të Bashkuara për Fëmijët (UNICEF) për vitin 2020xvii, gjithsej 2.9 milionë fëmijë kanë mbetur pa akses në arsim dhe sistemet e mbështetjes ushqimore që ofrojnë shkollat e tyre. Pandemia ka nxjerrë në pah gjithashtu ndarjen dixhitale midis popullsisë urbane dhe rurale pasi të kesh një lidhje të qëndrueshme në internet është jetike për të hyrë në shërbimet arsimore virtuale.

 

E ardhmja e arsimit në Bolivi

Qeveria boliviane ka bërë përpjekje për të përmirësuar gjendjen e arsimit, siç ilustrohet nga sa vijon:

  1. Mbylli regjistrimet ndërmjet arsimit fillor dhe të mesëm në bazë të të ardhurave, gjinisë ose përkatësisë etnike deri në vitin 2017;
  2. Trefishoi disponueshmërinë e mësuesve ndërmjet viteve 2000 dhe 2017. Tani ka një mësues plotësisht të kualifikuar për çdo 24 nxënës;
  3. 39% e të gjithë bolivianëve u investuan në një formë të arsimit formal deri në vitin 2017; dhe
  4. Baza e të dhënave të treguesve të arsimit të UNESCO-s shpjegon se qeveria ka investuar mesatarisht 7% të PBB-së së saj në arsim. Kjo tregon përkushtimin e qeverisë për të garantuar akses në një arsim falas dhe publik të cilësisë së parë që merr parasysh diversitetin dhe ofron mundësi dhe përfitime të barabarta pa diskriminim.

Studentët bolivianë po përgatiten për ndryshime në faktorët e jashtëm që rregullojnë ciklin e mallrave në Bolivi. Siç u shpreh Andersen et al., “me siguri duket më mirë të gabojmë në anën e me shumë arsimim, sesa shumë pak arsimim”.

Qeveria boliviane duhet të harmonizojë burimet e saj me sektorin privat dhe aktorë të tjerë vendas për të përmirësuar cilësinë e arsimit të marrë dhe kthimet e nevojshme nga tregu i punës që promovon një sistem arsimor që shton vlerë dhe, nga ana tjetër, krijon vlerë për shtetin dhe bolivianët. Ky cikël pozitiv zhvillimi do të ndihmonte gjithashtu Bolivinë në përmbushjen e objektivave të tjera të SDGsë, duke përfshirë dhënien fund të të gjitha formave të varfërisë, krijimin e mundësive të denjë për punë, promovimin e rritjes ekonomike që është e qëndrueshme dhe gjithëpërfshirëse dhe reduktimin e niveleve të pabarazisë së bashku me shtetet e tjera.

Artikulli u editua nga Farai Chikwanha dhe Olga Ruiz Pilato

Perktheu nga anglishtja: Xhina Cekani

 

 

 

 

Endnotes

 

iKOF Swiss Economic Institute (2019) ‘KOF Education System Factbook: Bolivia’. KOF Education System Factbooks: Zurich, 1st Ed., pp. 3-5.

 

 

Endnotes

 

iiKOF Swiss Economic Institute (2019) ‘KOF Education System Factbook: Bolivia’. KOF Education System Factbooks: Zurich, 1st Ed., pp. 3-5.

 

 

Endnotes

 

iiiKOF Swiss Economic Institute (2019) ‘KOF Education System Factbook: Bolivia’. KOF Education System Factbooks: Zurich, 1st Ed., pp. 3-5.

 

 

Endnotes

 

ivKOF Swiss Economic Institute (2019) ‘KOF Education System Factbook: Bolivia’. KOF Education System Factbooks: Zurich, 1st Ed., pp. 3-5.

 

 

Endnotes

 

vKOF Swiss Economic Institute (2019) ‘KOF Education System Factbook: Bolivia’. KOF Education System Factbooks: Zurich, 1st Ed., pp. 3-5.

 

 

Endnotes

 

viKOF Swiss Economic Institute (2019) ‘KOF Education System Factbook: Bolivia’. KOF Education System Factbooks: Zurich, 1st Ed., pp. 3-5.

 

 

Endnotes

 

viiKOF Swiss Economic Institute (2019) ‘KOF Education System Factbook: Bolivia’. KOF Education System Factbooks: Zurich, 1st Ed., pp. 3-5.

 

 

Endnotes

 

viiiKOF Swiss Economic Institute (2019) ‘KOF Education System Factbook: Bolivia’. KOF Education System Factbooks: Zurich, 1st Ed., pp. 3-5.

 

 

Endnotes

 

ixKOF Swiss Economic Institute (2019) ‘KOF Education System Factbook: Bolivia’. KOF Education System Factbooks: Zurich, 1st Ed., pp. 3-5.

