Educational Challenges in the Republic of Colombia: Great Access, Little Quality

A ‘Silent Revolution’ in Education

When one thinks about Colombia today, what may first come to mind is the infamous drug lord Pablo Escobar due to the hit Netflix series Narcos or the decades-long civil conflict waged between the Colombian Government and left-wing guerrilla groups, namely the National Liberation Army (ELN) or the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC), the latter of whom recently signed a peace agreement with the Government in mid-2016. Despite this, Colombia is home to the second-largest amount of people in Latin America and has experienced a period of major economic growth that decreased the rate of poverty. Hailed as the ‘Colombian Miracle’, and more so a ‘silent revolution’ in education, Colombia has achieved this by expanding the learning outcomes of students, raising the bar in equal and equitable opportunities in schools, utilising the collection and analysis of data to make informed decisions and create policies, and focusing an increased amount of funding on seeing education reforms bear fruit.[i]

(Source: Education in Colombia: Highlights, OECD, 2016)

These educational achievements are primarily due to a firmer control over the consequences of Colombia’s troubled history of violent socio-political unrest since 1948 after the political assassination of Jorge Eliecer, resulting in the internal displacement of millions.[ii] Such control allowed the Colombian government to introduce reformed policies like ‘From Zero to Forever’ in 2010, which is now the common structure of handling the development and well-being of children through holistic measures; its 2014 ‘New School’ model to expand education to rural and poorer regions of Colombia by making it affordable and focusing on training teachers to create an environment that encourages a stimulating yet tailored education; and the ‘40 by 40 Program’ implemented by the former Education Secretary of Bogotá, Óscar Sánchez, that increased the number of hours in school to 40 hours per week for 40 weeks per year so that children can participate in extra-curricular activities like sports and art.[iii] These policies indeed raised the level and quality of education that each student received, as noted by the OECD, with participation in early childhood education and care (ECEC) and tertiary education increasing to 40% and 50% respectively, the rate of enrolment for 0-to-5 year olds went from 16% to 41% between 2007-2013, and increasing the gross enrolment from 57% to 76% between 2002-2012.[iv] This has been the case especially for girls, who between 1900 and 2000 saw their average years of completed education grow by 23% from 3 to 3.7 years, their completion of lower-secondary education increase from 37% in 1989 to 94% by 2011, and their representation in the labour market rise from 30% to 43% between 1990 and 2012.[v]

An Unequal Education System

Despite these positive actions, it is also true that there is still a long way to go for Colombia to establish an education system that is genuinely equal between private and public schools in urban and rural regions, which provide the same quality education, and both increase the net enrolment into education and retain attendance throughout the lifecycle of children’s education. In 2017, Children Beyond Our Borders, an organization working towards equal empowerment in education, reported that 37.2% of Colombian students did not continue their education past upper-secondary education. This has resulted in a significant gap for those who have attained a PhD degree, standing at a ratio of 7 per one million Colombians; 45.4% of students had dropped out of university since 2010 in contrast to the approximately 75% of students who dropped out of education by age 17; an estimated 37% of students started their education at a later period; and 41% repeated at least one grade by the age of 15.[vi] With regards to universities, this high dropout rate is mainly due to the overall system being overloaded and fragmented by lacking a standard curriculum for schools and the insufficient salaries paid to teachers that have led to a high rate of absenteeism. Still, because of the total 4.6% of GDP invested into education, only 0.5% went to rural areas, which might explain why two out of ten students from rural areas still cannot afford to access education, reproducing a vicious cycle of poverty, unemployment, and violence.[vii]

The 2018 Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA) noted that over 70% of upper-secondary students lacked basic literacy and numeracy skills, creating a major barrier to enter public universities that require passing the standardized entrance exam called the SABER 11 (ICFES) that measures the level of performance in English, mathematics, natural sciences, social science, and civics across grades 3, 5, 9, and 11, and policy-makers have so far failed to respond to the higher rate of failure in public schools in comparison to private schools when taking the exam(s).[viii] In connection to this, there was significant tension since the early 2010s due to the Ser Pilo Paga initiative intentionally diverting funds to private institutions and subsidized approximately 32% of top-performing students to enter accredited, private universities through grants and financial loans, and was only suspended in 2018 when large numbers of students protested against this unjust inequality and demanded that President Ivan Duque Marquez increase expenditure for public universities whose tuition fees remained a barrier for many.[ix]

There remains an apparent mismatch of supply, in the sense that more Colombian students aspire to attain higher education (reportedly growing from 3,600 in 2001 to 6,276 by 2011), in parallel to a stagnant level of quality sometimes referred to as ‘garage universities’ running alongside the top-tier institutions ranking relatively high in regional and global rankings.[x] This is further illustrated in the sphere of inbound and outbound education opportunities, whereby although Colombians are the 7th largest population deciding to study English or enter vocational training abroad, the country remains an undesirable destination for foreign students, except for Venezuelans who face significant barriers.[xi]

Barriers to Venezuelan Refugees

The cross-sectional crisis in Venezuela since 2015 has caused millions of people to flee from societal collapse. By November 2020, 1.7 million Venezuelans were living in Colombia, out of which approximately 460,000 were school-aged children.[xii] Colombia’s government and civil society once again outshined most in granting Venezuelans access to healthcare and placed nearly 200,000 school-aged Venezuelans in education, primarily due to the cultural and linguistic similarities between the two populations.[xiii] However, barriers are still evident in cities like Cucuta, which have struggled with a high rate of out of school (OOS) children and unemployment. It was estimated that there would be 22,350 Venezuelan OOS from the 93,000 Venezuelans living in Cucuta by early 2020, compared to the 361,433 OOS Colombians nationwide.[xiv] Venezuelans and Colombians in schools are struggling to attain basic literacy and numeracy skills, with 69% and 65%, 61% and 64%, 70% and 68%, and 93% and 94% respectively falling below the benchmarks for oral reading fluency, reading comprehension capability, simple addition, and subtraction problems.[xv]

Another worrying issue is the fact that Venezuelan OOS children show higher signs of social and emotional learning (SEL) than their in-school peers, with 66% of Venezuelan and 63% of Colombian children respectively showing empathy in imagined negative scenarios in comparison to 76% of Venezuelan OOS, and young or disabled students become victims of bullying.[xvi] UNESCO acknowledged that other barriers are the indirect costs of transportation, uniforms, food, and school materials, as well as the fact that Venezuelan teachers have struggled to have their credentials recognized by Colombia, which could potentially reduce the lack of human resources and overcrowding in schools.[xvii] According to the International Rescue Committee, these barriers are a result of the overburdened educational system in Colombia, applauding access as the first step but calling for more focus on absorbing OOS children, combining academic and SEL tools, increasing teacher training, and adhering to the 2013 ‘Ley de Convivencia’, a provision that seeks to implement co-existence committees for all stakeholders of education.[xviii]

The COVID-19 Pandemic

The COVID-19 outbreak amplified the socio-economic and educational challenges across the board in Colombia, leaving many at risk of dropping out of education to enter the labour market.[xix] In a New York Times article, Gloria Vasquez explains how graduating in Colombia is a major achievement since, in the past, Colombians did not have the same opportunities for education, aptly explaining that ‘violence and crime are as common here as the ice cream cart that circles the block each afternoon’, and many parents in the past worked as ‘recyclers’ who roamed the streets to collect anything of value in order to attempt selling it.[xx] The COVID-19 pandemic has exacerbated the pre-existing fear that many children will drop out of education, especially since 50% of households cannot afford an internet connection and children did not have the digital means to follow their classes or complete their assignments, nor remain in contact with their teachers when schools closed, often burdening uneducated parents in ensuring the education of their offspring.[xxi]

