Afghanistan: Gender Inequality in Education

Written by Juliana Campos and Derin Erk. 

The Taliban Government and Women’s Rights

After over two years under Taliban rule, Afghan women continue to endure profound challenges: limited mobility and freedom of speech, lack of autonomy and a ban on education. Even if a 20 year gap separates the Taliban’s first government, overthrown in 2001, from their reclaim of power in 2021, not much seems to have changed in their interpretation of Islamic law, though officials continue to vehemently deny human rights are being violated.

Taliban representatives claim the western media is responsible for corrupting popular opinion on their government and that UN reports do not convey the reality of today’s Afghanistan. According to them, the ban on women’s education is a temporary measure, while the government prepares an “Islamic environment” that complies with their interpretation of Sharia law and meets the demands of the Afghan people. However, after two years, no progress has been made and there seems to be little indication the Taliban will indeed address the very urgent issue of gender inequality in Afghanistan and lift restrictions such as the ban on education for women. 

What Does The Education Ban Mean for Afghan Women?

Education equips women with the tools to make more informed choices, to lead healthier lifestyles and it protects them against abuse by teaching them to recognize violent behaviour and to fight for their physical and mental integrity. Not only is it an empowering tool on an individual level, educating women benefits entire communities. Being the primary caregivers in many societies, well instructed women are able to better prepare themselves for life-changing decisions such as marriage and pregnancy, raising healthier children, in happier households.

Furthermore, education allows women to take on a more active role in their nation’s economy and development, by granting them the practical knowledge needed to use their talents and creativity to open their own businesses, for example. Taliban spokesperson Suhali Shaheen claims that 8.500 business licenses have been granted to Afghan women under their ruling and that over 800.000 women are currently working in Afghanistan.[1] The government has yet to publish these official reports and their sources, but even if they prove to be accurate, if the ban on education isn’t lifted, these numbers will certainly face a dramatic decrease in the next few years.

The fact remains that many women who remember the severe restrictions imposed in the late 1990’s by the Taliban fear being once again deprived of the knowledge that previously allowed them a small sense of economic, emotional and political independence. The impacts of such strict rules imposed by the Taliban have already been recorded during their previous period in power between 1996 and 2001. If nothing is done to change the current scenario, the world risks witnessing another generation of illiterate Afghan women, completely excluded from social life and deprived of formal education. 

By reinstalling laws which limit women’s freedom in society, banning women from working, studying and being seen in public without a male chaperone (the Mahram), the Taliban severely worsens gender inequality in Afghanistan and denies women the chance to develop emotionally and intellectually, besides directly affecting the country’s economy.

The United Nations’ Take on Women and Girls’ Education Under the Taliban

The UN has been vocal about the situation in Afghanistan, particularly on Afghan women’s rights. It considers the Taliban takeover in 2021 a reversal of women’s freedoms. Indeed, it seems the little progress made in the past 20 years has suffered a complete turn over in a matter of months.

Though UN’s statements help spread awareness and reliable information, the organisation has not directly intervened on a larger scale and has not shown intention to do so, as of today. As previously mentioned, the Taliban has accused the UN of misrepresenting the situation in Afghanistan in their reports and while this is a debatable statement, one thing is for certain: women and girls are barred from receiving education. Other areas in Afghan women’s social lives may be more tricky to evaluate from far away, as many of them spend a great portion of the time inside their homes, but the state of females’ access to secondary education and higher education is clear; there is no such access.

Are There Prospects for Change?

The simple answer would be that if the international community does not intervene, there aren’t many grounds for optimism. Interviews given by Taliban representatives have made it clear that they will not be giving up the right to rule given to them by God, according to their beliefs. Therefore, it is expected that their policies on women and their rights and freedoms will continue, as it is unlikely the government will ever be overthrown by the Afghan people, who are forbidden to speak against the regime. 

Conclusion 

It is unfortunate to conclude that the Taliban government’s restrictions on women’s rights and women’s education stand strong after two years. Being banned from attending schools and universities will not only greatly hamper women’s quality of life and their well being, but also difficultate their conquest of social and financial independence through education. Moreover, the Afghan nation as a whole will greatly suffer the effects of this ban, as including women in state affairs, the economy, and social life in general is an important pillar in a country’s development.

There is little to no prospect of change for the near future as the Taliban remains determined and strong in its seat. Perhaps the most effective measure the international community can take is advocating for women’s rights and spreading awareness about what is happening in Afghanistan today.

References

Cover Image by Graham Crouch/World Bank.

*Upon request, the article may be translated into other languages. Please use the comments section below*

Universal Periodic Review of Afghanistan

The following report has been drafted by Broken Chalk as a stakeholder contribution to the fourth cycle of the Universal Periodic Review [UPR] for the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan. As Broken Chalk’s primary focus is to combat human rights violations within the educational sphere, the contents of this report and the following recommendations will focus on the Right to Education.

  • Four decades of sustained conflict have heavily affected Afghanistan’s educational landscape. Recurrent natural disasters, chronic poverty, drought, and the COVID-19 pandemic have exacerbated the situation for Afghan children and have taken a toll on the fragile education system.[i]
  • The current Taliban policies governing education are enshrined in documents distributed to education officials across different levels within the movement.[ii] The Taliban education philosophy follows a unique mixture of Pashtun culture and Islamic law, highly prioritising religious education. However, the Taliban’s High Commission for Education also emphasises the need for “modern” education alongside religious teachings.[iii]
  • Although the overarching education policy acknowledges the need for secular subjects to be taught alongside religious ones in schools, these statements are directly followed by religiously motivated restrictions that imply that a series of topics included in the state curriculum should be eliminated and not taught (particularly about subjects such as history and biology).[iv]
  • The current practices and decisions on education established by the Taliban regime contradict national and international laws. Afghanistan’s Constitution (Articles 43-44), adopted in 2004, guaranteed equal access to education for boys and girls. The Education Law 2008 once again addressed equal rights for all children, free and compulsory education until ninth grade, and free education until attaining a Bachelor’s degree. At the international level, Afghanistan has ratified the 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR, Article 26 recognising the Right to Education) and other human rights treaties that reaffirm the Right to Education (i.e. CESCR Articles 13-14; CRC Articles 28-29; CEDAW Article 10).[v]
  • Gender inequality, poverty, and questionable legislation, combined with factors such as traditional gender norms and practices, a shortage of schools, insufficient transportation, and geographical barriers, have led to an estimated 3.7 million Afghan children being out of school, 60% being girls.[vi]

By Aurelia Bejenari

Download the PDF.