 

 

 

Endnotes

 

xKOF Swiss Economic Institute (2019) ‘KOF Education System Factbook: Bolivia’. KOF Education System Factbooks: Zurich, 1st Ed., pp. 3-5.

 

 

Endnotes

 

xiKOF Swiss Economic Institute (2019) ‘KOF Education System Factbook: Bolivia’. KOF Education System Factbooks: Zurich, 1st Ed., pp. 3-5.

  1. ‘A Country at Risk of Being Left Behind’, pp. 15-16.
  2. ‘KOF Factbooks’, p. 4. xiv ‘A Country at Risk of Being Left Behind’, pp. 19-20. xvIbid., p. 27. xviIbid., p. 21. xviiIbid., p. 21.

 

Translations Edu Challenges Bolivia(Russian)

Образовательные проблемы в Многонациональном Государстве Боливия: от образовательных барьеров до несоответствия навыков Karl Baldacchino

 

Многонациональное Государство Боливия недавно пережило несколько позитивных и негативных событий. Швейцарский экономический институт KOF утверждает в 2019 годуi, что Боливия сохранила средний темп роста валового внутреннего продукта (ВВП) на уровне 4,9%, в основном за счет экспорта природных ресурсов, таких как золото, цинк, серебро, медь и запасы природного газа. Однако с ВВП в размере 3117 долларов на душу населения — значительно ниже, чем у соседей — Боливия остается самым бедным государством в Южной Америке. Индекс Джини Всемирного банка указывает на высокий уровень неравенства доходов: Боливия набрала 44,6 балла из 100 в 2016 году по показателю равенства доходов.

Эти взлеты и падения в развитии заметны в нескольких сферах, в том числе и в образовательной. Как Андерсен и др. (2020) ii отмечают, что в области образования в Боливии отсутствует статистика, поскольку за последние двадцать лет страна не участвовала в крупных образовательных оценках, обычно проводимых международными организациями, такими как Программа ОЭСР по международной оценке учащихся (PISA) или Международные образовательные тренды в изучении математики и естественных наук (TIMSS). Это держит исследователей и политиков в неведении относительно того, каковы основные проблемы в области образования и какие решения могут улучшить доступ Боливии к качественному образованию для своевременного достижения четвертой цели в области устойчивого развития: «обеспечить инклюзивное и справедливое качественное образование и содействовать возможностям обучения на протяжении всей жизни для всех» iii . Чтобы получить более точную картину состояния образования в Боливии и вероятность того, что выпускники подходящих и более высоких уровней образования будут соответствовать требованиям рынка труда, необходимо собрать информацию из различных, но в то же время надежных источников.

Исторические барьеры на пути к образованию

Проект Боргена, целью которого является сокращение глобальной бедности с помощью внешней политики США, в 2015 году отметилiv, что примерно каждый седьмой студент в Боливии не заканчивает свое образование. Это приводит к тому, что большинство из них не начинают получать среднее образование. Несмотря на снижение общего уровня неграмотности с 36,21% в 1976 году до 7,54% к 2015 годуv, более миллиона боливийцев в возрасте 15 лет и старше остаются неграмотными. Выделяются четыре основные причины этих проблемvi:

  1. Хотя большинство учащихся принадлежат к коренным народам и дома говорят на кечуа или аймара, занятия обычно ведутся на испанском языке;
  2. Сохраняется большой разрыв между сельскими и городскими жителями. Учащиеся в сельской местности в среднем заканчивают 4,2 года обучения, прежде чем бросить учебу, чтобы поддержать свои семьи в финансовом отношении. Напротив, учащиеся в городских районах заканчивают в среднем 9,4 года обучения;
  3. Образование остается вне компетенции государства, что приводит к нехватке ресурсов для создания условий, способствующих получению учащимися качественного образования;
  4. В сочетании с предыдущим пунктом учителя продолжают получать низкую заработную плату и часто устраивают забастовки, оставляя учеников без доступа к образованию на дни или недели.

Некоторые из вышеперечисленных проблем связаны с историческим развитием образования в Боливии. Редин (2020) )vii объясняет, что после падения военной диктатуры неолиберальные реформы между 1980 и 1990 годами усилили поддержку этнического разнообразия, но уменьшили вмешательство государства и социальные расходы. Это сильно повлияло на зачисление в государственные школы. Попытки государства увеличить количество учащихся, вытащив сельские семьи из бедности и побудив их отправлять своих детей в школу, не увенчались успехом. Эта неудача сподвигла к созданию движения коренных народов, таких как Образовательные советы коренных народов (CEPOS), а также сподвигла родителей на создание своих фондов, чтобы взять дело в свои руки, дав школам и учителям возможность предоставлять более качественное образование, учитывая интересы коренных народов, их культуру и язык. Таким образом, образование превратилось в приватизированное учреждение, управляемое обществом, а не государством, благодаря «процессу неравномерного распределения», когда гражданские политические права укреплялись в обмен на снижение усилий по обеспечению социальных прав. viii