Due to the financial fallout of the pandemic, an estimated 100,000 children dropped out of school in 2020.[xxii] In his interview with Peoples Dispatch, Harold Garcia, a Colombian popular educator and a secondary-school teacher, explained that cities and private schools were better equipped to handle the outbreak and doubled the work of teachers who raced to complete the curriculum whilst learning how to use and incorporate digital methods of teaching.[xxiii] Garcia further expressed the dissatisfaction with the administration of President Marquez during the outbreak, who diverted public spending critically needed by education towards national security measures and assisting banks.[xxiv] The 1.5 million indigenous peoples living in Colombia, on the other hand, gained attention during this time. The largest indigenous group, the Wayuu people, who predominantly inhabit the La Guajira region, were severely impacted by the closure of the tourism sector since 90% of them worked informally in it, and only 10% had sufficient internet access to work or learn remotely.[xxv] Initiatives by Fundación El Origen increased indigenous children’s access to virtual education in terms of language, through the use of applications, and through proving 260 Wayuu children with tablets, which both support the steps to expand the language of instruction to the 64 languages that are spoken outside of the official Spanish and aid indigenous peoples break the cycle of poverty.[xxvi]

Lastly, COVID-19 put children at significant risk of being recruited by the remaining guerrilla groups as child soldiers, rolling back the efforts achieved through the 2019 national plan and Case No. 7 of the Special Jurisdiction for Peace that aims to prevent the recruitment of and sexual violence against children, as well as the positive work being done by civil society organizations like the Misiones Salesians and Missioni Don Bosco Onlus to ensure access to education.[xxvii] It is a known strategy for these groups to target children who live in rural regions and come from a poor socio-economic background and are thus easier to coerce due to their lack of access to education and vocational training, but often become human shields, porters, spies, child brides, sex slaves, or used for labour activities in the ongoing civil conflict with the Colombian government.[xxviii] To address this persistent issue, the Borgen Project has recently called on both the Colombian government to implement stricter policies and measures that discourage recruitment, and demand that the international community adopts more substantial foreign aid plans that aims more towards holistic, collective progress.[xxix]

***

Colombia’s educational system has taken positive steps that have borne great results in access to education. Still, it underscores the quality that is both affordable and valuable in the outcomes that education ought to prepare students to attain higher levels of education or enter the labour market. Globally, education is an important asset which shows that the benefits outweigh the costs of injecting time and funding to boost the access, quality, outcomes, and value that each child receives through their education, serving as crucial defining moments in their future and of their countries. In this way, Colombia would not only address the other half of Goal 4 of the Sustainable Development Goals concerning quality but also bolster its progress to reduce poverty, establish lasting mechanisms of peaceful and just resolution, streamline economic growth, achieve more robust levels of health and wellbeing, and closing the remaining inequality gaps.

Written by Karl Baldacchino

Edited by Olga Ruiz Pilato

Sources;

[i] Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (2016) ‘Education in Colombia: Highlights’, pp. 2-3; see also Trines, S. (2020) ‘Education in Colombia’. World Education News + Reviews. Available online from: https://wenr.wes.org/2020/06/education-in-colombia-2/ [Accessed on 27/03/2022[.

[ii] Ventura, R. C. (2018) ‘Girls’ Education in Colombia Continues to on the Path of Progress’. The Borgen Project. Available online from: https://borgenproject.org/girls-education-in-colombia/ [Accessed 27/03/2022]; see also Gozzo, F. (2022) ‘The Struggle of Child Soldiers in Colombia’. The Borgen Project. Available online from: https://borgenproject.org/child-soldiers-in-colombia/ [Accessed on 27/03/2022].

[iii] Ibid.; see also ‘Education in Colombia’; see also Solivan, M. (2014) ‘A City’s Push for Access and Quality Education for All: Report on a Recent Visit to Bogota’. Brookings. Available online from: A City’s Push for Access and Quality Education for All: Report on a Recent Visit to Bogotá (brookings.edu) [Accessed on 27/03/2022]; see also ‘Education in Colombia: Highlights’, pp. 6 & 8.

[iv] ‘Education in Colombia: Highlights’, pp. 4, 6 & 10.

[v]  ‘Girls’ Education in Colombia Continues to on the Path of Progress’.

[vi] Moutter, C. (2017) ‘Colombia’s Education System’. Children Beyond Our Borders. Available online from: http://www.chbob.org/blog/colombias-education-system [Accessed on 27/03/2022]; see also ‘Education in Colombia’; see also Education in Colombia: Highlights’, pp. 6-7, 8 & 10.

[vii] Ibid.; see also ‘Education in Colombia’.

[viii] ‘Education in Colombia’; ‘Education in Colombia: Highlights’, p. 10

[ix] Ibid.; see also Alexandra, Z. (2020) ‘In Colombia, the Pandemic is Widening Inequality in Access to Education’. Peoples Dispatch. Available online from: https://peoplesdispatch.org/2020/05/29/in-colombia-the-pandemic-is-widening-inequality-in-access-to-education/ [Accessed 27/03/2022].

[x] Ibid.

[xi] Ibid.

[xii] International Rescue Committee (2020) ‘Colombia’s Education Crisis: Results from a Learning Assessment of Colombian and Venezuelan Children’, p. 2.

[xiii] Ibid.; see also ‘Education in Colombia’; see also United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization (2020) ‘Significant Efforts by Colombia Ensure that Nearly 200,000 Children and Youth Have access to the Education System’. Available online from: https://en.unesco.org/news/significant-efforts-colombia-ensure-nearly-200000-venezuelan-children-and-youth-have-access [Accessed on 28/03/2022].

[xiv] Ibid.

[xv] Ibid., pp. 3 & 4; see also ‘Significant Efforts by Colombia Ensure that Nearly 200,000 Children and Youth Have access to the Education System’.

[xvi] Ibid., p.5.

[xvii] ‘Significant Efforts by Colombia Ensure that Nearly 200,000 Children and Youth Have access to the Education System’.

[xviii] Ibid., pp. 5 & 6.

[xix] ‘Education in Colombia’; see also Turkewitz, J. (2021) ‘1+1 = 4? Latin American Confronts a Pandemic Education Crisis’. The New York Times. Available online from: https://www.nytimes.com/2021/06/26/world/americas/latin-america-pandemic-education.html [Accessed 28/03/2022]; see also ‘In Colombia, the Pandemic is Widening Inequality in Access to Education’.

[xx] 1+1 = 4? Latin American Confronts a Pandemic Education Crisis’.

[xxi] Ibid.; see also ‘In Colombia, the Pandemic is Widening Inequality in Access to Education’.

[xxii] Pope, L. (2021) ‘Virtual Learning for Colombia’s Indigenous People’. The Borgen Project. Available online from: https://borgenproject.org/colombias-indigenous-people/ [Accessed on 28/03/2022].

[xxiii] ‘In Colombia, the Pandemic is Widening Inequality in Access to Education’.

[xxiv] Ibid.

[xxv] ‘Virtual Learning for Colombia’s Indigenous People’.

[xxvi] Ibid.; see also ‘Education in Colombia’.

[xxvii] ‘The Struggle of Child Soldiers in Colombia’.

[xxviii] Ibid.

[xxix] Ibid.

