Poland’s Education System: Striving for Equity and Inclusion to Fulfill the Right to Education

By Iris Karoli

The modern Polish  emerged in the aftermath of World War II, addressing the significant challenge of rebuilding the country’s social and economic frameworks. Since then, it has undergone extensive reforms, particularly since the fall of communism in 1989. Significant adjustments to educational policies were required due to this crucial shift to a market economy to better reflect democratic values and satisfy the needs of a society that was changing quickly.

Since September 1, 2017, the Polish educational system has been undergoing reform. The Law on School Education and the Provisions introducing the Law on School Education are two significant Acts passed by the Parliament in December 2016.

Providing teachers with sufficient resources, training, and support will help Poland prioritize integrating students with special educational needs (SEN) into regular classrooms. SEN students can flourish in the classroom and contribute to their overall success by emphasizing inclusive education practices and customized support plans.

Overall, Poland needs to take a multifaceted approach to achieve universal access to education that tackles structural inequalities, advances equity, and cultivates an inclusive culture within the educational system. Poland can get closer to achieving its goal of a society in which every person has the chance to learn, develop, and prosper by keeping these initiatives as a top priority and making investments in the future of its students.

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Russia Strikes Again: The Devastation of Ukraine’s Largest Children’s Hospital 

Written by Uilson Jones 

For many people around the world, Monday mornings consist of a rush to their place of employment or attending classes at school, going about their day without the slightest disturbance – apart from the casual annoyance due to traffic delays and the like. For Ukrainians, Mondays (as well as every other day) begin and end in destruction, bloodshed and grief. 

On Monday July 8th, Russia launched a massive barrage of missiles against key points of civilian infrastructure in Kyiv and many other urban centres. Amongst these structures was Ukraine’s largest children’s hospital, Okhmatdyt. As a result of this vicious attack against Ukrainian children, a staggering 36 people were killed and another 140 injured, according to Andriy Yermak (BBC, 2024). These figures which are initial estimates, are expected to climb much higher given further investigation. The missiles struck surgical, oncological and toxicological departments, virtually levelling these intensive care units where children with cancer and other life-threatening illnesses were being treated (UNSC, 2024).  

The immediate aftermath on the scene was one right out of a horror movie – yet this was a brutal reality for Ukrainians on the ground. Hundreds of children with chronic illnesses, medical personnel, and staff were being rapidly evacuated from the shattered ruins of the building. Roads and highways in Kyiv were blocked up with waves of ambulances attempting to get on site in time to save as many lives as possible. A horror of unimaginable scale erupted as civilians on the scene, rescue teams, ambulances and fire brigades attempted to do everything in their power to lend their helping hand. 

What of the response of Russian officials around the globe? The course of action taken by Russian officials was to outright deny its involvement in the Monday attack, despite overwhelming evidence to the contrary. An unending tirade followed, pointing fingers at the West and Ukraine for the decimation of the children’s hospital. Russia’s Council President for July went so far as to state the following: “If this was a Russian strike, there would have been nothing left of the building and all the children would have been killed and not wounded” (UNSC, 2024).

Shamelessly covering up this hideous war crime, he chose to boast about the might of the Russian war machine – or whatever is left of it after struggling against the significantly smaller military might of Ukraine for two and a half years. A war that was supposed to last three days is rapidly approaching its third year as Ukrainians have been able to bog-down their opponent (Defense One, 2022). With slow and modest gain on the front lines, the consistent strikes on civilian infrastructure have been evident. Over the course of this time, the UN has verified 1,878 Russian attacks against various civilian infrastructure facilities, of which 249 (only in 2023) were directly attributed to Russian invaders (UNSC, 2024).  

Now, one must reasonably pose the following questions: How long will it take for some states to deny the visibly absurd statement that Russia is not targeting civilians? India’s Prime Minister Narendra Modi was on a visit in Moscow during that time, willingly praising Putin for his hospitality, whilst the Indian Embassy was located only a few hundred meters away from Russian-induced destruction. Furthermore, how can it be justified to have a party that initiate attack at the head of the Council, supposedly supporting universalist principles of world peace and human rights? The term ‘war criminals’ has been applied time and time again to the Russian military and its officials, in numerous and ongoing UN investigations regarding human rights concerns in Ukraine (UNHRC, 2024).

The Council is not the place for cheap and dirty politics. It is a place for upholding the necessary values of the international community, ones that are being violated every hour of every waking day by the so-called Russian Federation. How can one speak of ceasefires and peace deals with Russia, when the Russian military is so blatantly destroying every aspect of Ukrainian society, including the most vulnerable sections of its population – children with chronic illnesses? It is due to these indiscriminate strikes levied against civilian infrastructure, that the European Parliament has declared Russia to be a ‘state sponsor of terrorism’ (EP, 2022). 

These attacks by the Russian government will not cease on their own. Ukraine must be granted the full right to defend itself in any manner it so pleases. As it currently stands, Russia is using bases deep within its territory to carry out such acts. Ukraine has not yet received the permission to nip these in the bud to definitively safeguard its people (Politico, 2024). Furthermore, Ukraine requires urgent humanitarian and lethal aid to be able to cope with said attacks. This means modern medical and technical equipment, more air defence systems, shells, artillery systems and far more. In history, the world has learned the hard way of what happens when imperialistic states with totalitarian leaders are able to get away with widespread murder and occupation. One hopes that these mistakes will not be repeated, not only for the sake of Ukrainian children and the rest of its population, but also for the sake of the entirety of Europe.

These important decisions were of absolute necessity already in 2022. One can only agitate and hope for their implementation now and in the near future. Negotiation is impossible, when the opponent is so willing to decimate the most defenceless sections of Ukraine’s population. Without urgent aid, we will surely hear of many more such egregious events taking place. Immediate steps need to be taken in order to ensure the safety of children given the ongoing state of war, and stronger measures need to be put into place which can allow children to study, heal, rest and play in peace. 

References

  • Copp, T. (2022). ‘The convoy is stalled’: Logistics failures slow Russian advance, Pentagon says. Defense One. https://www.defenseone.com/threats/2022/03/convoy-stalled-logistics-failures-slow-russian-advance-pentagon-says/362666/. 
  • Corp, R, & Herrmannsen, K. (2024). Children’s hospital hit as Russian strikes kill dozens in Ukraine. BBC. https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/cl4y1pjk2dzo. 
  • European Parliament. (2022). European Parliament declares Russia to be a state sponsor of terrorism. https://www.europarl.europa.eu/news/en/press-room/20221118IPR55707/european-parliament-declares-russia-to-be-a-state-sponsor-of-terrorism.  
  • Melkozerova, V. (2024). Zelenskyy urges Biden to allow Ukraine to hit Russian airfields to stop Kremlin bombing campaign. Politico. https://www.politico.eu/article/volodymyr-zelenskyy-biden-putin-bomb-strikes-russia-bombing-ukraine-war-kremlin/ 
  • UNSC. (2024). Russian Federation’s Attack on Ukainian Children’s Hospital ‘Not Only a War Crime’ but ‘Far Beyond the Limits of Humanity’, Medical Director Tells Security Council. https://press.un.org/en/2024/sc15761.doc.htm. 
  • UNHRC. (2024). Independent International Commission of Inquiry on Ukraine. https://www.ohchr.org/en/hr-bodies/hrc/iicihr-ukraine/index.  
  • Cover Image via Official Website of Ukraine 

Belarussian Language Policy: Threats to Native-Instruction in Education

Written by Uilson Jones

The declaration of Belarussian independence on August 25th, 1991, ushered in an era of unprecedented parliamentary debate over the official state language policy. Stemming from centuries of repression and Russification during the periods of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) and the Tsarist Empire preceding it, there existed a powerful desire for self-determination. Policies that disadvantaged the Belarussian ethnolinguistic identity were pushed, whilst a bias towards Russian language and culture for centuries has given precedence to a weaker ethnolinguistic identity amongst Belarusians. The newly found independence marked a national re-awakening, leading to the initial decision to opt for the promotion of the Belarussian language, declaring it as the only official state language. 