46th_Session_UN-UPR_Country_Review_Afghanistan_S

References

[i] UNESCO. “Protecting Education in Afghanistan.” Unesco.org. February 2, 2023. https://www.unesco.org/en/emergencies/education/afghanistan.

[ii] Amiri, Rahmatullah, and Ashley Jackson. “Taliban Attitudes and Policies towards Education.” ODI Centre for the Study of Armed Groups: (February 2021): 13.  https://cdn.odi.org/media/documents/taliban_attitudes_towards_education.pdf

[iii] Ibid.

[iv] Amiri and Jackson, “Taliban Attitudes and Policies towards Education”, 19.

[v] Rezai, Hussain. “The Taliban Rule and the Radicalisation of Education in Afghanistan.” GlobalCampus of Human Rights – GCHR. November 24, 2022. https://gchumanrights.org/preparedness-children/article-detail/the-taliban-rule-and-the-radicalisation-of-education-in-afghanistan-4945.html.

[vi] UNICEF. “Afghanistan. Education.” Unicef.org. 2016. https://www.unicef.org/afghanistan/education.

Cover image by Chairman of the Chief of Staff on Flickr.

Educational Challenges in Afghanistan

Written by Matilde Ribetti

In Afghanistan’s rugged and culturally diverse landscape, education has always been an intricate tapestry woven with threads of resilience, determination, and hope. Despite decades of conflict, political turmoil, and economic instability, the pursuit of knowledge continues to ignite a flame of possibility within the hearts of the Afghan people. However, the path to education in Afghanistan is laden with numerous challenges that pose formidable obstacles to its realization.

In this article, we delve into the profound educational challenges that have plagued Afghanistan, shedding light on the systemic issues that have hindered progress and examining the far-reaching consequences for the country’s future.

By understanding the complexities of the educational landscape, we can uncover the potential solutions and interventions necessary to pave the way towards a brighter future for Afghan students.

Picture from Wanman uthmaniyyah on Unsplash

Historical Background

The history of education in Afghanistan is a tale deeply intertwined with the country’s rich cultural heritage and the struggles it has endured over the centuries. Education has long been valued as a cornerstone of Afghan society, with early records indicating the existence of educational institutions as far back as the 11th century. Islamic schools, known as madrasas, played a crucial role in teaching religious studies and the Arabic language. During the 20th century, a wave of modernization and reforms sought to establish a formal education system, introducing secular schools and universities.[1] However, decades of conflict, including the Soviet invasion, civil wars, and the Taliban regime, severely disrupted the educational landscape. Schools were destroyed, teachers were displaced, and access to education became limited, particularly for girls.[2]

Educational Challenges

Gender Disparity

As mentioned above, one of the most pressing challenges faced by the education sector in Afghanistan is the pervasive gender disparity. Cultural norms and deep-rooted societal barriers have led to the exclusion of girls from schools, denying them access to the transformative power of education.[3]

During the Taliban regime in Afghanistan, which lasted from 1996 to 2001, access to education for girls was severely restricted and, in many cases, wholly denied. The Taliban implemented a strict interpretation of Islamic law, imposing a series of oppressive policies that targeted girls’ education. Girls were forbidden from attending schools, and educational institutions for girls were systematically shut down or repurposed for other uses. This denial of education deprived girls of their fundamental rights and perpetuated a cycle of illiteracy and limited opportunities for their futures. The Taliban’s restrictive policies affected formal schooling and limited women’s access to vocational training and higher education. The detrimental impact of these restrictions on girls’ education during the Taliban regime underscores the urgent need for ongoing efforts to ensure educational opportunities and gender equality for all Afghan children.[4]

After the fall of the Taliban regime, significant progress has been made in improving education for girls. With the establishment of a new government and the support of international organizations, a concerted effort has been made to promote gender equality and expand access to education. Schools that were previously closed or destroyed have been reopened, and new educational institutions have been established across the country. Numerous initiatives have focused on increasing girls’ enrollment and retention rates, ensuring safe learning environments, and providing resources and infrastructure. In collaboration with NGOs and international partners, the Afghan government has implemented policies to address cultural barriers and discriminatory practices that hinder girls’ education. As a result, millions of girls have gained the opportunity to attend school, pursue higher education, and broaden their horizons. The improved access to education for girls in Afghanistan since the fall of the Taliban regime represents a significant step towards empowering women, enhancing gender equality, and fostering the country’s social and economic development.[5]

However, the current situation for girls in Afghanistan following the Taliban’s takeover is a matter of deep concern and uncertainty. The Taliban’s return to power has raised fears about the potential rollback of hard-won gains in girls’ education. While the Taliban leadership has made statements indicating that they will allow girls to receive an education within the framework of their interpretation of Islamic law, the extent to which this will be upheld remains uncertain. Reports from various regions indicate that girls face barriers to education, with reports of schools being closed or converted to Islamic education centres. Additionally, there are concerns about the safety and security of female students, as the Taliban’s previous regime was notorious for its restrictions on women’s rights and education. The international community, along with local activists and organizations, is closely monitoring the situation and advocating for the protection of girls’ rights to education, which has already been significantly restricted.[6]

Poverty-related issues

Moreover, poverty and limited resources further exacerbate the educational challenges in Afghanistan. Insufficient funding, lack of infrastructure, and inadequate teacher training hinder the quality of education provided. Many schools operate in overcrowded classrooms, lacking basic amenities and learning materials. Additionally, the widespread prevalence of child labour and the need for children to contribute to their families income further impedes their access to education.