Cover Image by Rafael Socarras from Pixabay

Submission to the Universal Periodic Review of the United Nations Human Rights Council: Philippines

Broken Chalk is a non-profit organization that addresses the respect and enforcement of the right to education. Therefore, it is concerned on how the Philippines has expanded the access to quality education on an equal level across all levels and age groups without discrimination since the conclusion of the Universal Periodic Review’s 3rd Cycle in late 2017. Nearly 24% of the statements made by the 95 delegations during the Working Group’s Interactive Dialogue on 18th July 2017 focused on education and other issues such as the gender gap, discrimination, and human trafficking which affect the access, outputs, and outcomes of education.(1)

From 257 recommendations that these delegations put forward, the Philippines accepted all those concerning education under paragraphs 133.219 – 133.225 of the Working Group’s Report in its Addendum.(2) Thus, the Philippines accepted to prioritise public education in its budgetary expenditure; increase net enrolment for girls in pre-primary and primary education; generate legislation that increases access to quality education for vulnerable learners; and ensure education remains compulsory and free. These serve as a baseline for Broken Chalk to highlight new and persistent issues that impact the right to education within the state and conclude whether they were satisfied by the Government of the Philippines (GPH) whilst calling for actions that address the current trends and issues in a holistic manner.

By Karl Baldacchino 

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Cover image by Alloizajean.

Nuriye Gülmen: een zesjarige strijd tegen systematisch misbruik

Nuriye Gulmen

Bijna zes jaar geleden werd Turkije opgeschrikt door de vermeende poging tot staatsgreep op 15 juli 2016. Een dag na de poging stelde de Turkse regering snel de noodtoestand in en nam ze nooduitvoeringsdecreten nrs. 667-676 aan die voornamelijk gecensureerde media en journalisten, ,[i] maar breidde het bereik vervolgens uit tot duizenden ambtenaren, politieagenten, strijdkrachten, universiteitsprofessoren en personeel met naam in de bijlagen van decreet 679 op 6 januari 2017. [ii] Dit resulteerde in een totaal van meer dan 150.000 mensen die hun baan verliezen, toegang tot sociale diensten, hun bewegingsvrijheid wordt beperkt, hun leven bezoedeld door de beschuldiging van de regering dat ze betrokken waren bij de staatsgreep die zou zijn veroorzaakt door Fetullah Gülen, een Turkse geleerde-geestelijke die in zelfballingschap heeft geleefd in de VS sinds 1999 en die de aanklacht uit Ankara hardnekkig heeft ontkend.[iii]

Een van die personen die getroffen is in de nasleep van deze gebeurtenissen is Nuriye Gülmen, een voormalige Turkse professor in vergelijkende literatuurwetenschap aan de Selçuk Universiteit in 2012 en die, voorafgaand aan de poging tot staatsgreep, werd aangesteld als onderzoeksassistent aan de Eskişehir Osmangazi Universiteit in 2015.[iv] Gülmen is niet alleen een academicus, maar heeft ook een geschiedenis van activisme en juridische strijd tegen het misbruik van instellingen in Turkije als gevolg van een politieke rechtszaak na haar benoeming en zag haar 109 dagen vastzitten, waardoor haar studies vertraging opliepen en ze opnieuw werd opgenomen in Eskişehir.[v] De dag dat ze weer in haar onderzoekspositie werd benoemd, was de dag van de poging tot staatsgreep, wat leidde tot haar schorsing uit Eskişehir de volgende dag. Dit was te wijten aan de nieuwe decreten waarin haar werd beschuldigd, zoals duizenden met haar, van lidmaatschap van FETO, de zogenaamde organisatie van aanhangers van de verbannen Gülen die Erdogan en zijn regering ervan beschuldigden een terroristische organisatie te zijn. Dit leidde tot de volgende fase van haar activistische geschiedenis en sinds 9 november 2016, waarin ze had geprotesteerd tegen haar schorsing, eventueel ontslag, en hardnekkig elke dag vroeg om haar baan bij Eskişehir voor het Mensenrechtenmonument in Yüksel Street, Ankara, waar de Raad voor Hoger Onderwijs is gevestigd en die aan haar eisen moet voldoen. [vi] Gülmen legt uit dat dit een ‘revolutionaire traditie’ is die vastbesloten is aandacht te trekken en te krijgen wat je wilt, waarbij in dit geval wordt geëist een einde te maken aan de noodtoestand, zodat de revolutionaire democratische ambtenaren die werden ontslagen en ontslagen weer aan het werk konden gaan. zekerheid voor de 13.000 OYP-onderzoeksassistenten en het vragen van werkzekerheid voor alle onderwijs- en wetenschapswerkers. [vi] Gülmen begon haar protest grotendeels alleen, ze werd in totaal 26 keer gearresteerd, wat kan worden toegeschreven aan de toenemende aandacht van buitenlandse en binnenlandse toeschouwers die haar acties observeren, haar ervaring lezen op haar online WordPress-blog en uiteindelijk door CNN worden genoemd als een van de acht uitmuntende vrouwen van 2016 op haar 50e dag van protest. [viii]

Deze aandacht werd aanzienlijk vergroot na het decreet van 6 januari 2017 toen Gülmen werd ontslagen uit Eskişehir, wat ertoe leidde dat ze haar strategie naar een volgende versnelling verlegde door op 9 maart 2017 in hongerstaking te gaan. onderwijzer Semih Özakça, de vrouwen hebben de weerslag van de nooddecreten meegemaakt. [ix]  De grondgedachte achter de staking was dat verbale protesten de norm zijn in de activistische toolkit, die vaker wel dan niet genoeg aandacht van de autoriteiten krijgt, maar een hongerstaking is een krachtige actie die actoren die zich ermee bezighouden, plaatst met de ernstige gezondheidsproblemen. risico’s die op het spel staan, vergelijkbaar met wat Gülmen uitlegt als ‘noodzakelijk om het verzet naar een hoger niveau te tillen’ en ‘ze echt onder druk te zetten om actie te ondernemen’.[x]  Als reactie op de hongerstaking werd op 2 mei 2017 een aanklacht ingediend bij het 19e zware strafhof in Ankara, waarbij zowel Gülmen als Özakça werden beschuldigd van lidmaatschap van en betrokkenheid bij de illegale activiteiten van het Revolutionaire Volksbevrijdingspartijfront (DHKP-C), wat op zijn beurt leidde tot hun detentie op 23 mei 2017 in de Sincan-gevangenis in Ankara. [xi] De rechtbank vond het paar schuldig omdat ‘als ze niet werden teruggezonden, ze de rechtsgang zouden schaden’, een regel die lijkt tegenstrijdig gezien het gebrek aan bewijs in de ingediende aanklachten en wanneer beide docenten waakzaam blijven in het ontkennen van enige betrokkenheid bij DHKP-C tot het punt dat hun advocaat zelfs hun strafblad openbaar maakte als bewijs dat een dergelijke betrokkenheid niet bestaat en de inspanningen van de minister van Justitie tegengingen Binnenlandse Zaken Suleyman Soylu en het onderzoeks- en studiecentrum van zijn ministerie om te proberen de beschuldigingen te staven. [xii]

 

Er werd gevreesd dat beide leraren zouden worden geconfronteerd met verdere mensenrechtenschendingen, aangezien gevangenisbewakers en artsen wettelijk mogen ingrijpen en een hongerstaking beëindigen zonder de toestemming van de leraren. Ze kunnen ook ingrijpen wanneer ze bewusteloos zijn, zoals vermeld in artikel 82 van de wet op de tenuitvoerlegging van vonnis nr. 5275, wat als gevolg daarvan de vrijheid van meningsuiting zou schenden en waarschijnlijk zal leiden tot bij wrede, onmenselijke of onterende behandeling of bestraffing.[xiii] Tijdens een bezoek van de voorzitter van de Orde van Advocaten van Ankara, Hakan Canduran, en enkele van zijn collega’s, uitte Gülmen de benarde situatie waarin zij en Özakça zich bevinden, en vertelde Canduran dat ze ziet ‘het recht vervaagt net als [haar] spieren’ terwijl ze niet in staat is haar nek zonder hulp omhoog te houden, haar armen te bewegen of een pen vast te houden. Op zijn beurt zagen we Canduran de regering oproepen om een ​​einde te maken aan de hongerstaking door middel van maatschappelijke verzoening en te onderhandelen met degenen die onterecht zijn getroffen door de nooddecreten.[xiv] Medio 2017 diende het duo bij het Grondwettelijk Hof en ook bij het Europees Hof voor de Rechten van de Mens een verzoek in om een ​​einde te maken aan hun detentie omdat hun hongerstaking tegen die tijd duidelijke gezondheidsrisico’s met zich meebracht, maar beide rechtbanken wezen hun verzoek af omdat deze risico’s niet levensbedreigend waren en de juiste medische maatregelen waren getroffen om hen bij te staan ​​als dat het geval zou zijn. [xv]