Доступ к образованию и его доступность

Еще одна особенность системы образования Боливии, отмеченная в качественном исследовании Muyor-Rodriguez et al (2021) ix, заключается в том, что государственные университеты не могут удовлетворить образовательные потребности студентов с ограниченными возможностями. Несмотря на обязательства государственных университетов по обеспечению доступа к образованию для всех учащихся на равных условиях, участники групповых дискуссий утверждали, что в образовании, получаемом учащимися с ограниченными возможностями, отсутствует равноценность в пользу этнического или полового разнообразия, что приводит к исключению из системы или стереотипизации некоторых типов инвалидности. x Хотя Постановление № 9/09 от 2009 г. освободило студентов-инвалидов от сдачи вступительных испытаний для поступления в государственные университеты, степень автономии, вытекающая из системы, похожей на совместное управление, которая существует между преподавателями и студентами, означала, что некоторые университеты не проводят эту политику. xi Участники также обсудили дискриминацию, с которой они столкнулись со стороны профессоров, которые не проводят различий между образовательными требованиями для студентов с ограниченными возможностями и студентов без инвалидности, а также предубеждение, возникающее из-за нехватки ресурсов у университетского персонала для удовлетворения их потребностей. Кумулятивный эффект — это неэффективное долгосрочное влияние, которое приносят кампании инклюзивности. xii

 

Образование со времен Эво Моралеса

С избранием Эво Моралеса президентом в 2005 году новые усилия в области образования были направлены на то, чтобы отделить боливийскую учебную программу от «научно-ориентированного метисского проекта» и вместо этого перейти к «равному пространству для науки и знаний предков». xiii Правительство стремилось установить равновесие, которое по-прежнему сосредоточено на развитии научных навыков, сохраняя при этом внутрикультурность 1994 года, которая сохраняет местную культуру (культуры), историю и знания боливийского общества. Эти изменения привели к тому, что учителям приходится искать творческие методы, чтобы сбалансировать предоставление образования, которое даст учащимся навыки, необходимые для перехода на более высокие уровни образования, и предоставление им необходимого набора навыков для рынка труда.xiv

 

Образование не соответствует требованиям рынка труда

Андерсен и др. (2020) отметили несоответствие между образованием и навыками, востребованными рынком труда, в результате чего многие выпускники не смогли воспользоваться плодами своего образования в период с 2007 по 2017 год. xv Анализ показывает, что те, кто особенно пострадал от системных недостатков образования – мужчин некоренного происхождения, живущие в городской местности, которые оставались без надлежащего распределения доходов в течение первых 15 лет обучения. Справочник KOF устанавливает, что значительная часть работающего населения Боливии работает в основных секторах сельского хозяйства, охоты, лесного хозяйства и рыболовства; а также во вторичных секторах производства, строительства, добычи полезных ископаемых и промышленности, составляя 27,4% и 22,6% соответственно. xvi Это является следствием так называемого «товарного суперцикла» (Commodity Super Cycle), который увеличил спрос на основные экспортные товары Боливии, упомянутые выше, что привело к тому, что молодые люди бросили школу, чтобы воспользоваться возможностью получить прибыль в этих отраслях. Кроме того, это вызвало так называемую «голландскую болезнь» в строительном секторе. xvii Это создало порочный круг высоких цен на сырьевые товары, что привело к большему освоению земель, что, в свою очередь, требует большего количества рабочих, которые полагаются на обучение на рабочем месте, а не на достижение определенного уровня образования. Таким образом создается рынок труда, требующий оснащенных работников, предпочитающих практический опыт теоретическим знаниям. xviii Серьезной проблемой этого несоответствия является увеличение темпов утечки мозгов в Боливии. К 2015 году 799 605 боливийцев (примерно 7,5% населения страны) эмигрировали либо для получения более высокого уровня образования, либо для того, чтобы воспользоваться преимуществами уже полученного образования. В результате Боливия теряет преимущества знаний и навыков, полученных ее учащимися. xix

Вспышка пандемии Covid-19 многократно усилила эти существующие проблемы. Как сообщается в Страновом отчете Детского фонда Организации Объединенных Наций (ЮНИСЕФ) за 2020 годxx, в общей сложности 2,9 миллиона детей остались без доступа к образованию и системам поддержки питания, которые обеспечивают их школы. Пандемия также показала разрыв между городским и сельским населением, поскольку стабильное подключение к Интернету жизненно важно для доступа к виртуальным образовательным услугам.