Limited access to quality schools and educational resources is a significant hurdle impoverished communities face. Many families struggle to afford necessities, let alone invest in their children’s education. As a result, child labour and early marriage often become alternatives to schooling. Additionally, widespread insecurity and conflict in some areas of the country threaten educational facilities and discourage attendance. These challenges contribute to a high illiteracy rate and perpetuate the cycle of poverty, limiting opportunities for socioeconomic advancement. Addressing the academic challenges related to poverty in Afghanistan requires a comprehensive approach involving targeted interventions, increased investment in education, and the provision of social support to vulnerable communities.[7]

In conclusion, the educational challenges concerning gender disparity and poverty in Afghanistan are deeply intertwined and pose significant obstacles to achieving a more equitable and prosperous society. The intersection of poverty and gender discrimination perpetuates a vicious cycle where girls and women from impoverished backgrounds face multiple barriers to accessing quality education. These challenges not only hinder their personal development but also restrict the overall progress and development of the nation. Efforts to address these challenges require a holistic approach that tackles poverty, gender inequality, and educational barriers simultaneously. By investing in inclusive and accessible education, empowering girls and women, and providing socioeconomic support to marginalized communities, Afghanistan can break the cycle of poverty and gender disparity, fostering a brighter future for all its citizens. Through concerted and sustained efforts, Afghanistan can overcome these challenges and ensure that every child, regardless of gender or socioeconomic background, has an equal opportunity to receive a quality education and fulfil their potential.

Bibliography

Baiza, Y. (2013). Education in Afghanistan: Developments, influences and legacies since 1901. Routledge.

 Khwajamir, M. (2016). History and problems of education in Afghanistan. In SHS Web of Conferences (Vol. 26, p. 01124). EDP Sciences.

Mashwani, H. U. (2017). Female education in Afghanistan: Opportunities and challenges. International Journal for Innovative Research in Multidisciplinary Field, 3(11).

Ahmad, S. (2012). THE TALIBAN AND GIRLS EDUCATION IN PAKISTAN AND AFGHANISTAN–with a case study of the situation in the Swat District.

Alvi‐Aziz, H. (2008). A progress report on women’s education in post‐Taliban Afghanistan. International Journal of lifelong education, 27(2), 169-178.

Amiri, R., & Jackson, A. (2021). Taliban attitudes and policies towards education. ODI Centre for the Study of Armed Groups.

Ochilov, A. O., & Najibullah, E. (2021, April). HOW TO REDUCE POVERTY IN AFGHANISTAN. In E-Conference Globe (pp. 114-117)

L.Cox (2023). Taliban’s Wicked Abolition of Women’s Rights in Afghanistan. https://brokenchalk.org/talibans-wicked-abolition-of-womens-rights-in-afghanistan/, visited on 26th of June 2023.

[1] Khwajamir, M. (2016). History and problems of education in Afghanistan. In SHS Web of Conferences (Vol. 26, p. 01124). EDP Sciences.

[2] Baiza, Y. (2013). Education in Afghanistan: Developments, influences and legacies since 1901. Routledge.

[3] Mashwani, H. U. (2017). Female education in Afghanistan: Opportunities and challenges. International Journal for Innovative Research in Multidisciplinary Field, 3(11).

[4] Ahmad, S. (2012). THE TALIBAN AND GIRLS EDUCATION IN PAKISTAN AND AFGHANISTAN–with a case study of the situation in the Swat District.

[5] Alvi‐Aziz, H. (2008). A progress report on women’s education in post‐Taliban Afghanistan. International Journal of lifelong education, 27(2), 169-178.

[6] L.Cox (2023). Taliban’s Wicked Abolition of Women’s Rights in Afghanistan. https://brokenchalk.org/talibans-wicked-abolition-of-womens-rights-in-afghanistan/, visited on 26th of June 2023.

[7] Ochilov, A. O., & Najibullah, E. (2021, April). HOW TO REDUCE POVERTY IN AFGHANISTAN. In E-Conference Globe (pp. 114-117)

Arbitrary Arrests in Afghanistan: Justice for Education Activist Matiullah Wesa

Written by Müge Çınar

The Arbitrary Arrest of Education Activist Matiullah Wesa

On 27 March 2023, human rights defender Matiullah Wesa was arbitrarily arrested after praying at a local mosque. When Matiullah Wesa stepped out from the mosque, he encountered gunmen with two vehicles who wanted to arrest him. Although Wesa asked for the IDs of the men, they showed their weapons and took Wesa away. Now, Wesa’s family is of great concern for his health and safety. Matiullah Wesa, aged 30, had been threatened before by the Taliban. Despite the threats to his safety, He didn’t leave Afghanistan and stayed to advocate boys’ and girls’ education rights.[1]

On the 27th of March, the UN Special Rapporteur stated that the human rights defender’s safety is the most important and his legal rights have to be respected. On the 28th of March, the UN Mission of Afghanistan (UNAMA) requested the reason behind the arrest of Matiullah Wesa and his location must be announced immediately.[2] Also, the demand for legal representation and contact with the family of Wesa has been expressed by UNAMA. The UN, Amnesty International and other human rights organizations call for urgent action for justice.

On March 29, a Taliban spokesman confirmed his arrest, citing “illegal activities” as the reason for Wesa’s arrest. Wesa’s family has been prohibited from seeing him, and there is no way to challenge the truth of the accusations made against him.  After the arrest, the Taliban entered his house; and took phones, documents, and computers. The brothers of Matiullah were briefly held and then freed after receiving a warning.[3]

Matiullah Wesa campaigning for education in Afghanistan. Photo from Matiullah Wesa.

Matiullah Wesa’s Mission on Promoting Education Rights via PenPath

Matiullah Wesa is known as the most prominent education activist in Afghanistan with his campaigns via the organization PenPath. He established the education organization PenPath with his brothers in 2009.[4] His aim has been to improve and promote education access in all areas of Afghanistan. During his 14-year-old journey of education activism, he traveled to remote and rural parts of the country that were damaged by war and collaborated with the tribal leaders to open schools and libraries to educate children in need. He has been also bringing PanPath’s mobile schools and libraries and most importantly campaigning for women’s education. More than 100 schools have been reopened by Pen Path; and 110,000 kids, 66,000 of whom are girls, have been able to access educational facilities and resources.[5] Is Matiullah being punished for this?

He developed the PenPath network, which now has more than 3,000 volunteers around the nation.[6] They support local classroom setup, teacher recruitment, and supply distribution. He has continued to support girls’ education in his campaigns despite the ban on girls enrolling in secondary schools. He also launched a door to door campaign against the ban on girls’ education.