De gezondheid van Gülmen werd uiteindelijk ernstig en tegen 26 september 2017 had ze haar overplaatsing naar een gevangenencel in het Numune-ziekenhuis gerechtvaardigd. Ze werd vervolgens op 1 december uit haar detentie vrijgelaten, toen het 19e zware strafhof haar veroordeelde tot 6 jaar en 3 maanden gevangenisstraf, maar haar vrijlating onder gerechtelijk toezicht mogelijk maakte. [xvi] Ondanks hun vrijlating bleven Gülmen en Özakça protesteren voor het Mensenrechtenmonument, maar moesten uiteindelijk hun hongerstaking beëindigen op 26 januari 2018, na de afwijzing van een regeringscommissie die was aangetikt om hun zaken te beoordelen, en in plaats daarvan probeerden hun inspanningen in de toekomst te concentreren op het binnenlandse rechtssysteem, waarbij ze benadrukten dat hun verzet niet was geëindigd en zou voortduren.[xvii]  Na 324 dagen in hongerstaking te zijn gegaan, had Gülmen een aanzienlijk deel van haar oorspronkelijke gewicht verloren, van 59 kilogram naar 33,8 kilogram, wat aantoont hoe serieus haar inspanningen waren om haar baan te behouden en haar rechten te respecteren.[xviii]

De volgende keer dat Gülmen in de schijnwerpers stond, was toen ze op 11 augustus 2020 opnieuw werd gearresteerd tijdens een politie-inval in het Idil Culture Centre in Istanbul op 5 augustus, een centrum dat wordt gerund door de linkse folkband Grup Yurum, waarvan de redenen onverklaard blijven.[xix] Later dat jaar werden Gülmen en andere collega’s van haar uit de Education and Science Workers’ Union (Eğitim-Sen) gezet vanwege hun imago als ‘Yüksel Resistanceists’ of verzetsstrijders in de publieke belangstelling. [xx] De laatste ontwikkeling was zo recent als 4 november 2021, toen het paar een klacht indiende bij het Grondwettelijk Hof, dat later hun beweringen verwierp dat de aanklacht van 2 mei 2017 hetzelfde bewijs gebruikte als een eerder onderzoek op 14 maart 2017, wat leidde tot tot hun arrestatie, maar werd vervolgens ontslagen en werden vrijgelaten onder gerechtelijk toezicht, wat aangeeft dat de aanklacht en detentie op 2 mei 2017 hun recht op vrijheid en veiligheid schonden, verder stellend dat de gerechtelijke autoriteiten die over de zaak beslisten, onpartijdig of onafhankelijk waren .[xxi] Het Hof verwierp hun zaak omdat de beweringen van Gülmen en Özakça geen concreet bewijs bevatten, dat hun geschonden rechten onaanvaardbaar waren om naar voren te brengen en dat ze niet alle binnenlandse middelen hadden uitgeput voordat ze hun vorderingen indienden.[xxii]

Wat duidelijk blijkt uit het gedurfde activisme van Nuriye Gülmen, is dat de regering van Turkije sinds 2016 honderdduizenden individuen onterecht heeft aangevallen op basis van argumenten die geen steek houden, en degenen die het meest getroffen zijn en besluiten zich te verzetten tegen de regeringsbesluiten. acties zullen te maken krijgen met aanzienlijke repressie door middel van detentie en juridische intimidatie. Broken Chalk roept de Turkse regering en de juiste autoriteiten op om haar acties ernstig te heroverwegen, waardoor duizenden mensen geen werkzekerheid meer hebben of de mogelijkheid hebben om het land te verlaten en werk te zoeken in het buitenland. Broken Chalk roept in het bijzonder op tot het herstel van onder meer Nuriye Gülmen en Semih Özakça, in hun respectievelijke banen op het gebied van onderwijs, en hun verwijdering heeft de toegang en kwaliteit van het onderwijs in Turkije zeker verminderd.

 

Door Karl Baldacchino

Edited by Erika Grimes

Vertaald door Karl Baldacchino uit  Nuriye Gülmen: A Six-Year Struggle Against Systematic Abuses

Sources:

[i] Grabenwarter, C. et al. (2017) ‘Draft Opinion on the Measures Provided in the Recent Emergency Decree Laws with Respect to Freedom of the Media’. European Commission for Democracy Through Law (Venice Commission). Available online from: https://www.venice.coe.int/webforms/documents/default.aspx?pdffile=CDL(2017)006-e [Accessed on 08/03/2022], pp. 3-4.

[ii] Decree-Law No. 679 (6th January 2017) ‘Measures Regarding Public Personnel’. Available online from: https://insanhaklarimerkezi.bilgi.edu.tr/media/uploads/2017/02/09/KHK_679_ENG.pdf [Accessed 08/03/2022], p. 1.

[iii] Jones, T. (2018) ‘Two Turkish Teachers End Almost 11-Month Hunger Strike’.  DW. Available online from: https://www.dw.com/en/two-turkish-teachers-end-almost-11-month-hunger-strike/a-42318478 [Accessed 08/03/2022]; Işık, A. (2017) ‘In Turkey, Hope for ‘Justice is Fading Away Just like my Muscles’’. DW. Available online from: https://www.dw.com/en/in-turkey-hope-for-justice-is-fading-away-just-like-my-muscles/a-39482207 [Accessed 08/03/2022].

[iv] Halavut, H. (2017) ‘Interview with Nuriye Gülmen: ‘I Have More Hope Today Than I Did on the First Day’’.  5 Harliler. Available online from: https://www.5harfliler.com/interview-with-nuriye-gulmen/ [Accessed on 08/03/2022].

[v] Ibid.

[vi] Ibid.

[vii] Ibid.; see also Gülmen, N. (2016) ‘DİRENİŞİN TALEPLERi’. Available online from: https://nuriyegulmendireniyor.wordpress.com/2016/11/08/basin-aciklamasina-cagri/ [Accessed on 08/03/2022]; see also Wikipedia (2022) ‘Nuriye Gülmen’. Available online from: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nuriye_G%C3%BClmen#cite_note-18 [Accessed 08/03/2022].

[viii] Ibid.

[ix] Ibid.; see also Amnesty International (2017) ‘Urgent Action: Fear for Hunger Strikers’ Wellbeing’. Available online from: https://www.amnesty.org/en/wp-content/uploads/2021/05/EUR4463402017ENGLISH.pdf [Accessed on 08/03/2022].

[x] Ibid.

[xi] ‘Urgent Action: Fear for Strikers’ Wellbeing’.

[xii] Cumhuriyet (2017) ‘Criminal Record of Gülmen and Özakça, Declared ‘Terrorists’ by Minister Soylu’. Available online from: https://www.cumhuriyet.com.tr/haber/bakan-soylunun-terorist-ilan-ettigi-gulmen-ve-ozakcanin-adli-sicil-kaydi-748105 [Accessed on 08/03/2022]; see also NTV (2017) ‘Statements by Minister Soylu about Semih Özakça and Nuriye Gülmen’. Available online from: https://www.ntv.com.tr/turkiye/bakan-soyludan-aclik-grevi-yapan-nuriye-gulmenle-ilgili-aciklamalar,Jg2i0I634EyPWqK_cXdIbg [Accessed on 08/03/2022]; see also Milliyet (2017) ‘The Unending Scenario of a Terrorist Organisation: “The Truth of Nuriye Gülmen and Semih Özakça”’. Available online from: https://web.archive.org/web/20170813220846/http://www.milliyet.com.tr/bir-teror-orgutunun-bitmeyen-senaryosu-ankara-yerelhaber-2179760/ [Accessed on 08/03/2022].