As such, during the years 1990-1994, Belarus had its sole experiment with restrictive language policy, legislating around other national minority languages, including Russian, Polish, and Lithuanian. The article delves into the ensuing trajectory of Belarussian language policy up to and including the contemporary status quo, with a particular focus on the right to native instruction for national minorities in educational facilities. 

The Tumultuous 90s

The post-Soviet period of the 1990’s was plagued by legislative inconsistencies, political corruption, and ethnolinguistic tensions. The historical trajectory of the East Slavic states (Belarus, Ukraine and Russia) began somewhat similarly, arising from the powerful desire for independence, particularly from the domineering presence of Moscow. As a result, a policy overwhelmingly beneficial to the Belarussian language was created in the immediate aftermath of independence. Belarussian was declared as the sole state language, meaning schools, public institutions, the government and its agencies were obliged to speak Belarussian. This policy, however, was far from uncontested by various political factions in the country.

The national awakening in Belarus, in regard to pursuing a national language policy, proved to be rather unpopular. Polls that surfaced in 1993 referenced the fact that “less than 25% of Belarussians knew their native tongue well and less than 50% were willing to promote the knowledge of it” (Brown, 2007). As such, following the 1994 Belarussian Presidential Election, which resulted in a landslide victory for Alexander Lukashenko, the final blow to the policy of Belarussianization had been dealt. The elections symbolized a crucial reinvigoration of the language debate. 

The high levels of ethnolinguistic polarization necessitated a referendum, which was organized later in the same year. The topic on the agenda was whether the Russian minority language should be considered an official state language alongside Belarussian. With a turnout of 64.8%, the referendum resulted in the granting of equal status to the Russian language with a staggering 86.8% in favor (Nohlen & Stover, 2010). This represented a major pivot from the previous course of action.

However, as opposed to malicious interference in the internal affairs of Belarus, the attitude of the Belarussian people was for the most part that of indifference, if not outright support for the usage of Russian in official institutions (Brown, 2007). There are numerous variables that promote descriptions of why public opinion is the way that it is in Belarus. The key explanation rests in the historical trajectory. After centuries of Russification, the Belarussian identity was heavily weakened. Choosing to conceptualize itself in the political-territorial sense, as opposed to the ethnocultural, as stipulated by Brubaker’s framework for post-Soviet relations (Brubaker, 1994). As such, very little attention gets paid to the cultural development and preservation of Belarussian language, culture, and traditions. 

Legislative Hypocrisy in Minority Native Instruction 

The full recognition of the Russian language throughout the 2000s, into the 2010s, and up until today has produced rather skewed statistics in terms of educational instruction in the full variety of national minority languages in Belarus, which are referenced below. What began with a fruitful language policy, providing the opportunity for students from national minority backgrounds, such as Polish and Lithuanian communities to study in their own languages, ended with the total domination of Russian linguistic institutions. This shift has occurred in congruence with Belarussian historical trajectory. A combination of utility in economic prospects, as well as comfort in conversing in Russian has yielded powerful incentives for Belarussian to utilize Russian. Whereas Belarussian is construed as out-of-date and unuseful for the current reality in Belarus and beyond.

According to the 2022 United Nations Minority Rights Report on Belarus, the observations of the rapporteur have highlighted rather concerning developments in the educational and linguistic rights of such communities. As it currently stands, Polish and Lithuanian schools have faced widespread closure (BHC, 2022). This development went hand in hand with the conversion to either Belarussian or Russian linguistic schools, virtually eliminating the right to native instruction for national minorities.  

Although the ethnic Russian minority makes up only 7.5% of Belarus’ population, the Russian language is considered a dominant language thus phasing out ethnic Polish and Lithuanian linguistic education (UNECE, 2024). The relative size of the Russian minority, despite being significantly larger in respect to the Poles and Lithuanians, cannot alone describe the harsh linguistic discrimination observed in the educational field. Although potentially accounting for a part of the bias, it is likely that other variables are at stake. 

What differentiates the Russian minority from the Polish and Lithuanian? The immediate answer is found in the work of Fernand De Varennes (2017) who argues that the “proximity and status of the kinstate [of the national minority in question]” is of utmost importance. In other words, the significance of the Russian minority lies in the deep ties it has to its kinstate, owing to its symbiotic relation to that source of power. Thus, the pressure exerted by a far more powerful neighbor has produced a spillover effect leading to emphasis on Russia as opposed to the much weaker states of Poland and Lithuania (speaking in relative terms).  

The Status of Belarussian 

Having considered the state of the national minority languages of Belarus, what can be said of the status of the Belarussian language? Despite being a formal state language as well as the official ethnolinguistic identity of the Belarussian people, the on-the-ground reality could not be further from this. The Belarussian language has been long stigmatized as a backwater village language and is considered as more of a dialect of Russian as opposed to its own language, particularly by the so-called big brother in the East (Komorovskaya, 2016). Centuries’ worth of aggressive Russification has nipped the development of a Belarussian ethnolinguistic identity in the bud and with the granting of official language status to Russian, this development has not only not slowed down but assumed its prior breakneck speed.  

The amended language policy culminated in the replacement of Belarussian and thus Russification continued apace. As it stands, for every 250 schools only five teach in Belarussian. This highlights the fact that Belarussian people are not guaranteed education in their native language, despite Belarussian being acknowledged as the official titular language (BHC, 2022). 

Virtually every aspect of society, including all of the major urban centers utilize Russian at work, at home, in education, and in daily life. The upgrading of the Russian language has culminated in the downgrading of the Belarussian language, in the manner of a destructive dialectic, leading to the virtual erasure of Belarussian ethnolinguistic identity. This is reinforced by the overwhelmingly better economic prospects one has access to if they opt for Russian education, as opposed to the niche Belarussian. The political situation, with Lukashenko’s dictatorship cozying up with that of Putin’s, only worsens the status of Belarussian and puts it at risk of complete erasure.   

Concluding Remarks

This article has covered the ethnolinguistic development of Belarus and its national languages. The upgrading of Russian to official state language status has dealt an irreparable blow to the cultural development of not only the Polish and Lithuanian communities, but also of Belarussian – the official ethnolinguistic identity in Belarus. Despite possessing an equal status on paper, Belarussian is threatened by complete decimation in the face of the ever-expanding usage of Russian in virtually all fields of life. This can in no way be considered as the free development of cultures. 