Wesa has long been an advocate for women’s education in Afghanistan, particularly in rural regions, and his Twitter feed is full of tweets urging for the reopening of schools to women and girls. His last tweet was  “Men, women, elderly, young, everyone from every corner of the country is asking for the Islamic rights to education for their daughters,” before his arrest.[7] He was also planning to make a speech at a meeting about girls’ education prior to the situation. The Taliban have made unclear statements claiming Wesa’s activities as “suspicious” concerning his arrest. Although Wesa was not politically engaged, the Taliban’s exploitation of his public image is for their political gain.[8]

Matiullah Wesa’s detention demonstrates the de facto government’s effort to repress human rights advocates and those who speak up for female education rights. Hours before his detention, the human rights advocate was active on Twitter, highlighting the unavoidable and lasting effects of the closure of schools and the prohibition on girls’ education. It is a great reminder to us that consistent action and solidarity of the International community are needed to prevent women from losing their rights in Afghanistan.

Many people have expressed their outrage on social media over Matiullah Wesa’s arrest and called for his release. Wesa has been exercising his right to peaceful assembly and freedom of expression. According to international human rights law, particularly the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, to which Afghanistan is a state party, this arrest clearly violates the rights to freedom of expression and peaceful assembly.

The Exploitation of the Right to Education of Women, Minorities and Conflict-Victims in Afghanistan

Following the US-led invasion that overthrew the previous government in 2001, the Taliban came into power in 2021. With the withdrawal of the US’s remaining troops as decided in a 2020 peace agreement with the Taliban, the rule of law in Afghanistan has been changed drastically. The Taliban rule has brought barriers to the human rights of women and minorities, imposing a harsh interpretation of Islamic law.[9]

Since the Taliban came into power in August 2021, the women’s and girls’ right to education, work and free movement has been violated. This situation paved the way for the girls to be subject to discrimination, domestic violence and child marriages. The Taliban announced on March 21, 2022, that all schools would reopen on March 23, but on that day they once more closed secondary schools for girls. The situation has not changed after 1 year in 2023, more than 3 million girls have been denied secondary education.[10]

His active campaigns across Afghanistan with his organization Pen Path turned him into a target for the Taliban. Photo by Matiullah Wesa.

In November 2022, three women rights activists – Zarifa Yaqoobi, Farhat Popalzai and Humaira Yusuf –  were arbitrarily arrested by the Taliban.[11] In December 2022, the Taliban prohibited women from attending universities “until further notice” and instructed all national and international NGOs to terminate the employment of all women on staff “until further notice”.

The Ministry of Higher Education pointed out that the problem derives from Immorality including the presence of female students in dorms, traveling from the provinces without a mahram, failure to observe the hijab wearing and the presence of mixed classes. Banning women from higher education, they were instructed to enroll in public universities near their homes while they are prohibited to study law, commerce, journalism, engineering, agriculture and veterinary medicine.[12] According to the Taliban, closures are temporary, yet authorities blame logistics rather than ideological barriers.

Not only women are deprived of their main right to have an education but religious and ethnic minorities have been suffering from a lack of education and several attacks on educational facilities. According to the UN report on Afghanistan by Richard Bennett, Hazara Community was targeted by 16 attacks, including three against educational institutions. And, Attack on the Kaaj Educational Center on September 30, 2022, left 114 people injured and 54 people dead.[13]

Conflict-related education rights abuses are another important issue to be addressed in Afghanistan. The UN Special Reporter also examined reports that show a huge increase in the recruitment and use of children as soldiers during the past years. Additionally, the rapid rise in attacks against schools, students and educational personnel, nearly eight times per year, has been reported between January and September 2022.[14] The children do not feel safe about their future by not getting proper education and their life by being in the ongoing conflict.

Other Targeted Activists by the Taliban

The Wesa brothers are the most recent arbitrary arrest targeted at society activists and protesters who have spoken out against the closure of education rights for girls and women. The report released in February by UNAMA shows 28 civil society actors and human rights defenders got arbitrarily arrested and 10 journalists and media workers were also arrested to be seen as a threat in the past three months.[15]

No society is able to reach its potential to be developed without activists and human rights defenders to bring consciousness to the people. The historical, geopolitical and religious aspects always play a role in the faith of a nation but civil society could also make it possible for authorities to see their mistake to elevate their people. In the case of this situation in Afghanistan, there must be a double effort by the international community to regain women’s essential human rights in the country.

[1] https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2023/mar/28/founder-afghan-girls-school-project-matiullah-wesa-pen-path-arrested-in-kabul

[2] https://www.frontlinedefenders.org/en/case/human-rights-defender-matiullah-wesa-arrested-taliban-kabul

[3] https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-65095663

[4] https://www.frontlinedefenders.org/en/case/human-rights-defender-matiullah-wesa-arrested-taliban-kabul

[5] https://www.civicus.org/index.php/media-resources/news/interviews/5730-afghanistan-education-is-our-basic-right-it-s-an-islamic-right-it-s-a-human-right

[6] https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-65095663

[7] https://edition.cnn.com/2023/03/29/asia/afghanistan-education-activist-arrest-taliban-intl-hnk/index.html

[8] https://thediplomat.com/2023/04/a-beacon-of-education-has-vanished-in-taliban-controlled-afghanistan/

[9] https://www.cfr.org/backgrounder/taliban-afghanistan

[10] https://www.savethechildren.net/news/afghanistan-eighteen-months-after-ban-classroom-doors-must-open-secondary-school-girls#:~:text=More%20than%203%20million%20girls,schools%20return%20on%20March%2021.