Будущее образования в Боливии

Правительство Боливии предприняло усилия для улучшения состояния образования, о чем свидетельствуют следующие примеры: xxi

  1. К 2017 году он закрыл набор между начальным и средним образованием в зависимости от дохода, пола или этнической принадлежности;
  2. В период с 2000 по 2017 год число учителей увеличилось в три раза. Теперь на каждые 24 школьника приходится один полностью квалифицированный учитель;
  3. К 2017 г. 39% всех боливийцев инвестировали в ту или иную форму формального образования; а также
  4. База данных показателей образования ЮНЕСКО поясняет, что правительство инвестирует в образование в среднем 7% своего ВВП. Это свидетельствует о стремлении правительства обеспечить доступ к бесплатному государственному образованию высшего качества, учитывающему разнообразие и обеспечивающему равные возможности и преимущества без дискриминации.

Боливийские студенты готовятся к изменениям внешних факторов, регулирующих товарный цикл в Боливии. Как Андерсен и др. заявил: «Безусловно, лучше ошибиться и предоставить жителям слишком большого образования, чем слишком мало». xxii

Боливийское правительство должно согласовать свои ресурсы с частным сектором и другими внутренними заинтересованными сторонами для повышения качества получаемого образования и получения необходимой отдачи от рынка труда, который продвигает образовательную систему, добавляющую ценность и, в свою очередь, создающую ценность для государства и боливийцев. на свободе. Этот позитивный цикл развития также поможет Боливии в достижении других целей ЦУР, включая искоренение всех форм бедности, создание возможностей для достойной работы, содействие устойчивому и инклюзивному экономическому росту и снижение уровня неравенства наряду с другими государствами.xxiii

 

 

Статью отредактировали Farai Chikwanha and Olga Ruiz Pilato

 

 

 

 

 

 

Endnotes

 

i KOF Swiss Economic Institute (2019) ‘KOF Education System Factbook: Bolivia’. KOF Education System Factbooks: Zurich, 1st Ed., pp. 3-5. ii Andersen, L. E. et al. (2020) ‘Occasional Paper Series No. 63 – A Country at Risk of Being Left Behind: Bolivia’s Quest for Quality Education’. Southern Voices, p. 11.

iii United Nations Department of Economic & Social Affairs. ‘Goal 4’. Available online from: https://sdgs.un.org/goals/goal4 [Accessed on 28/02/2022]. iv Binns, M. (2015) ‘Top 4 Reasons Education in Bolivia Lags’. The Borgen Project. Available online from: https://borgenproject.org/top-4-reasons-education-in-boliva-lags/ [Accessed on 28/02/2022]. v Muyor-Rodriguez, J. et al. (2021) ‘Inclusive University Education in Bolivia: The Actors and Their Discourses’. Sustainability, Vol. 13. Available online from: https://doi.org/10.3390/su131910818 [Accessed on 28/02/2022], p. 2.

vi ‘Top 4 Reasons Education in Bolivia Lags’. vii Redin, M. C. B. (2020) ‘Dilemmas of Justice in the Post-Neoliberal Educational Policies of Ecuador and Bolivia’. Policy Futures in Education, Vol. 18(1), pp. 53-56. viii Ibid., p.58. ix ‘Inclusive University Education in Bolivia’, p. 3. x Ibid., pp. 8-10.

xi Ibid., pp. 4 & 9-10 & 12. xii Ibid., pp. 13-14. xiii Ibid., pp. 58-59. xiv Ibid., p. 61. xv ‘A Country at Risk of Being Left Behind’, pp. 15-16.

xvi ‘KOF Factbooks’, p. 4. xvii ‘A Country at Risk of Being Left Behind’, pp. 19-20. xviii Ibid., p. 27. xix Ibid., p. 21. xx United Nations Children’s Fund (2020) ‘Country Office Annual Report 2020 – Bolivia, Plurinational State of’, p.

1.

xxi ‘A Country at Risk of Being Left Behind’, pp. 27-29. xxii Ibid., p. 29. xxiii Ibid., pp. 22-26.

 

 

 

 

Governmental Policies For Education In Bolivia 

Written by Pedro Fonseca

Introduction 

One of the particularities when analysing the Plurinational State of Bolivia is the state configuration that reflects the cultural, ethnic, and linguistic diversity of the country. This recognition and coexistence of multiple indigenous nations within Bolivian territory creates a series of specific challenges in the formulation of public policies. 

The fundamental principle guiding these particularities is the decolonisation and plurinationality of the Bolivian State. While decolonisation seeks to break away from colonial structures, which are the institutions, laws, and practices imposed during the colonial period and which continued to marginalise indigenous populations even after the country’s independence. Plurinationality refers to the recognition by the state of the equality and sovereignty of all indigenous nations and peoples within the country, rejecting the idea that the state should be homogeneous. (Estado Plurinacional de Bolivia, 2009, Article 9). 