If Belarussian, Polish and Lithuanian communities want to preserve their right to native instruction in educational facilities, where the majority of early life socialization happens, there needs to be a swift and direct response to the predominance of Russian. This would require the toppling of the totalitarian nature of Lukashenko’s regime. 

References:
  • BHC (2022). UNHRC Advisory Committee.  
  • Brown, N. A. (2007). Status language planning in Belarus. Language Policy, 6(2), 281–301.  
  • Brubaker, R. (1994). Nationhood and the national question in the Soviet Union and Post-Soviet Eurasia: An institutionalist account. Theory and Society, 23(1), 47-78. 
  • Nohlen, D. & Stover, P. (2010). Elections in Europe. doi.org/10.5771/9783845223414. 
  • Komorovskaya, V. (2016). The future of the Belarussian language: Is it doomed to extinction? Acta Philologica, 48, 15-28. 
  • UNECE. (2024). The 2019 census of population of the Republic of Belarus: Migration and ethnocultural characteristics. https://unece.org/sites/default/files/2024-04/7.Census%20WP14%20BEL%20Vasilevskaya%20ENG.pdf
  • Cover Image via Unsplash

The Potential Influence of a Right-Wing Government on Education in the Netherlands 

Written by Asiia Kilmukhametova 

The Netherlands, known for its progressive policies, has experienced a significant political shift with the election of right-wing parties like the Party for Freedom (PVV) and the newly founded Nationalist Socialist Coalition (NSC). With these parties securing a considerable number of seats in the Dutch House of Representatives, concerns arise regarding their potential impact on various aspects of Dutch society, including education. Particularly, their standpoint against the internationalization of higher education raises questions about the future direction of educational policies in the country. 

Historical context 

The Netherlands has been recognized for its progressive education system, which emphasizes inclusivity, diversity, and internationalization. According to the Dutch Government, of all incoming students in higher education, more than 25% are international students. Moreover, the country’s universities and schools of applied sciences are actively pursuing partnerships with institutions worldwide, providing Erasmus+ and Exchange programs, which are focused on attracting students from diverse cultural backgrounds. Dutch government have been emphasizing the importance of introducing students to international and intercultural society at a young age, and several studies showed that nearly a quarter of the Dutch population had a migrant background. 

However, the rise of nationalist movements and the growing popularity of right-wing ideologies may affect the internationalization of the Dutch education. Parties like the PVV and NSC advocate for stricter immigration policies and cultural preservation. PVV – a far-right and party leaded by Geert Wilders. Nationalist ideology mainly concerns immigrational and cultural concerns, supported by the call of PVV to ban the Quran and shut down all mosques in the Netherlands. Geert Wilders, leader of the party, stated in the past that he he hates Islam, which clearly indicates the party’s attitude toward Muslim population. The party opposes to the dual citizenships and immigration especially from non-Western countries. NSC, as well as PVV, represent conservative attitude towards immigration, stating that the number of immigrants taken each years should be halved. With right-wing coalition taking 81 out of the 150 seats in the parliament, Dutch educational system may experience major structural changes. 

Potential influence on Dutch education 

As nationalist parties gain power, minority communities, particularly Muslims, may find themselves marginalized within educational institutions. Discrimination may present itself in various forms, and it is expected that student community will particularly experience hardened admissibility rules and immigration processes. People with double citizenships may also be caught in these situations. Calls to Dutch culture may put pressure on Muslim students to conform, leading to their inability to express their cultural and religious identities.  

Furthermore, right-wing parties, namely PVV and NSC are expected prioritize policies aimed at preserving Dutch culture and language by reducing the number of foreign students in the educational institutions. This could entail stricter visa regulations, higher tuition fees for non-EU students, which are already 5 times higher than EU fee, and quotas on the enrollment of international students. The number of English-taught and double-degrees may be reduced, leading to international students choosing other destinations for their academic pursuits. 

Exchange and Erasmus + programs have long been essential components of the Dutch higher education, fostering cross-cultural exchange, and mutual understanding among students. The future of these programs may also be compromised, as the Netherlands will not be able to insure an inclusive and welcoming atmosphere for the incoming students, possibly endangering and complication their studies in the Netherlands. PVV states that the universities’ primary responsibility should be to Dutch students. From the perspective of Dutch students, the prioritization of Dutch sovereignty over international engagement can lead to the reduction of exchange programs. 

Under the rule of right-wing government, international universities whose ideologies are different from nationalist ideas may find themselves at risk of receiving less funding or facing other forms of institutional pressure. In its election manifesto, the PVV writes that all English-language undergraduate courses should be eliminated. Policies aimed at cultural preservation could prioritize funding for institutions that align with these objectives. Reduced financial support may constrain the governmental ability to attract top talent and reduce the supply of resources and opportunities for students that need them to in an increasingly competitive environment. 

Conclusion 

The potential influence of right-wing Dutch government on education raises important questions about the future direction of the country’s educational policies. While parties like the PVV and NSC may seek to limit the internationalization of higher education and promote nationalist ideas, they are likely to encounter resistance from within the education sector and broader society.  

As the Netherlands experiences the unstable and unforeseen period of political change, it must aim to uphold the principles of diversity, and academic inclusivity that have long been the merit of its education system. 

References

  • Castelvecchi, D. (2023, June 14). Shock election win for far-right worries academics in the Netherlands. Science. https://www.science.org/content/article/shock-election-win-far-right-worries-academics-netherlands
  • Buruma, I. (2008, February 17). The Muslim next door. The Guardian. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2008/feb/17/netherlands.islam
  • Groothuis, F. (2023, March 9). Internationalisation in the Netherlands: An uncertain and volatile landscape. The PIE News. https://thepienews.com/the-view-from/internationalisation-netherlands-uncertain-volatile-landscape/
  • Wikipedia contributors. (2023, June 8). New Social Contract. In Wikipedia, The Free Encyclopedia. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/New_Social_Contract
  • ABN AMRO Research. (2023, March 9). Dutch rates focus: Dutch elections won by far-right party PVV. ABN AMRO. https://www.abnamro.com/research/en/our-research/dutch-rates-focus-dutch-elections-won-by-far-right-party-pvv
  • Schinkel, W. (2022). Not only has the number of international students in the Netherlands increased, but so has their contribution to the economy. In R. Beckers & W. Schinkel (Eds.), Internationalisation and Higher Education (pp. 23-45). Springer. https://link.springer.com/chapter/10.1007/978-3-031-14224-6_2#:~:text=Not%20only%20has%20the%20number,than%2023%25%20(see%20Fig.
  • Nuffic. (2023). Internationalisation facts and figures. Nuffic. https://www.nuffic.nl/en/subjects/research/internationalisation-facts-and-figures
  • Van der Heijden, M. (2023, March 15). PVV and NSC win Dutch election: What’s the impact on education and research? UToday. https://www.utoday.nl/news/73552/pvv-and-nsc-win-dutch-election-whats-the-impact-on-education-and-research

Follow-up to the Working Group on discrimination against women and girls’ country visits to Kyrgyzstan, Romania, Greece, Poland, Honduras, Chad, Samoa, Kuwait and Hungary