[11] https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/news/2022/11/afghanistan-women-human-rights-defenders-arrested-by-the-taliban-must-be-immediately-released/

[12] https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-63219895

[13] UN, Report of the Special Rapporteur on the Situation of human rights in Afghanistan, Richard Bennett, 9 February 2023 https://www.ohchr.org/en/documents/country-reports/ahrc5284-situation-human-rights-afghanistan-report-special-rapporteur

[14] UN, Report of the Special Rapporteur on the Situation of human rights in Afghanistan, Richard Bennett, 9 February 2023

https://www.ohchr.org/en/documents/country-reports/ahrc5284-situation-human-rights-afghanistan-report-special-rapporteur

[15] UN General Assembly Security Council, The situation in Afghanistan and its implications for international peace and security, 27 February 2023

https://unama.unmissions.org/sites/default/files/a77772-s2023151sg_report_on_afghanistan.pdf

References

https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/news/2022/11/afghanistan-women-human-rights-defenders-arrested-by-the-taliban-must-be-immediately-released/

https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-65095663

https://www.cfr.org/backgrounder/taliban-afghanistan

https://www.civicus.org/index.php/media-resources/news/interviews/5730-afghanistan-education-is-our-basic-right-it-s-an-islamic-right-it-s-a-human-right

https://edition.cnn.com/2023/03/29/asia/afghanistan-education-activist-arrest-taliban-intl-hnk/index.html

https://www.frontlinedefenders.org/en/case/human-rights-defender-matiullah-wesa-arrested-taliban-kabul

https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2023/mar/28/founder-afghan-girls-school-project-matiullah-wesa-pen-path-arrested-in-kabul

https://thediplomat.com/2023/04/a-beacon-of-education-has-vanished-in-taliban-controlled-afghanistan/

https://www.savethechildren.net/news/afghanistan-eighteen-months-after-ban-classroom-doors-must-open-secondary-school-girls#:~:text=More%20than%203%20million%20girls,schools%20return%20on%20March%2021.

UN, Report of the Special Rapporteur on the Situation of human rights in Afghanistan, Richard Bennett, 9 February 2023 https://www.ohchr.org/en/documents/country-reports/ahrc5284-situation-human-rights-afghanistan-report-special-rapporteur

UN General Assembly Security Council, The situation in Afghanistan and its implications for international peace and security, 27 February 2023 https://unama.unmissions.org/sites/default/files/a77772-s2023151sg_report_on_afghanistan.pdf

Πώς οι Ταλιμπάν κατάργησαν τα δικαιώματα των γυναικών στο Αφγανιστάν

by Leticia Cox

Όταν μιλάμε για τους Ταλιμπάν, εννοούμε καταπίεση της γυναίκας, υποβάθμιση της θέσης της και του ρόλου της στην κοινωνία. Όταν μιλάμε για τους Ταλιμπάν, εννοούμε ότι οι γυναίκες δεν έχουν πρόσβαση στην εκπαίδευση και στην εργασία, αλλά ασχολούνται μόνο με τις δουλειές στο σπίτι και την ανατροφή των παιδιών. Αυτό σημαίνει καταπάτηση των θεμελιωδών δικαιωμάτων για τις γυναίκες που ζουν με φόβο και χωρίς αξιοπρέπεια.

Η πλειοψηφία στο Αφγανιστάν, μεταξύ αυτών και κάποιοι Ταλιμπάν, δεν πιστεύει πως οι γυναίκες και τα κορίτσια πρέπει να αποκλείονται από την εκπαίδευση, καθώς αυτό θα έχει συνέπειες σ’ όλο το έθνος.

Μετά την ανακοίνωση για την απαγόρευση τους στα πανεπιστήμια, φοιτητές διαμαρτυρήθηκαν για την απόφαση αυτή και πολλοί καθηγητές παραιτήθηκαν.

Μουσουλμανικές χώρες όπως η Τουρκία, η Σαουδική Αραβία, το Πακιστάν και το Κατάρ εξέφρασαν για την θλίψη τους και προέτρεψαν τους Ταλιμπάν να αναιρέσουν την απόφαση.

”Η απόφαση αυτή δεν βασίζεται στην θρησκεία ή στην κουλτούρα” εξηγεί η 26χρονη Husna Jalal πτυχιούχος Πολιτικών Επιστημών από την Καμπούλ.

Η Jalal έφυγε από το Αφγανιστάν πέρυσι τον Αύγουστο, αφού οι Ταλιμπάν πήραν υπό τον έλεγχό τους την Καμπούλ. Η Jalal εργαζόταν για 4 χρόνια στην Καμπούλ, αφού πήρε το πτυχίο της, αλλά όπως πολλές εργαζόμενες Αφγανές γυναίκες, κατάλαβε ότι θα επιβαλλόταν αυστηρή Σαρία σύντομα, μετά την κατάληψη της χώρας από τους Ταλιμπάν.

”Με στεναχωρεί να βλέπω να παραβιάζονται τα θεμελιώδη δικαιώματα των αδερφών μου. Τις είδα να βγαίνουν στον δρόμο ζητώντας ελευθερία και ισότητα και πώς οι δυνάμεις των Ταλιμπάν διέλυσαν με την βία το πλήθος και καταπάτησαν την ελευθερία του λόγου” λέει η Jalal. ”Άνθρωποι από όλο τον κόσμο χρειάζεται να ενώσουν τις φωνές τους για τις αδερφές μου, οι Ταλιμπάν μας έχουν καταστρέψει όλες τις ελπίδες”.

Οι Ταλιμπάν, γνωστοί ως Ταλίμπ, που ήθελαν να τελειώσουν τους πολέμαρχους στο Αφγανιστάν με την αυστηρότερη επιβολή Σαρίας από το 1996 κατέλαβαν την χώρα το Ισλαμικό Εμιράτο του Αφγανιστάν δια της βίας το 2021.

Εδώ και δεκαετίες η Σαρία είναι ένα από τα πιο αμφιλεγόμενα θέματα παγκοσμίως. Το Ευρωπαϊκό Δικαστήριο για τα Δικαιώματα του Ανθρώπου (ΕΔΔΑ)  έχει κρίνει αρκετές υποθέσεις σχετικά με την Σαρία τονίζοντας ότι ”η Σαρία έρχεται σε αντίθεση με θεμελιώδεις αρχές της δημοκρατίας”. Μερικές παραδοσιακές πρακτικές οδηγούν στην παραβίαση των ανθρωπίνων δικαιωμάτων, ειδικά στις γυναίκες και στο δικαίωμά τους στην παιδεία.