The Bolivian constitution, based on the principles of decolonisation and plurinationality, acknowledges the ethnic and cultural diversity of 36 indigenous nations and peoples1, as well as other ethnic groups, thereby ensuring that the cultures of these nations are protected by the State (Estado Plurinacional de Bolivia, 2009, Articles 5, 30). Furthermore, the Bolivian constitution guarantees the self-management of indigenous peoples in their territories and the practice of their norms and customs (Estado Plurinacional de Bolivia, 2009, Articles 2). 

These rights are reflected in an educational plan that seeks to respect and promote the country’s cultural and linguistic diversity. Consequently, Bolivian education is guided by interculturality and bilingualism, promoting instruction in both Spanish and indigenous languages. 

However, it is important to emphasise that this context is relatively recent. The current Bolivian constitution was approved in 2009 amidst significant changes in Bolivian society, including the election of Evo Morales as president, the first indigenous person to be elected to the executive office in the country’s history. Indeed, when examining Bolivia’s political precedents, one observes a country marked by significant political instability and profound social inequalities. It is worth noting that Bolivia has experienced more than 190 attempted coups d’état since its independence in 1825. 

This article aims to present educational policies put in place throughout Bolivian history and compile data that showcase the results of these measures. 

Evolution of Bolivian Educational Policies 

  • Education Code of 1955 

Bolivian education in the mid-20th century was characterised by its centralisation, with low coverage in rural areas and high dropout rates. During this period, the main government policy was the 1955 Education Code, also known as Code 55.  

Through this decree, the government expanded education to rural areas, which until then had been restricted to small sectors of society (IIPP, 2023, p.56). Additionally, the Education Code and the Teacher Classification Law were enacted, creating a better structure and organisation for school administration. Among these structures was the creation of the Ministry of Education (IIPP, 2023, p.56). 

Code 55 aimed to create a uniform structure for the Bolivian educational system, with the goal of enabling better planning and implementation of public education policies (Suarez, 1986). To this end, approximately 23% of the country’s general budget was allocated to education (IIPP, 2023, p.59). 

Despite the efforts, the results achieved by the 1955 Education Code were far from those projected (IIPP, 2023, p.61). The formulation of Code 55 was carried out by a non-indigenous and urban elite. In other words, the project lacked historical adherence, as most of the population was composed of indigenous peoples living in rural areas. 

  • Educational Reform Program (1994) 

The 1994 Education Reform sought to deepen the specifically educational character of the 1955 Education Code (IIPP, 2023, p.74). Two points stand out in the 1994 Education Reform. First, Educación Intercultural Bilingüe (EIB), a demand of indigenous peoples since the 1980s and considered an “instrument of liberation” (Arispe, 2020). The EIB was implemented in 1988 with the financial and technical support of UNICEF through an agreement with the Ministry of Education (IIPP, 2023, p.80). The second point was the expansion of teacher training centers in the country, amplifying professional development for educators.  

 As a result of the reforms, data from the Instituto de Investigaciones Pedagógicas Plurinacional show that in 2004, the school enrolment rate increased by 60% at the initial level, 34.5% at the primary level, and 94.8% at the secondary level. In addition, the number of school units increased from 12,000 in 1997 to more than 13,000 in 2004. The same happened with the number of educational units, which reached nearly 15,000 (IIPP, 2023, p.79). 

Despite its importance, Educación Intercultural Bilingüe (EIB) has been criticised for the way it was conducted. The main argument is that it consists of disseminating teaching and “official knowledge” through native indigenous languages (IIPP, 2023, p.82). 

  • Education Law No. 70 “Avelino Siñani-Elizardo Pérez” (2010) 

During a period of political and economic instability at the beginning of the century, Bolivia saw the emergence of Evo Morales, a union and indigenous leader, as the main figure in the 2005 presidential race. Elected with more than half of the total votes, Evo Morales implemented a series of structural reforms in Bolivia, nationalising gas, one of the country’s main commodities, and enacting a constitutional reform that established the Plurinational State of Bolivia. 

In education, the main policy was the implementation of Law No. 70 “Avelino Siñani-Elizardo Pérez”, which aimed to promote intercultural and bilingual education, decolonise the curriculum—replacing the traditional curriculum, which often marginalised indigenous knowledge, with one that incorporates local cultural knowledge and practices—and reinforce community participation, aiming to increase the involvement of communities and local authorities in school management and educational decision-making (Estado Plurinacional de Bolivia, 2010). 

It is worth noting that, in addition to the Avelino Siñani-Elizardo Pérez Law, a series of other educational policies were formulated. According to the IIPP, Bolivian educational policy consists of a set of goods, services, and transfers that states mobilise to guarantee the right to education (UNESCO-IIPP, 2024). The table below highlights some of the current policies in place.  