Presented by Ariel Ozdemir, Luna Plet and Olimpia Guidi

The Lenca, indigenous to southwestern Honduras and northeastern El Salvador, reside in approximately 50 villages within a 100-km radius of La Esperanza, the capital city of the mountainous Intibucá department. 1 Most of these villages find themselves on the outskirts of the public education system due to factors such as poverty, age, geographic isolation, gender, and ethnicity. These circumstances collectively contribute to the difficulty in accessing education for many inhabitants.
The educational hurdles for Lenca girls in Honduras, especially in regions like San Francisco de Opalaca, are intricate and deeply influenced by socio-economic, cultural, and geographical factors. These challenges are marked by restricted access to education due to economic constraints, particularly affecting girls pursuing primary education. Gender-sensitive education proves to be a critical aspect of the struggles faced by Lenca girls. Prevailing patriarchal norms pose obstacles to their educational opportunities.
Concerns about the quality of education in public schools, notably in regions like San Francisco de Opalaca, are pronounced. Challenges include limited access to junior high schools in most villages and the geographic obstacles that impede education beyond grade 6. 2 Inadequacies in the education infrastructure, such as a shortage of teachers and insufficient facilities, further hinder the provision of quality education for Lenca girls. Furthermore, with a literacy rate of 30-50%, the Lenca population typically spends an average of only four years in school. 3 This low educational attainment contributes to a pervasive sense of inferiority and a lack of confidence in advocating for a democratic and civil society.
The need for revamping the curriculum to address gender equality, stereotypes, and violence is evident. Emphasis is placed on incorporating human rights workshops to create awareness about gender, cultural, educational, and employment equality. 4 This approach strives to foster an inclusive and supportive educational environment, empowering Lenca girls and addressing societal challenges they encounter.

education for disadvantaged communities . 21 Women and girls, already facing obstacles in pursuing education, find themselves further marginalised by the privatisation of schooling . 22
Consider the challenges faced by promising young students in La Esperanza who experience increased fees due to their schools’ privatisation, leading to their education’s abandonment. This educational setback not only perpetuates the cycle of poverty but also underscores the gendered impact of privatisation on educational opportunities for women and girls.
Expanding on the educational aspect, it’s essential to recognise that privatisation can lead to a reduction in educational resources. Privatised institutions may prioritise profit over educational quality, leaving women in poverty with fewer educational support systems. This, in turn, perpetuates systemic disadvantages, limiting the potential for upward mobility through education.
Healthcare Challenges
Privatisation in the healthcare sector can pose significant challenges for vulnerable populations, particularly women. As essential healthcare services become privatised, the financial burden on impoverished women intensifies, limiting their access to crucial medical support. The lack of affordable healthcare options further entrenches gender disparities in health outcomes . 23

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Photo by Michelle Ding on Unsplash

References

1 Susan Stone, “El Maestro En Casa,” El Maestro en Casa, accessed January 20, 2024, https://lencaedu.wordpress.com/
2 Wanda Bedard, “2009 – Honduras,” 60 million girls, accessed January 20, 2024, https://60millionsdefilles.org/en/our-projects/2009-honduras/
3 Susan Stone, “El Maestro En Casa,” El Maestro en Casa, accessed January 20, 2024, https://lencaedu.wordpress.com/
4 Wanda Bedard, “2009 – Honduras,” 60 million girls, accessed January 20, 2024, https://60millionsdefilles.org/en/our-projects/2009-honduras/

21 Edwards Jr, D. B., Moschetti, M., & Caravaca, A. (2023). Globalisation and privatisation of education in Honduras—Or the need to reconsider the dynamics and legacy of state formation. Discourse: Studies in the Cultural Politics of Education, 44(4), 635-649. Available at: https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/01596306.2020.1852181
22 Murphy-Graham, E. (2007). Promoting participation in public life through secondary education: evidence from Honduras. Prospects, 37(1), 95-111. Available at: https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s11125-007-9013-2
23 Hasemann Lara, J. E. (2023). Health Sector Reform in Honduras: Privatisation as Institutional Bad Faith. Medical Anthropology, 42(1), 62-75. Available at: https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/01459740.2022.2125388

The war in Ukraine and its impact on education

Commencing on the 24th of February 2022, the full-scale Russian invasion of Ukraine has led to unfathomably disastrous outcomes, both internationally and within both countries. Of course, the scale of destruction had mapped onto virtually every aspect of the political, economic, and socio-cultural functioning of Ukraine’s society. Leaving no one unaffected by its persistent brutality, Russia’s military adventurism has highlighted the particularly pertinent problems surrounding the daily struggles of educational institutions, their children and their staff in producing a safe and stable environment that is conducive to the educational needs of the youth.

This article breaks down the Ukrainian educational struggles in the context of the waging of a genocidal war by its belligerent neighbour. Furthermore, contemporary innovative solutions to some of these educational issues will be outlined – as well as an assessment of their utility. Lastly, it is of essence to avoid perceiving these educational struggles as isolated cases specific to the Russo-Ukrainian War. On the contrary, these struggles must necessarily be understood in connection with other parts of the world which are consumed by the devastating impacts of chauvinism and warfare. Only from this comparative understanding can one begin to construct a fruitful perspective that is solutions-based, as opposed to the simple dissemination of platitudes devoid of meaning.  

Background Information 

The onset of the war has caused widespread devastation, particularly in the five oblasts (regions) affected the most being Donetsk, Luhansk, Zaporizhia, Kherson and Kharkiv. As of the 9th of November 2023, over 3,790 educational facilities have been either damaged or totally destroyed. These are often the result of “aerial attacks, artillery shelling, rocket strikes”, and in certain cases even cluster munitions (Human Rights Watch, 2023). It is the imprecise nature of Russian weaponry that particularly causes them to indiscriminately shell and strike civilian infrastructure, if not also the vile disregard for the laws of war on the part of the invading army. As such, it is not uncommon for pupils’ school days to be interrupted by siren alerts forcing them to flee into a bomb shelter. There has even been evidence of deliberate striking of schools, with the shelling of one such building with the word “children” written in large as a message in front of it (CNN, 2022). 

In addition to this, there has been extensive occupation of schools by Russian troops, who utilize the space to store munitions, weaponry, vehicles, tanks, amongst other military equipment. The military-use of schools strictly breaches the laws of war. Launching attacks from such locations causes a reciprocation from the Ukrainian counter-battery fire, thus leading to even further destruction of schools. Beyond the exploitation of educational facilities for military purposes, there has been comprehensive evidence of the Russian army engaging in not uncommon looting and pillaging. The stolen equipment includes, but is not limited to, desktops and laptops, televisions, interactive whiteboards, and heating systems. The Human Rights Watch has summarized this by stating “what was not stolen was often broken”. Before ultimately leaving the premises, Russian forces engage in destruction and vandalism, often denoting hateful sentiment towards Ukrainian people (Human Rights Watch, 2023).  

The question should then be posed: how are students able to continue their studies given such wholescale destruction of their schools? Students who have found themselves without feasible schooling options had to resort to continue their studies from a different school in another area. Although moving is expensive, time-consuming, and therefore is not an option for the majority of people along the front lines, if not actively assisted by the government (which is also not always possible). Students became accustomed to studying in shifts, in between sirens, as well as remotely. The last option was made redundant to a great extent, given that Russia has deliberately and over a prolonged period of time targeted civilian infrastructure such as power and electricity stations, including the hydroelectric Kakhovka Dam in the Kherson region. In the rough conditions of power outages, major floods, and routine shelling multiple times a day, it is unsurprising that these adjustments have been insufficient in the face of Russia’s brutality. Therefore, the physical devastation of educational facilities has significantly impacted Ukraine’s ability to commit to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights which plainly states in Article 26 that “everyone has the right to education” (UDHR, 1948).  