Όταν ήρθαν οι Ταλιμπάν, κατάργησαν το υπουργείο για την Γυναίκα. Οι γυναίκες σταδιακά απομακρύνθηκαν από τις οθόνες της τηλεόρασης. Δεκάδες χιλιάδες γυναίκες από διάφορα μαγαζιά κατέληξαν στην ανεργία. Απαγορεύτηκε να απομακρύνονται από το σπίτι τους σε απόσταση 72 χιλιομέτρων χωρίς να συνοδεύονται από κάποιον συγγενή τους. Οι γυναίκες εξαφανίστηκαν από την κοινωνική ζωή.  Οι υπηρεσίες υγείας είναι για αυτές περιορισμένες, οι ευκαιρίες στην εργασία είναι περιορισμένες και έχασαν το δικαίωμα στην παιδεία.

Η πρόσφατη ανακοίνωση των Ταλιμπάν να απαγορεύσουν μέχρι νεωτέρας τις γυναίκες από τα πανεπιστήμια της χώρας είναι μια κατάφωρη παραβίαση των ανθρωπίνων δικαιωμάτων τους, όπως ορίζουν διάφορες συμβάσεις παγκοσμίως.

”Το Ισλάμ το αναφέρει ρητά. Το Ισλάμ προτρέπει άνδρες και γυναίκες να αναζητήσουν την γνώση. Όσο για το Κοράνι που αναφέρεται στους ανθρώπους, συμβουλεύει άνδρες και γυναίκες ν’ αποκτήσουν την γνώση, να βρουν την αλήθεια, ν’ αναπτυχθούν και να γίνουν τέλειοι άνθρωποι” δήλωσε ο κάτοχος διδακτορικού διπλώματος στην Ισλαμική Θεολογία Δρ Ali Unsal σε πρόσφατη συνέντευξή του στο  Broken Chalk.

O Δρ. Ali Unsal είναι ένας έμπειρος συγγραφέας, ερευνητής, δάσκαλος και ιεροκήρυκας με γνώσεις στην Ισλαμική Θεολογία και στο Ισλαμικό Δίκαιο. Ο Δρ. Unsal ολοκλήρωσε την διδακτορική του μελέτη στην Ισλαμική Θεολογία και τις μεταπτυχιακές και προπτυχιακές του σπουδές στην Τουρκία. Έχει ζήσει αρκετά χρόνια στις Ηνωμένες Πολιτείες όπου εμπλούτισε τις ακαδημαϊκές και επαγγελματικές του γνώσεις, καθώς ήρθε σε επαφή με Μουσουλμάνους και μη μέσω σεμιναρίων, εργαστηρίων, συμβουλευτικής, υπηρεσιών σε τοπική κοινότητα και ακαδημαϊκών κειμένων. Ήταν επικεφαλής του Ινστιτούτου Ισλαμικών και Τουρκικών Σπουδών στο Fairfax στη Βιρτζίνια.

Ο Δρ. Unsal διοργανώνει πάνελ, σεμινάρια και συζητήσεις με ακαδημαϊκούς από διαφόρες χώρες και μιλάει άπταιστα Αγγλικά, Τουρκικά, Αραβικά, Μπαχάσα την γλώσσα της Ινδονησίας και Ταταρικά.

Σύμφωνα με τον Δρ. Unsal, ο Μωάμεθ ενθαρρύνει την εκπαίδευση και την ανατροφή των κοριτσιών, τα οποία ειδικά έχουν δεχθεί πολύ μίσος και έχουν χάσει την πραγματική τους θέση μέσα στην ιστορία. Για παράδειγμα, ένα από τα Χαντίθ αναφέρει: ”Μ’ αυτόν που αναθρέφει δύο κορίτσια μέχρι να ενηλικιωθούν είμαστε μαζί του μέχρι την Ημέρα της Κρίσης” εξηγεί ο Δρ. Unsal.

Η Αΐσα, σύζυγος του Μωμάμεθ, ήταν εξέχουσα προσωπικότητά στην κοινωνία της. Καθένας ερχόταν και μάθαινε από αυτήν ό,τι χρειαζόταν. Στην ιστορία του Ισλάμ οι γυναίκες κατείχαν μια σημαντική θέση στην επιστημονική και πολιτιστική ζωή. Συνεχίζοντας την εκπαίδευση σε μια ανεπίσημη δομή στον ισλαμικό κόσμο και κοντά σ’ έναν δάσκαλο παρά στο σχολείο ήταν πιο εύκολο για τις γυναίκες να διδαχθούν από κάποιον λόγιο στον κοντινό τους κύκλο. Ανάμεσα στους δασκάλους του Taceddin es-Subki, ενός από τους μεγάλους λόγιους του Ισλάμ, που άκουσε και έμαθε Χαντίθ, αναφέρονται 19 γυναίκες. Ο Suyuti έμαθε Χαντίθ από 33, ο Ibn-i Hacer 53 και ο Ibn-i Asakir 80 γυναίκες” δήλωσε ο Δρ. Unsal.

Πέρυσι στις 24 Αυγούστου οι υπουργοί Εξωτερικών των χωρών στην σύνοδο G7 προέτρεψαν τους Ταλιμπάν ν’ άρουν τις απαγορεύσεις στην εκπαίδευση των γυναικών προειδοποιώντας ότι ”οι διακρίσεις βάσει φύλου μπορεί να οδηγήσουν σε έγκλημα κατά της ανθρωπότητας που διώκεται”.

Αρκετά μέσα ενημέρωσης ανέφεραν πως οι δυνάμεις των Ταλιμπάν έξω από τα πανεπιστήμια στην Καμπούλ, μετά την απαγόρευση, δεν επέτρεπαν στις γυναίκες την είσοδο στα πανεπιστήμια, ενώ άφηναν τους άνδρες να εισέλθουν.

Ο υπουργός Παιδείας, Nida Mohammad  Nadim, πρώην κυβερνήτης, αρχηγός της αστυνομίας και στρατιωτικός ήταν κατά της εκπαίδευσης των γυναικών λέγοντας ότι έρχεται σε αντίθεση με τις αξίες του Ισλάμ και του Αφγανιστάν.