Table 1. Policies according to focus of intervention. 

Current policies  Responsible agency 
Bono Juancito Pinto  Ministerio de Educación, Deportes y Culturas 
Programa Nacional de Alimentación Complementaria

Escolar (PNACE 2015-2020) 

Ministerio de Educación, Deportes y Culturas 
Programa de Formación Complementaria para Maestras y

Maestros en Ejercicio (PROFOCOM) 

Ministerio de Educación, Deportes y Culturas 
Programa Nacional de Alfabetización Yo Sí puedo  Ministerio de Educación, Deportes y Culturas 
Programa Nacional de Post Alfabetización  Ministerio de Educación, Deportes y Culturas 
Programa Centros de Apoyo Integral Pedagógico (CAIP)  Ministerio de Educación, Deportes y Culturas 
Centros de Apoyo Integral Pedagógico – Aula Hospitalaria  Ministerio de Educación, Deportes y Culturas 

Source: UNESCO (2024) 

Conclusion 

The results of the implemented policies have led to increased access to education and higher attendance rates among students. Data from the 2021 National Voluntary Report (UDAPE) show that, between 2015-2019, the attendance rate of the school-age population (4-17 years old) rose from 86% to 90.8%. The most significant increase in attendance rates was observed at the initial level, which rose from 36.5% to 61.3%, followed by the primary level, which increased from 96.9% to 98.7% (UDAPE, 2021, p.31). 

Another important piece of data is the number of enrolments. According to data from the General Directorate of Planning, in 2023, enrolment reached 2,951,164 students, of which 891,386 (30.20%) were from rural areas and 2,059,778 (69.80%) from urban areas. Regarding gender distribution, 1,445,375 (48.98%) were female and 1,505,789 (51.02%) were male (Ministerio de Educación, 2024). 

The Plurinational State of Bolivia has made substantial progress in providing education to its population. However, it still faces several challenges, including regional and geographic inequalities and income disparities. In addition to these issues, the country still grapples with a history of political instability that continues to affect the Bolivian people. 

 

Featured Photo by Alexander Grey on Unsplash

 

References 

Arispe, V. (2020). Educación intercultural: La perspectiva de los pueblos indígenas de Bolivia. Revista Caracol, (20), 167-186. Faculdade de Filosofia, Letras e Ciências Humanas da Universidade de São Paulo. https://doi.org/10.7440/res64.2018.03 

Estado Plurinacional de Bolivia (2009). Constitución Política del Estado Plurinacional de Bolivia.  Retrieved from http://www.gacetaoficialdebolivia.gob.bo/app/webroot/archivos/CONSTITUCION.pdf 

Estado Plurinacional de Bolivia (2010). Ley de la Educación Avelino Siñani-Elizardo Pérez. Retrieved from https://bolivia.infoleyes.com/norma/2676/ley-de-la-educacion-avelino-si%C3%B1ani-elizardo-perez-070  

Instituto de Investigaciones Pedagógicas Plurinacional (IIPP). (2023). Hitos de la educación en Bolivia – Serie Histórica N° I. Retrieved from https://www.ine.gob.bo/publicaciones/hitos-educacion  

UDAPE (2021). Informe Nacional Voluntario Retrieved from https://www.udape.gob.bo/portales_html/ODS/28230Bolivia_VNR.pdf 

Ministerio de Educación (2023). Equipe de Estatística Retrieved from https://seie.minedu.gob.bo/reportes/estadisticas/grupo1/matricula  

UNESCO (2024). Bolívia. https://siteal.iiep.unesco.org/pais/bolivia#Caracterizaci%C3%B3n 

Suárez Arnez, C. (1986). Historia de la educación boliviana. Don Bosco. 

Educational Challenges in the Plurinational State of Bolivia: From Educational Barriers to a Mismatch of Skills

The Plurinational State of Bolivia has recently experienced several positive and negative developments. The KOF Swiss Economic Institute highlighted in 2019[i] that Bolivia kept an average rate of 4.9% growth in Gross Domestic Product (GDP), primarily due to its export of natural resources such as gold, zinc, silver, copper, and natural gas reserves. However, with a GDP of $3,117 per capita – significantly lower than its neighbours – Bolivia remains the poorest state in South America. The World Bank’s GINI coefficient index highlighted the high rate of income inequality: Bolivia scored 44.6 out of 100 in 2016 in income equality.

These developmental ups and downs are noticeable in several spheres, including the educational one. As Andersen et al. (2020)[ii] note, Bolivian education lacks statistical data because, in the last twenty years, the country has not participated in the major educational assessments usually conducted by international organisations like the OECD’s Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA) or the IEA’s Trends in International Mathematics & Science Study (TIMSS). This largely leaves researchers and policymakers clueless about what the main educational challenges are and which solutions can improve access to quality education for Bolivia to achieve timeously the fourth Sustainable Development Goal: to ‘ensure inclusive and equitable quality education and promote lifelong learning opportunities for all’.[iii] To get a more accurate picture of the state of education in Bolivia and the likelihood of those graduating from suitable and higher levels of education meeting labour market demands, information must be gathered from various yet credible sources.