These educational struggles had not commenced only in 2022. Violent ethnic conflict was raging in the Donbas since the beginning of 2014, which already produced devastating realities for students, staff, and the entirety of the educational sector. This was further exacerbated by the effects of the global pandemic, Covid-19. At just about the time that Covid-19 was starting to subside, the full-scale invasion of Ukraine was launched. As such, for the past decade, students and staff were unable to catch a break as the situation progressively went from bad to worse to inconceivable as it stands today. The laws of war simply do not exist for the invading forces who have rampaged through thousands of schools and other educational facilities, using them for the purposes named above as well as for the detainment, torture, and execution of innocent civilians.  

Solutions in the Context of War 

In order for the educational system to continue apace, some modifications were needed to be made. Ukraine began establishing shelter zones in schools (Visit Ukraine, 2023). These were visited quite frequently as a result of the daily shelling and provided the security the students needed to maintain their education. Taking exams and going to lessons in an underground bomb shelter is far from an uncommon occurrence in Ukraine. In Kharkiv, the government has resorted to building “bunker schools” in the subway for a more safe, stable, and quiet environment conducive to studying, as the explosions will not be heard (CNN, 2024).  Further adding onto the stress for students and staff are the conditions of working in irregular shifts to ensure as many students are accommodated as possible. Whereas remote learning remains interrupted by the incessant shelling of Ukraine’s power infrastructure.  

An additional class was added to the educational curricula for all students. Announced by Ukrainian Deputy Interior Minister Kateryna Pavlichenko, ‘safety classes’ were introduced in schools. These special classes were dedicated to the critical important knowledge of life safety and civil defence (Visit Ukraine, 2022). Such practical information must be imparted upon the youth in order for them to understand how to behave in numerous circumstances, as well as the necessary precautions to be taken in an active war zone.  

Concluding Remarks 

The nature of the educational struggles in light of the Russia’s invasion of Ukraine have been examined, and the innovation that Ukraine has witnessed in solutions to these educational struggles have been duly noted. However, it is of essence to note that these need not be considered as solutions per se. The accommodation that Ukraine has made to the functioning of educational institutions should instead be construed as a temporary band-aid, one that harshly scratches the surface of the real problems facing many millions of children, teachers, and others included in the process. As such, our attention must shift to the source of boundless suffering – Russian imperialism.  

A long-lasting peace settlement is essential to the stability of educational institutions, and a critical necessity for the wellbeing of students all over Ukraine. However, this settlement must not be on the terms of the invader. That does not solve the problems of the educational issues students face in the temporarily occupied areas of Ukraine. The peaceful settlement of the conflict will necessary be on Ukrainian terms, including the necessary persecution of war criminals responsible for the decimation of Ukrainian education. For now, Ukraine is valiantly fighting for its freedom and independence from Russian aggression. Children had nothing to do with the decision to begin the invasion, yet they are ultimately paying the highest price. The end of Russia’s war on Ukrainian children is long overdue.   

References

Amsterdam Housing Scams target International Students

As part of our ongoing commitment to safeguarding the interests of international students and renters, Broken Chalk presents this lobbying report to address the pervasive issue of housing scams in Amsterdam. With the rising incidence of fraudulent activities targeting renters, especially expats and students, urgent action is needed to protect vulnerable populations and preserve the integrity of the rental market.

Problem Statement

Amsterdam, like many major cities, faces a significant threat from housing scams, with scammers targeting expatriates and students seeking affordable accommodation. The financial losses incurred by victims of housing scams are substantial, posing a significant economic burden and jeopardising the financial well-being of renters.

Expatriates and students are particularly vulnerable to housing scams due to their limited familiarity with local housing norms and regulations, making them prime targets for exploitation. Victims of housing scams often fail to report incidents to authorities, contributing to a lack of accountability and perpetuating fraudulent activities within the rental market.

Recommendations

We advocate for stricter regulation of the rental market, including mandatory membership in established realtors’ organisations such as the MVA or the NVM and the strengthening of rental agencies to prevent fraudulent practices and hold perpetrators accountable.

We encourage the government to launch comprehensive educational campaigns targeting renters, particularly expatriates and students, to raise awareness of common housing scams provide guidance on identifying and avoiding fraudulent schemes and collaborate with organizations like !WOON to disseminate information and provide confidential advice to individuals seeking housing.

We urge the government and universities to implement measures to verify the legitimacy of rental listings and landlords, including access to resources such as the Kadaster property register and to encourage and raise awareness of renters to conduct thorough background checks and seek second opinions when evaluating rental opportunities. Proper measures should be taken against informal listings on social media, and penalties and fines should be placed to combat the surge of housing scams.

Furthermore, renters should be made aware of their rights regarding fees and financial transactions and guidance on legal deposits and recourse options for unjust fees should be provided. We urge the government to facilitate access to support services, such as those offered by!WOON, to assist victims of housing scams in reclaiming losses and seeking restitution.

Broken Chalk advocates for proactive measures to inform and support international students in navigating the Dutch housing market effectively. Our proposed solutions aim to empower students with the knowledge and resources needed to secure safe and legitimate accommodation during their time in the Netherlands.

We further recommend collaboration with home affairs departments at universities and colleges to incorporate housing education and assistance into orientation programs for international students. By integrating housing-related information sessions, workshops, and resources into existing initiatives, institutions can better prepare students for the challenges of finding accommodation in a new country.

We further advocate for legislation and policy frameworks that incentivize universities and colleges to prioritize housing support for international students. Encourage the establishment of dedicated housing offices or support services within educational institutions to provide tailored assistance and guidance to students throughout their housing search process.

The government has a duty to ensure that international students have access to comprehensive information on housing options, rights, and responsibilities from the moment they arrive in the country and to develop informational materials, online resources, and orientation sessions specifically focused on housing-related topics to equip students with the knowledge needed to make informed decisions.

Universities should be held to the same standard. We urge the government to implement specialised support programs or mentorship initiatives for first-year international students to address their unique housing needs and challenges and to pair incoming students with experienced mentors or peer advisors who can offer guidance, share personal experiences, and provide practical assistance in navigating the rental market.

We further fight for the establishment of mechanisms for monitoring the effectiveness of housing support initiatives and collecting feedback from international students to identify areas for improvement and regular assessments of student satisfaction with housing services and use this feedback to refine and enhance support programs over time should be conducted.

By prioritizing the integration of housing education and support services into existing institutional frameworks and advocating for policy changes to incentivize universities and colleges, we can ensure that international students receive the assistance they need to secure suitable housing and thrive in their academic pursuits.

Conclusion

In conclusion, addressing the scourge of housing scams in Amsterdam requires a coordinated and multi-faceted approach. By implementing the recommended measures, we can protect renters, uphold the integrity of the rental market, and create a safer and more equitable environment for all residents. We urge the Ministry of Education to prioritize these initiatives and collaborate with stakeholders to combat housing scams effectively.