”Κατά την γνώμη μου δεν έχει να κάνει με το Ισλάμ” τονίζει ο Δρ. Unsal. ”Δεν συμφωνεί καθόλου με τις παραδόσεις των Παστούν. Σύμφωνα μ’ αυτές, μια γυναίκα πρέπει να μένει μόνο στο σπίτι, να μαγειρεύει,  να γεννάει παιδιά και να μην βγαίνει έξω, αν δεν χρειάζεται. Αυτό δεν έχει να κάνει με το Ισλάμ. Η σύζυγος του Προφήτη, Χατιτζέ, ήταν μεγάλη επιχειρηματίας. Οι γυναίκες συμμετείχαν σ’ όλους τους τομείς της κοινωνικής ζωής. Στην αγορά, στο τζαμί. O Hz Omer διόρισε μια γυναίκα ονόματι Sifa ως υπεύθυνη να επιβλέπει το μπαζάρ”.

Ο υπουργός Nadim είπε επίσης στα μέσα πως η απαγόρευση είναι απαραίτητη για πολλούς λόγους: αποφεύγεται η επαφή των δύο φύλων στα πανεπιστήμια, οι γυναίκες δεν συμμορφώνονται με τον ενδυματολογικό κώδικα, οι φοιτήτριες πηγαίνουν σ’ άλλες επαρχίες και δεν ζουν με τις οικογένειές τους και οι σπουδές με συγκεκριμένο αντικείμενο και μαθήματα παραβιάζουν τις αρχές του Ισλάμ. Αυτοί οι λόγοι δεν φαίνεται να πείθουν την κοινή γνώμη.

Γιατί οι Ταλιμπάν περιόρισαν την εκπαίδευση των γυναικών; Το Ισλάμ δεν απαγορεύει την εκπαίδευση των γυναικών, άρα γιατί το έκαναν; 

”Κατά την γνώμη μου, δύο είναι οι λόγοι” εξηγεί ο Δρ. Unsal. ”Δεν έχουν εμπειρία στην διακυβέρνηση της χώρας. Δεν μπορούν να αφουγκραστούν σωστά την κοινωνία. Έχουν ακόμα τη νοοτροπία της φυλής τους. Γι’ αυτό κάνουν λάθη και δεν μπορούν να αγκαλιάσουν τους πάντες στην κοινωνία.

Το δεύτερο είναι πως διακατέχονται από άγνοια. Ερμηνεύουν το Ισλάμ βάσει της φυλετικής τους παράδοσης. Δυστυχώς, αυτό έρχεται σ’ αντίθεση με την οικουμενικότητα του Ισλάμ και απέχει πολύ από τις ανάγκες της εποχής μας. Ενεργούν, λοιπόν, με βάση μια ακραία και περιθωριακή ερμηνεία.

Σ’ όλη την χώρα οι Ταλιμπάν έχουν απαγορεύσει τα κορίτσια από το σχολείο μετά την έκτη τάξη, εμπόδισαν τις γυναίκες από την εργασία και τις υποχρέωσαν να φορούν μπούργκα από πάνω μέχρι κάτω σε δημόσιους χώρους. Οι γυναίκες επίσης δεν επιτρέπονται στα πάρκα και στα γυμναστήρια.

Πολλά νέα κορίτσια τραυματίστηκαν, όταν κρατήθηκαν. Μερικές οικογένειες είπαν στα μέσα πως οι κόρες τους έκλαιγαν και δεν μπορούσαν να ησυχάσουν. Νέοι άνθρωποι και οι οικογένειές τους ανησυχούν για το μέλλον τους” δήλωσε ο δρ. Unsal.

”Οι αδερφές μας, οι άνδρες έχουν τα ίδια δικαιώματα, θα ωφεληθούν από τα δικαιώματα, φυσικά μέσα στα πλαίσια που έχουμε ορίσει” ανέφερε ο εκπρόσωπος των Ταλιμπάν Zabihullah Mujahid. Παρά τις αρχικές υποσχέσεις για μια πιο μετριασμένη Σαρία ως προς τα δικαιώματα των γυναικών, εφάρμοσαν την δική τους ερμηνεία για το δίκαιο του Ισλάμ/Σαρία, από τότε που πήραν τον έλεγχο του Αύγουστο του 2021 και η συνέχεια απέδειξε πως οι Ταλιμπάν παραβίασαν τα δικαιώματα των γυναικών”.

 

Επομένως πώς μπορεί η διεθνής κοινότητα να βοηθήσει τις γυναίκες στο Αφγανιστάν;

”Η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση πρέπει να σταματήσει να χρηματοδοτεί επιχειρήσεις των Ταλιμπάν. Τα παιδιά από τις οικογένειες των Ταλιμπάν πρέπει να γυρίσουν πίσω στο Αφγανιστάν να σπουδάσουν εκεί, όχι στο εξωτερικό”, λέει η Jalal.

”Οι χορηγίες από το εξωτερικό πρέπει να βρεθούν και μέσω αυτών να ασκήσουν πίεση στους Ταλιμπάν, με διπλωματικές, οικονομικές κυρώσεις, βοήθεια, πολιτική πίεση και οποιοδήποτε άλλο τρόπο. Πρέπει να το κάνουν αυτό, ώστε να πετύχουν συγκεκριμένες δεσμεύσεις για τα δικαιώματα των γυναικών που θα έχουν νόημα για τις γυναίκες και τα κορίτσια και θα μπορούν να υποστούν έλεγχο” προσθέτει η Jalal.

Σύμφωνα με τον δρ. Unsal, οι κυρώσεις για τις χορηγίες από το εξωτερικό ίσως δεν έχουν αποτέλεσμα. Οι Ταλιμπάν είναι σκληροί. Αυτό που θα μπορούσε να γίνει είναι οι κοινωνίες των Μουσουλμάνων, όπως ο Οργανισμός Ισλαμικής Διάσκεψης ή η Οργάνωση Ισλαμικής Συνεργασίας ή κοινότητες μουσουλμάνων να συνεργαστούν με οργανώσεις για τ’ ανθρώπινα δικαιώματα, ώστε να είναι καλύτερο το αποτέλεσμα.

Οι Ταλιμπάν ενοχλούνται από την κριτική για τις αποφάσεις τους στην κοινωνία και το αίτημα να διορθώσουν τα λάθη τους. Γι’ αυτό, λένε: ”Μην ανακατεύεστε στις εσωτερικές μας υποθέσεις”.