[xiii] ‘Urgent Action: Fear for Strikers’ Wellbeing’; see also ‘In Turkey, Hope for ‘Justice is Fading Away Just like My Muscles’.

[xiv] ‘In Turkey, Hope for ‘Justice is Fading Away Just like My Muscles’.

[xv] Armutcu, O. (2017) ‘The Constitutional Court Rejected the Appeal Against the Detention of Nuriye Gülmen and Semih Özakça’ Hurriyet. Available online from: https://www.hurriyet.com.tr/gundem/anayasa-mahkemesi-nuriye-gulmen-ve-semih-ozakcanin-tutukluluguna-yapilan-itirazi-reddetti-40503721 [Accessed on 08/03/2022]; see also Cakir, A. (2017) ‘ECHR Rejects Semih Özakça and Nuriye Gülmen’s Application’. Voice of America. Available online from: https://www.amerikaninsesi.com/a/aihm-semih-ozakca-ve-nuriye-gulmen-in-basvurusunu-reddetti/3969669.html [Accessed on 08/03/2022].

[xvi] Bianet (2017) ‘Nuriye Gülmen Released’. Available online from: https://bianet.org/english/human-rights/192100-nuriye-gulmen-released [Accessed on 08/03/2022].

[xvii] ‘Two Turkish Teachers End Almost 11-Month Hunger Strike’.

[xviii] Ibid.

[xix] Duvar English (2020) ‘Dismissed Turkish Academic, Known for Hunger Strike, Arrested Again’. Available online from: https://www.duvarenglish.com/human-rights/2020/08/11/dismissed-turkish-academic-known-for-hunger-strike-arrested-again [Accessed on 08/03/2022].

[xx] Yeni Bir Mecra (2020) ‘Critical Decisions in Eğitim-Sen: Nuriye Gülmen was Expelled’. Available online from: https://yeni1mecra.com/egitim-sende-kritik-kararlar-nuriye-gulmen-ihrac-edildi/ [Accessed on 08/03/2022].

[xxi] Duvar English (2021) ‘Turkey’s Top Court Rules Dismissed Educators’ Rights Not Violated’. Available online from: https://www.duvarenglish.com/turkeys-top-court-rules-rights-of-dismissed-educators-nuriye-gulmen-and-semih-ozakca-not-violated-news-59436 [Accessed on 08/03/2022].

[xxii] Ibid.

Nuriye Gülmen: A Six-Year Struggle Against Systematic Abuses

Nuriye Gulmen

Nearly six years ago, Turkey was rocked by the alleged coup d’état attempt on the 15th of July 2016. A day after the attempt, the Turkish government swiftly established a state of emergency and passed emergency executive decrees Nos. 667-676 that mainly censored media outlets and journalists,[i] but then extended its reach to thousands of civil servants, police officers, armed forces personnel, University professors and staff by name in the annexes of Decree 679 on 6th January 2017.[ii] This resulted in a total of more than 150,000 people losing their jobs, access to social services, their freedom of movement being restricted, their lives tarnished by the government’s accusation that they were tied to the coup allegedly caused by Fetullah Gulen, a Turkish scholar-cleric who has been living in self-exile in the U.S. since 1999 and who has persistently denied the charge coming from Ankara.[iii]

One such person affected in the aftermath of these events is Nuriye Gülmen, a former Turkish professor of comparative literature at Selçuk University in 2012 and who, prior to the coup attempt, was appointed as a research assistant to Eskişehir Osmangazi University in 2015.[iv] Gülmen is not only an academic but also has a history of activism and legal battles against the abuse of institutions in Turkey due to a political lawsuit after her appointment and saw her detained for 109 days, delaying her studies and reinstatement at Eskişehir.[v] The day she was appointed back into her research position was the day of the coup attempt, which led to her suspension from Eskişehir the following day. This was due to the new decrees which found her accused, like thousands with her, of being a member of FETO, the so-called organization of supporters of the exiled Gulen that Erdogan and his government accused of being a terrorist organization. This triggered the next phase of her activist history and since the 9th of November 2016, wherein she had protested against her suspension, eventual dismissal, and persistently requested her job at Eskişehir back every day in front of the Human Rights Monument located in Yüksel Street, Ankara, where the Council of Higher Education is based and who must answer to her demands.[vi] Gülmen explains that this is a ‘revolutionary tradition’ determined in garnering attention and getting what you want, demanding in this case an end to the state of emergency, allowing the revolutionary democratic public labourers that were dismissed and fired to return to their jobs, start assurance for the 13,000 OYP research assistants, and requesting job security for all education and science workers.[vii] Gülmen started her protest largely on her own, being arrested for a total of 26 times which can be attributed to the increasing attention by foreign and domestic spectators observing her actions, reading her experience on her online WordPress blog, and ultimately being named by CNN as one of the eight outstanding women of 2016 by her 50th day of protest.[viii]

This attention was majorly increased after the 6th January Decree of 2017 when Gülmen was dismissed from Eskişehir, resulting in her shifting her strategy to the next gear by engaging in a hunger strike on the 9th of March, 2017. Gülmen, whilst in police custody alongside primary teacher Semih Özakça, he women texperienced the backlash of the Emergency Decrees.[ix] The rationale behind the strike was that verbal protests tend to be the norm in the activist toolkit, which more often than not don’t garner enough attention from authorities, but a hunger strike is a strong action that positions actors engaging in it with the serious health risks at stake, similarly to what Gülmen explains as ‘necessary to take the resistance to the next level’ and to ‘really pressure them to take action’.[x] In reaction to the hunger strike, an indictment was filed on the 2nd of May, 2017, to the 19th Heavy Penal Court in Ankara accusing both Gülmen and Özakça of being members of and involved in the illicit activities of the Revolutionary People’s Liberation Party-Front (DHKP-C), in turn leading to their detention at Sincan Prison in Ankara by 23rd May, 2017.[xi] The court found the pair guilty because ‘if they were not remanded, they would damage the course of justice’, a line that seems contradictory given the lack of evidence in the charges filed and when both teachers remain vigilant in denying any involvement with DHKP-C to the point that their lawyer even publicised their criminal records as proof that no such involvement exists and countered the efforts by Minister for the Interior Suleyman Soylu and his ministry’s research and studies centre to try and solidify the charges.[xii]

It was feared that both teachers would face further human rights violations, since prison guards and doctors are legally allowed to intervene and end a hunger strike without the consent of the teachers. They can also intervene when they are unconscious, as stated under Article 82 of the Law on the Execution of Judgement No. 5275, which as a result would violate freedom of expression and is likely to result in cruel, inhumane or degrading treatment or punishment.[xiii] During a visit by the President of the Ankara Bar Association, Hakan Canduran, and some of his colleagues, Gülmen expressed the dire situation in which she and Özakça have found themselves in, telling Canduran that she sees ‘justice is fading just like [her] muscles’ while being unable to hold her neck up without assistance, move her arms or hold a pen. In turn, we saw Canduran call upon the government to end to the hunger strike through societal reconciliation and negotiate with those unjustly impacted by the emergency decrees.[xiv] Throughout mid-2017, the duo filed in the Constitutional Court and also to the European Court of Human Rights to end their detention on the grounds that their hunger strike had by then posed evident health risks, yet both Courts rejected their application because these risks were not life threatening and the proper medical measures were in place to assist them if that became the case.[xv]