Sincerely,

Broken Chalk

Anti-Scamming Team

From Challenges to Triumphs: Latvia’s Educational Narrative

Written by Anastasia Bagration-Gruzinski

Education plays a vital role in the development and prosperity of any nation. In Latvia, a Baltic country in Northern Europe with a population of 1.9 million, the post-Soviet era brought opportunities for growth and reform across various sectors. However, as Latvia embarked on its independent path, it faced significant challenges within its education system. This article delves into the diverse educational challenges facing Latvia and proposes potential solutions to ensure a brighter future for its youth and the nation as a whole.

Quality of Education

One of the primary challenges plaguing Latvia’s education system is the uneven quality of education. Although some improvements have occurred over the years, Latvian students’ average performance in international assessments, such as the Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA), continues to lag behind the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) average.

For example, Latvia ranked 30th out of 79 countries in mathematics, science and reading in the 2018 PISA assessments and 21 in the 2022 PISA. Such trends highlight underlying issues within teaching methodologies, curriculum design, assessment practices and learning environments that need attention and reform. Insufficient training for teachers and limited education funding contribute to this challenge.

Regional Disparities

Latvia’s education system exhibits significant regional disparities in access to quality education. Rural areas and small towns, especially Latgale – the poorest region, suffer from inadequate educational resources. This includes shortages of well-trained teachers, crumbling school infrastructure, lack of access to technology, limited course options, and inadequate learning facilities like libraries or laboratories.

For instance, schools in rural Aluksne had 10 teachers per 100 students in 2020, compared to just 6 teachers per 100 students in urban Riga. Such inequality in opportunities based on geographical location is a matter of grave concern and requires immediate policy and resource allocation interventions.

Teacher Shortages

Similar to many countries worldwide, Latvia faces an acute shortage of qualified teachers across subjects, which exacerbates educational challenges. Low salaries, limited professional development opportunities, high workloads and stressful working conditions contribute to the lack of new entrants to the teaching profession.

For example, the average monthly salary for teachers was just €930 in 2019, nearly 25% below the national average. Subjects like mathematics, sciences, foreign languages, and vocational skills face especially dire shortages. The consequences of teacher shortages are far-reaching, negatively impacting the quality of education and student outcomes.

Language of Instruction

Latvia’s ethnically diverse population, including a significant Russian-speaking minority comprising over 30% of the populace, poses challenges regarding language of instruction policies. The current national educational policy prioritizes Latvian as the primary medium of instruction. This can disadvantage students from Russian or other linguistic minority backgrounds who struggle with academic Latvian.

Critics argue this language barrier can result in lower educational attainment and assessments for minority-language students. Hence, balancing preservation of the national language with principles of equity and inclusion remains a persistent dilemma.

Early School Drop-out

Latvia has one of the highest rates of early school leaving in the European Union, with over 8% of 18-24 year olds classified as early school leavers in 2020. This premature disengagement from education severely limits students’ future higher education and employment prospects in today’s knowledge economy.

Complex factors like poverty, learning difficulties, family problems, disability or cultural biases contribute to early school abandonment. Tackling this urgent issue requires identifying and addressing its multifaceted root causes.

Possible Solutions to Latvia’s Educational Challenges:

1. Teacher Training and Professional Development

Investing in rigorous pre-service and in-service teacher training programs is crucial to enhance the quality of education in Latvia. Providing teachers with ample opportunities to learn modern pedagogies, educational technology skills, subject content knowledge and classroom management strategies can positively impact their teaching quality and student learning.

Incentives like salary increases for professional development, reduced workloads for new teachers, and training costs coverage can encourage continuous upskilling. Latvia must elevate the teaching profession and empower teachers to provide an outstanding education.

2. Equitable Resource Allocation

To mitigate regional disparities, the Latvian government must prioritize the equitable allocation of educational resources, including qualified teachers, infrastructure upgrades, learning technologies and instructional materials. Needs-based funding formulas can help ensure rural schools receive resources matching their student requirements. Upgrading rural school facilities and amenities is essential to bridge the urban-rural divide.

3. Multilingual Education

Promoting competency-based multilingual education is key to cater to Latvia’s diverse populace. Students should build a strong foundation in Latvian while also gaining proficiency in languages like English and Russian to thrive in a globalized world. Introducing immersive bilingual programs, recruiting multilingual teachers and encouraging exchange programs can support an inclusive multilingual vision.

4. Vocational Education

Latvia should strengthen and elevate vocational education and training (VET) programs as a viable pathway for students. VET provides relevant skills for trades and careers like engineering, IT, healthcare, business, hospitality and more. Work-based learning through apprenticeships and partnerships with industry can boost employability. Promoting VET through career guidance initiatives and highlighting its benefits is imperative.

5. Early Intervention Programs

Implementing targeted early intervention programs is vital to identify and assist students at risk of dropping out. Academic, social, psychological and career counseling services can help struggling students overcome challenges. Initiatives like vocational or alternative schools, online/remote learning options, and modified curriculum or evaluations may re-engage disconnected students. A holistic support system can get students back on track.

6. International Collaboration

International cooperation provides invaluable insights into global best practices that can inform Latvia’s education reforms. Participating in exchange programs, partnering with international education experts, and exploring successful initiatives from high-performing school systems worldwide can accelerate improvements. The OECD and EU provide important technical guidance and networking platforms.

7. Parental Engagement

Schools should actively encourage parental participation in education through frequent communication and workshops on supporting children’s learning. Equipping parents with tools like reading aids, disciplinary techniques and homework strategies fosters positive home learning environments. Regular parent-teacher meetings and volunteering opportunities can strengthen family-school partnerships and student outcomes.

8. Technology Integration

Integrating digital technologies like online learning platforms, interactive simulations, education apps and multimedia creation tools can enhance instruction and learning. However, this requires infrastructure investments, teacher training, well-designed e-content, and equitable student access. Blending online elements with traditional classroom teaching can make learning engaging, collaborative and tailored to diverse needs.

9. Quality Assurance Mechanisms

Robust quality assurance frameworks are essential to monitor and evaluate school performance, teacher practices and student outcomes. Standardized assessments, inspections, surveys and performance targets can help identify areas for improvement. Data analytics should guide evidence-based reforms and resource allocation. Sharing best practices between high-performing and struggling schools also facilitates growth.

10. Comprehensive Education Reforms

Fundamental reforms are imperative to address deep-rooted, systemic challenges. Policy initiatives could encompass modernizing curricula, elevating teacher status, implementing equitable funding structures, improving vocational education and creating inclusive language policies. A long-term roadmap for phased reforms with clear goals and monitoring systems can drive impactful change.

11. Increased Public Investment

Adequate public financial resources are critical to execute impactful reforms, upgrade infrastructure, support teachers and improve overall quality. Education funding in Latvia remains below EU averages. Policymakers must make education a top priority in annual budgets. Supplementing with support from parents, communities and private sector can create synergies.