 

Historical barriers to education

The Borgen Project, which aims to reduce global poverty through U.S. foreign policy, noted in 2015[iv] that approximately one in seven students in Bolivia do not finish their education. This leads to a majority of them not commencing secondary education. Albeit reducing the overall rate of illiteracy from 36.21% in 1976 to 7.54% by 2015[v], over a million Bolivians aged 15 and above remain illiterate. There are four reasons suggested for these issues: [vi]

  1. Although the majority of students come from indigenous backgrounds and speak Quechua or Aymara at home, classes are normally taught in Spanish;
  2. There remains a wide gap between rural and urban dwellers. Students in rural areas only complete an average 4.2 years of education before dropping out to support their families financially. In contrast, students in urban areas complete an average of 9.4 years of schooling;
  3. Education remains outside the purview of the state, which results in a lack of resources to create an environment conducive to students pursuing a good quality education; and
  4. In conjunction with the previous point, teachers continue to receive low wages and often go on strike, leaving students without access to education for days or weeks.

Some of the above issues stem from the historical development of education in Bolivia. Redin (2020)[vii] explains that, following the end of the military dictatorship, the neoliberal reforms between 1980 and 1990 increased support for ethnic diversity but reduced the state’s interference and social spending. This greatly impacted enrolment into public schools. The state was unsuccessful in its attempts to boost such enrolment by lifting rural families out of poverty and encouraging them to send their children to school. This failure inspired indigenous movements, such as the Native Peoples’ Educational Councils (CEPOS), as well as parents, to create their foundations to take matters into their own hands by empowering schools and teachers to deliver better quality education, considering and duly incorporating indigenous culture and language. Education thus developed into a privatised institution managed by society rather than by the state due to a ‘maldistribution process’ where civil political rights were being strengthened in exchange for reduced efforts towards social rights.[viii]

 

Access to education and accessibility

Another feature of Bolivia’s education system, noted by the qualitative study of Muyor-Rodriguez et al, (2021),[ix] is that public universities have failed to meet the educational needs of students with disabilities. Despite public universities’ commitments to provide access to education for all students under equal conditions, the participants of group discussions argued that there is a lack of equal value in the education received by students with disabilities in favour of ethnic or sexual diversity, which has excluded or stereotyped some disabilities.[x] Although Resolution No. 9/09 of 2009 exempted students with disabilities from taking admission tests to enter public universities, the degree of autonomy resulting from the co-governance-like system that exists between teachers and students, meant that some universities did not implement the policy.[xi] Participants also discussed the discrimination they experienced by professors who did not distinguish between the educational requirements for students with disabilities and those students without disabilities, and the prejudice resulting from a lack of resources for university personnel to meet their needs. The cumulative effect is the ineffective long-term management of the impact that campaigns from inclusivity bring.[xii]

 

Education since Evo Morales

With the election of Evo Morales as President in 2005, new efforts in the field of education aimed to decolonise the Bolivian curriculum from a ‘science-centred blanco-mestizo project’ of nationhood and instead shift towards an ‘equal space to science and ancestral knowledge’.[xiii] The government sought to establish an equilibrium that remains focused on developing scientific skills whilst continuing the intra-culturality of 1994 that retains the indigenous culture(s), history, and knowledge of Bolivian society. These changes have left teachers burdened with having to find creative methods to balance providing an education that will give learners the skills necessary to move to higher levels of education and giving them the required skillset to be absorbed by the labour market.[xiv]

 

Education does not meet labour market demands

Andersen et al. (2020) noted the mismatch between education and the labour skills demanded by the labour market, which resulted in many graduates failing to reap the rewards of their education between 2007 and 2017.[xv] Their analysis points out that those particularly affected by the systemic educational flaws are non-indigenous urban males, who remained without suitable income distribution throughout the first 15 years of education. KOF’s factbook establishes that large portions of Bolivia’s employed population operate in the primary sectors of agriculture, hunting, forestry, and fishing, as well as the secondary sectors of manufacturing, construction, mining, and industrial activities, standing at 27.4% and 22.6% respectively.[xvi] This is the consequence of what is referred to as the ‘Commodity Super Cycle’, which increased the demand for Bolivia’s primary export commodities, mentioned above, resulting in young men dropping out of school to take advantage of profits in these industries. Furthermore, it triggered what is known as ‘Dutch Disease’ in the construction sector.[xvii] This has created a vicious cycle of high commodity prices, leading to more land development that, in turn, requires more labour workers, who rely on on-the-job training rather than the attainment of particular levels of education. Thus, a labour market requiring equipped workers is created, preferring hands-on experience as opposed to theoretical knowledge.[xviii] A major concern of this mismatch is the increased rate of brain drain in Bolivia. By 2015, 799 605 Bolivians (roughly 7.5% of the national population), had emigrated, either to pursue higher levels of education or to reap the benefits of the education they have already received. As a result, Bolivia loses the benefits of the knowledge and skills attained by its students.[xix]