Gülmen’s health eventually did become serious and by 26th September, 2017, had warranted her transfer to an inmate cell in Numune Hospital. She was then released from her detention by 1st December, when the 19th Heavy Penal Court sentenced her to 6 years and 3 months in prison, however allowing for her release under judicial control.[xvi] Despite their release, Gülmen and Özakça kept up their protest in front of the Human Rights Monument, but eventually had to end their hunger strike on the 26th of January, 2018, following the rejection of a government commission tapped to review their cases, and instead sought to focus their efforts within the domestic judicial system going forwards, emphasising that their resistance had not ended and would continue.[xvii] After 324 days of engaging in their hunger strike, Gülmen had lost a significant amount of her original weight, dropping from 59 kilograms to 33.8 kilograms, this showing the extent of how serious her efforts were in retaining her job and respect for her rights.[xviii]

The next time Gülmen was in the limelight was when she was once again arrested on 11th August, 2020, during a police raid on the Istanbul’s Idil Culture Centre on the 5th of August, a centre that is run by the leftist folk band Grup Yurum, the reasons for which remain unexplained.[xix] Later that year, Gülmen and other colleagues of hers were expelled from the Education and Science Workers’ Union (Eğitim-Sen) due their image as ‘Yüksel Resistanceists’ or resistance fighters in the public eye.[xx] The last development was as recent as 4th November, 2021, when the pair had filed to the Constitutional Court which later rejected their claims that the 2nd May, 2017, indictment used the same evidence as an earlier investigation on 14th March, 2017, which led to their arrest but was subsequently dismissed and were released under judicial control, indicating that the 2nd May indictment and detention on 23rd May, 2017, violated their rights to liberty and security, further stating that the judicial authorities deciding the case were neither impartial nor independent.[xxi] The Court dismissed their case because Gülmen and Özakça’s claims lacked concrete evidence, that their violated rights was unacceptable to put forward, and that they had not exhausted all domestic means before filing their claims.[xxii]

What is sorely evident from the bold activism of Nuriye Gülmen is that since 2016, the government of Turkey has unjustly targeted hundreds of thousands of individuals based on arguments that do not hold water, and those who have been most affected and decide to oppose the government’s actions will face significant repression through detention and legal intimidation. Broken Chalk calls upon the Turkish Government and proper authorities to seriously reconsider its actions which have left thousands without job security or the option to leave the country and find employment abroad. Broken Chalk especially calls for the reinstatement of Nuriye Gülmen and Semih Özakça, amongst many others, to their respective job positions in the sphere of education, their removal from which has surely reduced the access and quality of education in Turkey.

 

Written by Karl Baldacchino

Edited by Erika Grimes

 

Sources:

[i] Grabenwarter, C. et al. (2017) ‘Draft Opinion on the Measures Provided in the Recent Emergency Decree Laws with Respect to Freedom of the Media’. European Commission for Democracy Through Law (Venice Commission). Available online from: https://www.venice.coe.int/webforms/documents/default.aspx?pdffile=CDL(2017)006-e [Accessed on 08/03/2022], pp. 3-4.

[ii] Decree-Law No. 679 (6th January 2017) ‘Measures Regarding Public Personnel’. Available online from: https://insanhaklarimerkezi.bilgi.edu.tr/media/uploads/2017/02/09/KHK_679_ENG.pdf [Accessed 08/03/2022], p. 1.

[iii] Jones, T. (2018) ‘Two Turkish Teachers End Almost 11-Month Hunger Strike’.  DW. Available online from: https://www.dw.com/en/two-turkish-teachers-end-almost-11-month-hunger-strike/a-42318478 [Accessed 08/03/2022]; Işık, A. (2017) ‘In Turkey, Hope for ‘Justice is Fading Away Just like my Muscles’’. DW. Available online from: https://www.dw.com/en/in-turkey-hope-for-justice-is-fading-away-just-like-my-muscles/a-39482207 [Accessed 08/03/2022].

[iv] Halavut, H. (2017) ‘Interview with Nuriye Gülmen: ‘I Have More Hope Today Than I Did on the First Day’’.  5 Harliler. Available online from: https://www.5harfliler.com/interview-with-nuriye-gulmen/ [Accessed on 08/03/2022].

[v] Ibid.

[vi] Ibid.

[vii] Ibid.; see also Gülmen, N. (2016) ‘DİRENİŞİN TALEPLERi’. Available online from: https://nuriyegulmendireniyor.wordpress.com/2016/11/08/basin-aciklamasina-cagri/ [Accessed on 08/03/2022]; see also Wikipedia (2022) ‘Nuriye Gülmen’. Available online from: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nuriye_G%C3%BClmen#cite_note-18 [Accessed 08/03/2022].

[viii] Ibid.

[ix] Ibid.; see also Amnesty International (2017) ‘Urgent Action: Fear for Hunger Strikers’ Wellbeing’. Available online from: https://www.amnesty.org/en/wp-content/uploads/2021/05/EUR4463402017ENGLISH.pdf [Accessed on 08/03/2022].

[x] Ibid.

[xi] ‘Urgent Action: Fear for Strikers’ Wellbeing’.

[xii] Cumhuriyet (2017) ‘Criminal Record of Gülmen and Özakça, Declared ‘Terrorists’ by Minister Soylu’. Available online from: https://www.cumhuriyet.com.tr/haber/bakan-soylunun-terorist-ilan-ettigi-gulmen-ve-ozakcanin-adli-sicil-kaydi-748105 [Accessed on 08/03/2022]; see also NTV (2017) ‘Statements by Minister Soylu about Semih Özakça and Nuriye Gülmen’. Available online from: https://www.ntv.com.tr/turkiye/bakan-soyludan-aclik-grevi-yapan-nuriye-gulmenle-ilgili-aciklamalar,Jg2i0I634EyPWqK_cXdIbg [Accessed on 08/03/2022]; see also Milliyet (2017) ‘The Unending Scenario of a Terrorist Organisation: “The Truth of Nuriye Gülmen and Semih Özakça”’. Available online from: https://web.archive.org/web/20170813220846/http://www.milliyet.com.tr/bir-teror-orgutunun-bitmeyen-senaryosu-ankara-yerelhaber-2179760/ [Accessed on 08/03/2022].

[xiii] ‘Urgent Action: Fear for Strikers’ Wellbeing’; see also ‘In Turkey, Hope for ‘Justice is Fading Away Just like My Muscles’.

[xiv] ‘In Turkey, Hope for ‘Justice is Fading Away Just like My Muscles’.

[xv] Armutcu, O. (2017) ‘The Constitutional Court Rejected the Appeal Against the Detention of Nuriye Gülmen and Semih Özakça’ Hurriyet. Available online from: https://www.hurriyet.com.tr/gundem/anayasa-mahkemesi-nuriye-gulmen-ve-semih-ozakcanin-tutukluluguna-yapilan-itirazi-reddetti-40503721 [Accessed on 08/03/2022]; see also Cakir, A. (2017) ‘ECHR Rejects Semih Özakça and Nuriye Gülmen’s Application’. Voice of America. Available online from: https://www.amerikaninsesi.com/a/aihm-semih-ozakca-ve-nuriye-gulmen-in-basvurusunu-reddetti/3969669.html [Accessed on 08/03/2022].

[xvi] Bianet (2017) ‘Nuriye Gülmen Released’. Available online from: https://bianet.org/english/human-rights/192100-nuriye-gulmen-released [Accessed on 08/03/2022].

[xvii] ‘Two Turkish Teachers End Almost 11-Month Hunger Strike’.

[xviii] Ibid.