In conclusion, Latvia’s key education challenges encompass uneven quality, regional disparities, teacher shortages, language barriers, and high early school leaving. Tackling these requires a multidimensional approach including teacher development, equitable resource allocation, multilingual instruction, vocational training, preventive interventions, digital adoption, quality assurance frameworks, public investment and international collaboration. Investing in such solutions can empower Latvia’s youth to excel academically and professionally while fostering inclusive growth. Education is the foundation for Latvia’s progress, competitiveness and prosperity in the 21st century global economy. With comprehensive reforms and collective effort from all stakeholders, Latvia can transform its education system challenges into triumph.

A special mention goes to my dear friend Ana Mamaladze, whose valuable insights and discussions greatly enhanced the depth of my research.

Educational Challenges in Spain

Written by María Núñez Fontain

“A BOAT WITHOUT A CAPTAIN IS CONDEMNED TO SINK“

Spain is a developed country and member of the European Union, which would give it a clear advantage in terms of educational levels and resources. Nevertheless, taking a closer look at Spain’s educational system, this quickly proves not to be the case.

At first glance, Spain’s most predominant issue seems to be clear: despite numerous attempts to modernise and adapt the educational curriculum, it still seems to be far and detached from the demands of its society.[1] Due to its decentralized State, this also proved problematic when attempting to achieve unity and equality.

As recent as 2021, Spain introduced the LOMLOE,[2] the new law on education that built upon the previous one – LOE – and obliviated the previous legislation, the LOMCE. This new law highlights sustainable development, gender equality, childhood rights, digital transformation and the adoption of a transversal approach to ensure success throughout constant improvement.

DROPOUT RATES

Spanish students tend to obtain low results on the PISA tests, despite being one of the countries that spends most time in classrooms.[3] The PISA is a test which measures 15-year-old´s educational level, and it is taken every three years. These low results reflect Spain´s teaching method, which focuses on memorizing information and not developing one´s autonomy and problem-solving skills. Another issue which may be linked to Spain’s low results is the fact that it currently has the highest school drop out rate of all European Union, as the current teaching methods make it difficult to maintain the student´s motivation and interest.[4] Unfortunately, this apathy also translates onto the teachers, who should be the ones sparking the interest of the students but, at the same time, should be motivated themselves.

The rate of early school dropout reached 14% in 2012, 5% above the EU target for 2030 which is set at 9%. This number makes Spain the second country in Europe with the most amount of people between 18 and 24 years old without basic education and training.[5] This percentage being highest among students whose mothers did not complete their primary education.[6] Ultimately, this reflects the biggest challenge currently facing Spain’s education system: the socioeconomic segregation.

SOCIOECONOMIC SEGREGATION

This is an issue which the European Commission and the United Nations have repeatedly requested Spain to address, and the socioeconomic disparity was also targeted in a report by the UN Special Rapporteur on extreme poverty and human rights in 2020. Before analysing its content, this article will offer a brief outlook at the socioeconomic situation of Spain with regards to education.

When addressing educational shortcomings, debates often revolve around aspects such as religion as a school subject or the strict use of the State’s official languages.[7] These two issues, while relevant, are far removed from the immediate problem. Spain shows high rates of inequality, scholarly failure, lack of monetary resources and scholarly segregation for socioeconomic reasons.[8]

In Spain, public schools host a high percentage of immigrants and students from low income families, which only increases the correlation between the quality of the education and the monetary resources to afford it – ultimately turning public schools into “guettos” with limited possibilities for their students and teachers.[9]

With the new legislation, the criteria for selecting students into public and private schools will fall on the hands of the public Administration, in what seems as an attempt to bridge this gap. In spite of this, the lack of awareness – or willingness to do so – must be addressed first if any solutions are going to be discussed.

Boy walking with a backpack in Spain. Picture by Jesús Rodríguez (2017)

THE ROLE OF TEACHERS

There is one challenge around which there is – almost – universal consensus: the role of the teachers. As the figures in charge of guiding students from an early age, teachers are often not given the respect they deserve as attending school is seen as a “tedious chore” in Spain. This might be because of the education teachers themselves receive, which is focused on the institutional aspects but does not give them the tools from a pedagogic perspective.[10]

Furthermore, the profession of a teacher presents a high percentage of instability, which prevents them from growing professionally.[11] This is exacerbated by the numerous changes in the educational laws that have taken place during recent times, a common object of concern and condemnation amongst teachers. With education often being used as a political weapon, its legislation changes along with the different governments.

Broken Chalk had the opportunity to interview Raúl Prada, the Head of Language Departments of a school in Spain. His answers will allow the reader to gain a better perspective on the education challenges that Spain currently faces from the perspective of a teacher who, as said by himself, is “in love with his profession”.

Q. What, in your opinion, are the main educational challenges in Spain?

I believe that the main challenges facing education in Spain are an excessive ratio in the classrooms that prevents the teacher from giving personalised attention. With the increase in students with special needs in each classroom, the problem worsens: these students are the most affected by this inability to provide them with special care and, ultimately, it plays a role in moving them further and further away from their integration into society.

Q. Do you think that in Spain there is a problem of socioeconomic segregation when it comes to education? Why? Why not?

Socioeconomic segregation is clearly connected to what was answered above, since the excess ratio at all levels causes students with more personal, social and economic difficulties to see themselves in clear inferiority with respect to those whose families can afford external support. This becomes even more evident in those families who cannot afford for their children to participate in activities during extracurricular hours.

Q. Have you encountered any experiences of socioeconomic segregation?

The aforementioned is a fact that we encounter every day in any classroom in Spain: an excess of students who should have more and better attention and teachers who cannot give more than they do, causing great frustration in them.

Q. How do you think teachers are viewed in the Spanish educational system?

The role of the teacher in Spain has been socially degraded increasingly each year, becoming not very well regarded by some families who question their decisions and, in many cases, far from helping, hinder their work. This is aggravated by the Administration, that increases every year the bureaucratic burden and forgets that the most important objective of the teacher is to educate.

Q. What measures or ideas would you suggest to improve the situation of the teachers?

The main solutions I would recommend based on my personal experience are firstly, to lower the ratio in the number of students per classroom, and secondly, to decrease the bureaucratic burden that exists in education and schools.

Q. Would you like to share any experience – positive, negative or both – about your experience and role as a teacher?

I am a positive person and in love with my profession, so any experience I can contribute with is positive. I always keep in mind what my students share with me while I try to be mindful of their needs. I feel that they appreciate and value it. However, I still always regret not being able to give more to those who need it.

Q. From a personal perspective, how do you feel the educational system has evolved and changed since you first started teaching and why do you think that is?

Unfortunately, the evolution of our educational system in the last 25 years is little or not enough. The reason is that the different governments that Spain has had in these years have made Education a political reason and approved successive laws – 8 different ones in 25 years. In doing so, they have failed to consider whether or not they enjoyed support from the entire political spectrum, rather focusing only on the political value of it. The result is that each party has approved a law tailored to its needs, which has been successively repealed when a party with a different ideology comes to government.

This situation has created great instability in the Spanish educational systems and has prompted some changes with no follow-up. Spain urgently needs an Educational law of general and permanent consensus, although subject to small variations.

Q. Any thoughts, comments or messages you would like to share as a teacher.

As a teacher, I say that the only way to survive on a day-to-day basis is the love for this profession and dedication to your students, and you must put aside the obstacles that grow every day because otherwise demotivation and helplessness will dig in us.