Κάποια διεθνή πανεπιστήμια ή οργανώσεις μπορεί να προσφέρουν ευκαιρίες εκπαίδευσης και δωρεάν διαλέξεις, μαθήματα και διπλώματα.

Κάτι άλλο είναι ότι μερικές χώρες, με τις οποίες οι Ταλιμπάν, όχι από τον Δυτικό κόσμο αλλά από τον Ισλαμικό, μπορούν να συνεργαστούν μπορούν να βοηθήσουν να πέσουν οι τόνοι μέσω των πνευματικών ανθρώπων τους” προτείνει ο δρ. Unsal.

”Οι γυναίκες στο Αφγανιστάν έχουν κουραστεί από τα λόγια και να δημοσιοποιούν τις ιστορίες τους στον ξένο Τύπο και στις οργανώσεις. Νιώθουν πως κανείς δεν θα βοηθήσει ή δεν μπορεί να βοηθήσει” λέει η Jalal.

Η εκπαίδευση είναι ένα διεθνώς αναγνωρισμένο ανθρώπινο δικαίωμα απαραίτητο για την οικονομική ανάπτυξη του Αφγανιστάν και την σταθερότητα. Οι Ταλιμπάν είναι υποχρεωμένοι με βάση το διεθνές δίκαιο και την Παγκόσμια Διακήρυξη των Ανθρωπίνων Δικαιωμάτων να σεβαστούν απόλυτα τα δικαιώματα των γυναικών. Το Αφγανιστάν υπέγραψε την σύμβαση για την εξάλειψη όλων των μορφών διάκρισης κατά των γυναικών (CEDAW) το 2003.

Οι Ταλιμπάν δεσμεύονται από τις υποχρεώσεις του Αφγανιστάν με βάση αυτή την σύμβαση που μεταξύ άλλων αναφέρει πως με όλα τα κατάλληλα μέτρα και χωρίς καθυστέρηση πρέπει να εφαρμόσουν μια πολιτική που να εξαλείφει τις διακρίσεις κατά των γυναικών.

Οι γυναίκες τώρα χρειάζονται έναν άνδρα συνοδό, όταν ταξιδεύουν περισσότερο από 48 μίλια ή για βασικές δραστηριότητες, όπως να μπουν σ’ ένα κυβερνητικό κτήριο, να επισκεφθούν τον ιατρό ή να πάρουν ένα ταξί. Έχουν αποκλειστεί από όλα τα επαγγέλματα εκτός από τα ιατρικά και μέχρι την Τετάρτη, από την διδασκαλία. Οι γυναίκες επίσης δεν μπορούν να επισκέπτονται τα δημόσια πάρκα.

Η απαγόρευση των Ταλιμπάν στις γυναίκες και στα κορίτσια για την εκπαίδευση τις καταδίκασε οριστικά σ’ ένα ζοφερό μέλλον χωρίς ευκαιρίες.

”Το μισό της κοινωνίας αποτελείται από άνδρες και το άλλο μισό από γυναίκες. Επομένως, τα κορίτσια έχουν το ίδιο δικαίωμα στην εκπαίδευση με τα αγόρια. Υπάρχουν ζωτικοί ρόλοι που μπορούν να παίξουν οι γυναίκες σ’ όλες τις πτυχές της ζωής. Σε κάποια επαγγέλματα μπορεί να είναι καλύτερες από τους άνδρες”. Η απόφαση του υπουργείου Παιδείας του Αφγανιστάν, όπως λέει ο δρ. Unsal, είναι μια κατάφωρη παραβίαση των ανθρωπίνων δικαιωμάτων και μια κακοτυχία για το Αφγανιστάν.

Η Οικουμενική Διακήρυξη των Ανθρωπίνων Δικαιωμάτων είναι ένας ακρογωνιαίος λίθος στην ιστορία των ανθρωπίνων δικαιωμάτων. Συντάχθηκε από εκπροσώπους με διαφορετικό νομικό και πολιτιστικό υπόβαθρο από όλα τα μέρη του κόσμου και υιοθετήθηκε από την Γενική Συνέλευση του ΟΗΕ  στο Παρίσι στις 10 Δεκεμβρίου 1948 (απόφαση Γενικής Συνέλευσης 217Α) ως ένα πρότυπο για όλους τους ανθρώπους και τα έθνη. Έθεσε για πρώτη φορά τα θεμελιώδη δικαιώματα που προστατεύονται παγκοσμίως και μεταφράστηκε σε περισσότερες από 500 γλώσσες. Η Οικουμενική Διακήρυξη των Ανθρωπίνων Δικαιωμάτων είναι ευρέως αναγνωρισμένη και έχει εμπνεύσει για την υιοθέτηση άλλων 7 συμβάσεων για τα ανθρώπινα δικαιώματα που εφαρμόζονται σήμερα επί μονίμου βάσεως σε παγκόσμιο και τοπικό επίπεδο (όλες περιέχουν αναφορά στους προλόγους τους). 

Πηγές: 

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/War_in_Afghanistan_(2001–2021)

https://www.pbs.org/newshour/world/talibans-higher-education-minister-defends-ban-on-women-from-universities

https://www.ohchr.org/en/countries/afghanistan

https://www.pbs.org/newshour/world/afghan-women-weep-over-university-ban-as-taliban-begin-enforcement

https://www.bbc.com/news/world-south-asia-11451718

https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2022/mar/10/robbed-of-hope-afghan-girls-denied-an-education-struggle-with-depression

https://amp.cnn.com/cnn/2021/12/03/asia/afghanistan-taliban-decree-womens-rights-intl/index.html

https://edition.cnn.com/2022/12/20/asia/taliban-bans-women-university-education-intl/index.html

https://www.right-to-education.org/page/campaign

https://www.unesco.org/en/education/right-education/campaign

https://www.hrw.org/news/2021/09/02/how-international-community-can-protect-afghan-women-and-girls

Translated by Alexia Kapsabeli/Αλεξία Καψαμπέλη from the original Taliban’s wicked abolition of women’s rights  in Afghanistan.