[xix] Duvar English (2020) ‘Dismissed Turkish Academic, Known for Hunger Strike, Arrested Again’. Available online from: https://www.duvarenglish.com/human-rights/2020/08/11/dismissed-turkish-academic-known-for-hunger-strike-arrested-again [Accessed on 08/03/2022].

[xx] Yeni Bir Mecra (2020) ‘Critical Decisions in Eğitim-Sen: Nuriye Gülmen was Expelled’. Available online from: https://yeni1mecra.com/egitim-sende-kritik-kararlar-nuriye-gulmen-ihrac-edildi/ [Accessed on 08/03/2022].

[xi] Duvar English (2021) ‘Turkey’s Top Court Rules Dismissed Educators’ Rights Not Violated’. Available online from: https://www.duvarenglish.com/turkeys-top-court-rules-rights-of-dismissed-educators-nuriye-gulmen-and-semih-ozakca-not-violated-news-59436 [Accessed on 08/03/2022].

[xii] Ibid.

Educational Challenges in the Plurinational State of Bolivia: From Educational Barriers to a Mismatch of Skills

The Plurinational State of Bolivia has recently experienced several positive and negative developments. The KOF Swiss Economic Institute highlighted in 2019[i] that Bolivia kept an average rate of 4.9% growth in Gross Domestic Product (GDP), primarily due to its export of natural resources such as gold, zinc, silver, copper, and natural gas reserves. However, with a GDP of $3,117 per capita – significantly lower than its neighbours – Bolivia remains the poorest state in South America. The World Bank’s GINI coefficient index highlighted the high rate of income inequality: Bolivia scored 44.6 out of 100 in 2016 in income equality.

These developmental ups and downs are noticeable in several spheres, including the educational one. As Andersen et al. (2020)[ii] note, Bolivian education lacks statistical data because, in the last twenty years, the country has not participated in the major educational assessments usually conducted by international organisations like the OECD’s Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA) or the IEA’s Trends in International Mathematics & Science Study (TIMSS). This largely leaves researchers and policymakers clueless about what the main educational challenges are and which solutions can improve access to quality education for Bolivia to achieve timeously the fourth Sustainable Development Goal: to ‘ensure inclusive and equitable quality education and promote lifelong learning opportunities for all’.[iii] To get a more accurate picture of the state of education in Bolivia and the likelihood of those graduating from suitable and higher levels of education meeting labour market demands, information must be gathered from various yet credible sources.

 

Historical barriers to education

The Borgen Project, which aims to reduce global poverty through U.S. foreign policy, noted in 2015[iv] that approximately one in seven students in Bolivia do not finish their education. This leads to a majority of them not commencing secondary education. Albeit reducing the overall rate of illiteracy from 36.21% in 1976 to 7.54% by 2015[v], over a million Bolivians aged 15 and above remain illiterate. There are four reasons suggested for these issues: [vi]

  1. Although the majority of students come from indigenous backgrounds and speak Quechua or Aymara at home, classes are normally taught in Spanish;
  2. There remains a wide gap between rural and urban dwellers. Students in rural areas only complete an average 4.2 years of education before dropping out to support their families financially. In contrast, students in urban areas complete an average of 9.4 years of schooling;
  3. Education remains outside the purview of the state, which results in a lack of resources to create an environment conducive to students pursuing a good quality education; and
  4. In conjunction with the previous point, teachers continue to receive low wages and often go on strike, leaving students without access to education for days or weeks.

Some of the above issues stem from the historical development of education in Bolivia. Redin (2020)[vii] explains that, following the end of the military dictatorship, the neoliberal reforms between 1980 and 1990 increased support for ethnic diversity but reduced the state’s interference and social spending. This greatly impacted enrolment into public schools. The state was unsuccessful in its attempts to boost such enrolment by lifting rural families out of poverty and encouraging them to send their children to school. This failure inspired indigenous movements, such as the Native Peoples’ Educational Councils (CEPOS), as well as parents, to create their foundations to take matters into their own hands by empowering schools and teachers to deliver better quality education, considering and duly incorporating indigenous culture and language. Education thus developed into a privatised institution managed by society rather than by the state due to a ‘maldistribution process’ where civil political rights were being strengthened in exchange for reduced efforts towards social rights.[viii]

 

Access to education and accessibility

Another feature of Bolivia’s education system, noted by the qualitative study of Muyor-Rodriguez et al, (2021),[ix] is that public universities have failed to meet the educational needs of students with disabilities. Despite public universities’ commitments to provide access to education for all students under equal conditions, the participants of group discussions argued that there is a lack of equal value in the education received by students with disabilities in favour of ethnic or sexual diversity, which has excluded or stereotyped some disabilities.[x] Although Resolution No. 9/09 of 2009 exempted students with disabilities from taking admission tests to enter public universities, the degree of autonomy resulting from the co-governance-like system that exists between teachers and students, meant that some universities did not implement the policy.[xi] Participants also discussed the discrimination they experienced by professors who did not distinguish between the educational requirements for students with disabilities and those students without disabilities, and the prejudice resulting from a lack of resources for university personnel to meet their needs. The cumulative effect is the ineffective long-term management of the impact that campaigns from inclusivity bring.[xii]

 

Education since Evo Morales

With the election of Evo Morales as President in 2005, new efforts in the field of education aimed to decolonise the Bolivian curriculum from a ‘science-centred blanco-mestizo project’ of nationhood and instead shift towards an ‘equal space to science and ancestral knowledge’.[xiii] The government sought to establish an equilibrium that remains focused on developing scientific skills whilst continuing the intra-culturality of 1994 that retains the indigenous culture(s), history, and knowledge of Bolivian society. These changes have left teachers burdened with having to find creative methods to balance providing an education that will give learners the skills necessary to move to higher levels of education and giving them the required skillset to be absorbed by the labour market.[xiv]

 

Education does not meet labour market demands

Andersen et al. (2020) noted the mismatch between education and the labour skills demanded by the labour market, which resulted in many graduates failing to reap the rewards of their education between 2007 and 2017.[xv] Their analysis points out that those particularly affected by the systemic educational flaws are non-indigenous urban males, who remained without suitable income distribution throughout the first 15 years of education. KOF’s factbook establishes that large portions of Bolivia’s employed population operate in the primary sectors of agriculture, hunting, forestry, and fishing, as well as the secondary sectors of manufacturing, construction, mining, and industrial activities, standing at 27.4% and 22.6% respectively.[xvi] This is the consequence of what is referred to as the ‘Commodity Super Cycle’, which increased the demand for Bolivia’s primary export commodities, mentioned above, resulting in young men dropping out of school to take advantage of profits in these industries. Furthermore, it triggered what is known as ‘Dutch Disease’ in the construction sector.[xvii] This has created a vicious cycle of high commodity prices, leading to more land development that, in turn, requires more labour workers, who rely on on-the-job training rather than the attainment of particular levels of education. Thus, a labour market requiring equipped workers is created, preferring hands-on experience as opposed to theoretical knowledge.[xviii] A major concern of this mismatch is the increased rate of brain drain in Bolivia. By 2015, 799 605 Bolivians (roughly 7.5% of the national population), had emigrated, either to pursue higher levels of education or to reap the benefits of the education they have already received. As a result, Bolivia loses the benefits of the knowledge and skills attained by its students.[xix]

The outbreak of the Covid-19 pandemic serves as a force multiplier on these existing issues. As reported in the United Nations Children’s Fund’s (UNICEF) 2020 Country Report,[xx] a total of 2.9 million children have been left without access to education and the nutrition support systems that their schools provide. The pandemic has also highlighted the digital divide between urban and rural populations since having a stable internet connection is vital to access virtual educational services.