UN SPECIAL RAPPORTEUR ON EXTREME POVERTY AND HUMAN RIGHTS

All of the aforementioned concerns – and some more – were crystallized into the report by the UN Special Rapporteur on extreme poverty and human rights, written during his visit to Spain.[12]

The UN Rapporteur starts by saying that “education and poverty are closely linked”. Indeed, the socioeconomic resources of a family dictate the schools they have access to, and the public schools grow overflooded with low income and immigrant students, whose education cannot be ensured at the level that should be.

This is also due to the lack of public investment in education, which despite being free, shows a reality in which its crucial role does not match the resources thereby attributed.[13] The UN Rapporteur correctly concludes that “school segregation increases grade repetition, failure and dropouts, decreases assessment scores and adversely affects students’ expectations of pursuing university studies”. Finally, the education section rescues a quote from a Save the Children report from 2018, which reads: “concentrating children from the poorest backgrounds in the same schools is no recipe for educational success or overcoming poverty”.[14]

UN Special Rapporteur Philip Alston in Spain. Picture by Olivier de Schutter (2020)

CONCLUSION

Examining Spain’s educational system, it has become apparent that it presents several flaws. First, not only is the curriculum outdated, but it also fails in motivating the students and in preventing – or at least mitigating – the elevated school dropout rates. Second, Spanish schools do not cater to the needs of the population: not every school has the same resources and not every person can afford to attend any school. Instead of correcting this trend, in the last years it has been exacerbated, making schools a mirror of the social status of the students and their backgrounds. This effectively prevents a system based on equal opportunities.

Additionally, those in charge of actually providing the education are not motivated enough. The stability of their jobs is not ensured, and the lack of resources or their inadequate distribution prevents the teachers from giving individualised attention to the students. This overall contributes to a general environment of apathy which has an impact on both ends (students and teachers). Lastly, as long as education continues being a tool of politics, adjustable to the ideologies of the dominant political party, it will remain as a subdued element instead of a priority, and Spain will continue to suffer from low quality education and the inability to achieve efficient results.

References

Cybermobbing in Europe

Written by: Mayeda Tayyab 

Cyberbullying is a prevalent form of bullying in today’s society. It takes place through electronic communication channels (e.g. emails, social media, texts) to harass and intimidate someone. Bullies can target a person through various electronic mediums like text messages, social media applications, and emails. However, cyberbullying itself takes many forms, and cyber-mobbing is one of them. 

According to STOMP Out Bullying (2024), cyber-mobbing is a form of cyberbullying that is conducted by more than one person. It is a group of people that gang up on one person using rumours, intimidation, while making it seem like the victim is responsible for the reception of such treatment (victim blaming). This kind of cyberbullying is hard to track as the person responsible for instigating the attack hides behind multiple online aggressors. Being attacked by a group of people also makes it extremely hard for the victim to defend themselves, breeding the feeling of isolation. 

Real-life consequences 

Although cyberbullying primarily takes place online, it has real life implications. One such case is of Lindsay, a 13-year-old French girl who fell victim to online abuse, which led to her ending her own life. Even after the death of the victim, the online abuse against her continued as bullies made social media posts rejoicing about her taking her own life. The judicial investigation into this case led to the charging of four minors for “bullying leading to suicide” and one adult for “death threats” (The Brussels Times, 2023). In addition to this investigation, Lindsay’s family filed a lawsuit against Facebook for failing to tackle hate speech and violating their obligation to moderate the content on their platform. Another suchcase is of Lucas, 13, who committed suicide in 2023 after being bullied at school for months due to being gay. Four secondary school students were charged and found guilty of bullying in June 2023 in this case. 

Recent surveys have also shown that 10% of students in French schools face bullying by their school fellows via social media (RFI, 2023). In light of these cases, the French Minister of Education, Pap Ndiaye, announced that all middle schools will provide hour-long anti-cyberbullying sessions to students to raise awareness at the start of the 2023 academic year. The ministry also announced the appointment of a special advisor to each school to deal with such cases and increased the funding for helplines for students in distress. 

Nicole ‘Coco’ Fox, a 21-year-old Irish woman, also experienced the same fate as these French teenagers whenshe took her own life due to bullying. She hanged herself after suffering from three years of online and physical abuse. Through the intense campaigning efforts of Nicole’s mother to push for national legislation punishing bullying, Ireland finally adopted Coco’s Law in 2021 (Genovese, 2023). Under this law, any person who publishes intimate images of a person without consent will face prison for up to 7 years. This law has resulted in the prosecution of hundreds of people for cyberbullying and intimate image-based online abuse (Genovese, 2023). 

Legislation

There is no EU legislation on tackling online bullying across Europe because such legislation would not be legally binding. This leaves the issue of cyberbullying up to governments. After devastating cases of suicide among young people in France, Ireland, and Italy, laws that criminalise  cyberbullying to prevent further harm have been adopted, although the damage to the existing victims of such harassment is already done. Despite this, most European countries still have no laws in place to protect children from online abuse. Governments and policymakers must take a proactive approach to cyberbullying to prevent psychological and physical harm to young people as has been demonstrated by cases such as Lindsay and Nicole Fox. 

With minimal legal protection in most countries, the onus of tackling cyberbullying on a mass scale falls on social media companies. In Lindsay’s case, a lawsuit against Facebook claimed that they were aware of the hateful posts directed at Lindsay and failed to remove them from their platform. Facebook responded to these claims stating that any content reported to be hateful is removed by them. 

What are social media applications doing?

Facebook has partnered with NGOs to form the Online Civil Courage Initiative, funding campaigns against hate speech and terrorism on Facebook (Ambasna-Jones, 2016). Facebook polices the content on their platform through their reporting system. Therefore, unfortunately, if any hateful content is not reported, it goes unnoticed by Facebook. Furthermore, there is no data to show how many reports received by Facebook are resolved and result in the removal of abusive content and accounts (Ambasna-Jones, 2016). There is a block feature on the app to remove anyone who might be harassing someone on Facebook, however, it is not enough to tackle cyber-mobbing which involves multiple people targeting a single person as they can still spread hateful content to the friends of the victim through social media as well as other online channels. 

Instagram, owned by Facebook, also has a similar reporting mechanism against abusive content, hate speech, and underage users (below the age of 13). Instagram claims to have a 24/7 report monitoring system, which is responsible for the removal of hateful accounts and reporting the perpetrators to local authorities (Ambasna-Jones, 2016). However, similar to Facebook, there is no data to show the effectiveness of their reporting mechanisms. 

X (formerly known as Twitter) is grappling with similar issues as Facebook in this regard. Although they have improved their reporting mechanisms, there is no data to show how many of these reports are successful and their overall impact on tackling abuse on X. 

Although these social media platforms have mechanisms in place to police bullying and abusive content, they are not taking a proactive approach to stop online harassment, as evidenced by Lindsay’s case where people were posting hateful content about her event after her death and Facebook failed to remove it. There needs to be a system in place that would screen social media platforms for any abusive material without the need for reporting to address cyberbullying before the materialisation of any psychological or physical harm.

Consequently, cyber-mobbing is a growing issue amongst the children in Europe. The national governments and social media companies must collaborate to tackle this issue via the criminal justice system and electronic preventative measures to remove abusive material from online spaces before they cause any harm. 

References