The outbreak of the Covid-19 pandemic serves as a force multiplier on these existing issues. As reported in the United Nations Children’s Fund’s (UNICEF) 2020 Country Report,[xx] a total of 2.9 million children have been left without access to education and the nutrition support systems that their schools provide. The pandemic has also highlighted the digital divide between urban and rural populations since having a stable internet connection is vital to access virtual educational services.

The future of education in Bolivia

The Bolivian government has made efforts to improve the state of education, as exemplified by the following:[xxi]

  1. It closed the enrolment between primary and secondary education based on income, gender, or ethnicity by 2017;
  2. It tripled the availability of teachers between 2000 and 2017. Now there is a fully qualified teacher for every 24 schoolchildren;
  3. 39% of all Bolivians were invested in some form of formal education by 2017; and
  4. UNESCO’s education indicator database explains that the government has invested an average of 7% of its GDP into education. This shows the government’s commitment to ensuring access to a free and public education of prime quality that accounts for diversity and provides equal opportunities and benefits without discrimination.

Bolivian students are preparing for changes in the external factors that govern the commodity cycle in Bolivia. As Andersen et al. stated, ‘it certainly seems better to err on the side of too much education rather than too little’.[xxii]

The Bolivian government must harmonise its resources with the private sector and other domestic stakeholders to improve the quality of education received and the returns necessary from the labour market that promotes an educational system that adds value and, in turn, creates value for the state and Bolivians at large. This positive cycle of development would also aid Bolivia in meeting its other SDG targets, including ending all forms of poverty, creating decent work opportunities, promoting economic growth that is sustainable and inclusive, and reducing levels of inequality alongside other states.[xxiii]

 

Written by Karl Baldacchino

Edited by Farai Chikwanha and Olga Ruiz Pilato

 

 

 

Endnotes

 

[i] KOF Swiss Economic Institute (2019) ‘KOF Education System Factbook: Bolivia’. KOF Education System Factbooks: Zurich, 1st Ed., pp. 3-5.

[ii] Andersen, L. E. et al. (2020) ‘Occasional Paper Series No. 63 – A Country at Risk of Being Left Behind: Bolivia’s Quest for Quality Education’. Southern Voices, p. 11.

[iii] United Nations Department of Economic & Social Affairs. ‘Goal 4’. Available online from: https://sdgs.un.org/goals/goal4 [Accessed on 28/02/2022].

[iv] Binns, M. (2015) ‘Top 4 Reasons Education in Bolivia Lags’. The Borgen Project. Available online from: https://borgenproject.org/top-4-reasons-education-in-boliva-lags/ [Accessed on 28/02/2022].

[v] Muyor-Rodriguez, J. et al. (2021) ‘Inclusive University Education in Bolivia: The Actors and Their Discourses’. Sustainability, Vol. 13. Available online from: https://doi.org/10.3390/su131910818 [Accessed on 28/02/2022], p. 2.

[vi] ‘Top 4 Reasons Education in Bolivia Lags’.

[vii] Redin, M. C. B. (2020) ‘Dilemmas of Justice in the Post-Neoliberal Educational Policies of Ecuador and Bolivia’.  Policy Futures in Education, Vol. 18(1), pp. 53-56.

[viii] Ibid., p.58.

[ix] ‘Inclusive University Education in Bolivia’, p. 3.

[x] Ibid., pp. 8-10.

[xi] Ibid., pp. 4 & 9-10 & 12.

[xii] Ibid., pp. 13-14.

[xiii] Ibid., pp. 58-59.

[xiv] Ibid., p. 61.

[xv] ‘A Country at Risk of Being Left Behind’, pp. 15-16.

[xvi] ‘KOF Factbooks’, p. 4.

[xvii] ‘A Country at Risk of Being Left Behind’, pp. 19-20.

[xviii] Ibid., p. 27.

[xix] Ibid., p. 21.

[xx] United Nations Children’s Fund (2020) ‘Country Office Annual Report 2020 – Bolivia, Plurinational State of’, p. 1.

[xxi] ‘A Country at Risk of Being Left Behind’, pp. 27-29.

[xxii] Ibid., p. 29.

[xxiii] Ibid., pp. 22-26.

Cover image taken from https://www.magisamericas.org/educating-for-transformation-through-community-partnership/