The future of education in Bolivia

The Bolivian government has made efforts to improve the state of education, as exemplified by the following:[xxi]

  1. It closed the enrolment between primary and secondary education based on income, gender, or ethnicity by 2017;
  2. It tripled the availability of teachers between 2000 and 2017. Now there is a fully qualified teacher for every 24 schoolchildren;
  3. 39% of all Bolivians were invested in some form of formal education by 2017; and
  4. UNESCO’s education indicator database explains that the government has invested an average of 7% of its GDP into education. This shows the government’s commitment to ensuring access to a free and public education of prime quality that accounts for diversity and provides equal opportunities and benefits without discrimination.

Bolivian students are preparing for changes in the external factors that govern the commodity cycle in Bolivia. As Andersen et al. stated, ‘it certainly seems better to err on the side of too much education rather than too little’.[xxii]

The Bolivian government must harmonise its resources with the private sector and other domestic stakeholders to improve the quality of education received and the returns necessary from the labour market that promotes an educational system that adds value and, in turn, creates value for the state and Bolivians at large. This positive cycle of development would also aid Bolivia in meeting its other SDG targets, including ending all forms of poverty, creating decent work opportunities, promoting economic growth that is sustainable and inclusive, and reducing levels of inequality alongside other states.[xxiii]

 

Written by Karl Baldacchino

Edited by Farai Chikwanha and Olga Ruiz Pilato

 

 

 

Endnotes

 

[i] KOF Swiss Economic Institute (2019) ‘KOF Education System Factbook: Bolivia’. KOF Education System Factbooks: Zurich, 1st Ed., pp. 3-5.

[ii] Andersen, L. E. et al. (2020) ‘Occasional Paper Series No. 63 – A Country at Risk of Being Left Behind: Bolivia’s Quest for Quality Education’. Southern Voices, p. 11.

[iii] United Nations Department of Economic & Social Affairs. ‘Goal 4’. Available online from: https://sdgs.un.org/goals/goal4 [Accessed on 28/02/2022].

[iv] Binns, M. (2015) ‘Top 4 Reasons Education in Bolivia Lags’. The Borgen Project. Available online from: https://borgenproject.org/top-4-reasons-education-in-boliva-lags/ [Accessed on 28/02/2022].

[v] Muyor-Rodriguez, J. et al. (2021) ‘Inclusive University Education in Bolivia: The Actors and Their Discourses’. Sustainability, Vol. 13. Available online from: https://doi.org/10.3390/su131910818 [Accessed on 28/02/2022], p. 2.

[vi] ‘Top 4 Reasons Education in Bolivia Lags’.

[vii] Redin, M. C. B. (2020) ‘Dilemmas of Justice in the Post-Neoliberal Educational Policies of Ecuador and Bolivia’.  Policy Futures in Education, Vol. 18(1), pp. 53-56.

[viii] Ibid., p.58.

[ix] ‘Inclusive University Education in Bolivia’, p. 3.

[x] Ibid., pp. 8-10.

[xi] Ibid., pp. 4 & 9-10 & 12.

[xii] Ibid., pp. 13-14.

[xiii] Ibid., pp. 58-59.

[xiv] Ibid., p. 61.

[xv] ‘A Country at Risk of Being Left Behind’, pp. 15-16.

[xvi] ‘KOF Factbooks’, p. 4.

[xvii] ‘A Country at Risk of Being Left Behind’, pp. 19-20.

[xviii] Ibid., p. 27.

[xix] Ibid., p. 21.

[xx] United Nations Children’s Fund (2020) ‘Country Office Annual Report 2020 – Bolivia, Plurinational State of’, p. 1.

[xxi] ‘A Country at Risk of Being Left Behind’, pp. 27-29.

[xxii] Ibid., p. 29.

[xxiii] Ibid., pp. 22-26.

Cover image taken from https://www.magisamericas.org/educating-for-transformation-through-community-partnership/ 

 

Summary of Indicator A1. To what level have adults studied?

This subchapter focuses on output indicators consisting of features exhibited in educational systems, the most important being the level of education attained thus far, disaggregating the data into below/above secondary education, male/female, native/foreign-born, and regional gaps that remain to having equal access to lifelong learning opportunities in preparation for the socio-economic demands of the labour market. The data guides how today and tomorrow’s policymakers can instil positive impact by better observing the inputs of:

 

‘[classroom settings], pedagogical content and delivery of the curriculum… [and] analyse the organisation of schools and education systems, including governance, autonomy and specific policies to regulate the participation of students in certain programmes.’

 

Taking a positive approach, the report notes that, across the member states of the OECD, the average share of upper- or post-secondary (non-tertiary) degrees held by 25-34-year-olds dropped from 44% in 2010 to 40% in 2020 because of the increased rate of young adults attaining tertiary education, with 39% attaining this level in comparison to the 21% of young adults who remain with below upper-secondary education. The latter level still decreased significantly across OECD states, standing once at 27% in 2010, which can be explained by the drop in women at this level from 27% in 2010 to 20% in 2020, whilst men saw a drop from 26% to 22%. This can be explained due to the 11% rise in women attaining tertiary education from 31% to 42% in the last decade, whilst men saw a 7% rise from 28% to 35%.

 

Despite the positive output results the above chart illustrates, the report highlights that unequal access to educational resources remains, which may impact a state’s lack of skills demanded by the labour market, being socially engaged, and retaining higher incomes, which increases the standard of living. It has become a fact that to meet the bare requirements for employment and stable social connections, an individual requires an upper-secondary level of education. 21% of adults in OECD states left school before attaining this level of education, which is further worsened by an unequal balance of men over women and varies by state. Therefore, the average OECD rate of young men and women with below-secondary stands at 16% and 13% respectively but then sees states like Spain and Iceland where the gender gap stands at a 10% difference and similar gaps in Canada, Costa, Rica, Mexico, South Africa, and other OECD and partner states.

 

Another issue is the reduced rate of women entering higher forms of tertiary education compared to men. 56% of women attain a bachelor’s, 54% a master’s, and 45% a doctorate. The gap becomes more visible if we narrow down to the level of subjects women graduated in, with the majority from health and welfare, but then a minority in the S.T.E.M. fields of science, technology, engineering, and mathematics.

Across OECD states, foreign-born adults, ranging from 25 to-64-years-old, make up an average of 17% of the total population who contribute to a state’s human capital and services. This can be seen with the outbreak of COVID-19, when it accounted for 24% and 16% of all medical doctors and nurses, albeit varied by group size and state. The capital, knowledge, and skillset this group brings for OECD states are invaluable; however, gaps in the sphere of education reluctantly remain. The average for below and above upper-secondary and tertiary education for native- and foreign-born adults stands at 19% and 22%, 44% and 37%, and 37% and 41%, respectively. This again varies by country, where the majority of OECD states have a large share of foreign-born adults holding below upper-secondary education but then reversed in Australia, Estonia, Hungary, Israel, Luxembourg, New Zealand, and the U.K. Whilst Canada sees 70% of foreign-born adults attaining tertiary education in comparison to 56% of natives, Italy experiences the opposite with 21% of foreign-born and 13% of natives. Regarding Italy and other states sharing similar rates, the report notes that if a state has a high rate of below upper-secondary attainment amongst natives, foreigners experience the same, which increasingly impacts their literacy and other essential skills.

 

The last issue focuses on the regional inequalities in educational attainment between those residing inside and outside capital cities or federal districts. In Brazil, the share of 25 to 64-year-old adults attaining below upper-secondary education is 30% in the federal district and 67% in Alagoas, with similar gaps above 30% found in Canada, Colombia, Portugal, Mexico, and Turkey. On the other hand, it was concluded that three out of four adults in Moscow attained tertiary education, and two out of three adults in both the District of Columbia and Greater London capital regions attained the same. It was thus noted that reducing the number of subregions results in a reduction of regional inequalities.

 

Summarized By Karl Baldacchino from [Education at a Glance 2021 Subchapter A.1]