Submission to the Universal Periodic Review of the United Nations Human Rights Council: Indonesia

Article 28E(1) of the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia (“the Constitution”), ensures the right to freedom of thought, conscience, and religion: “each person is free to worship and to practice the religion of his choice, to choose education and schooling, his occupation, his nationality, his residency in the territory of the country that he shall be able to leave and to which he shall have the right to return.”(1) The Indonesian educational sector is, however, facing severe challenges, some related to human rights violations. Amongst these is the fact that many children of compulsory school age are currently out of school, particularly in Java.

By Olga Ruiz Pilato

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41st_Session_UN-UPR_Country_Review_Indonesia

[1] Asian Human Rights Commission, The Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia 1945 <accessed in February 2022

http://www.humanrights.asia/indonesian-constitution-1945-consolidated/>.

Cover image by Fikih Firmansyah on Pixabay.

Submission to the Universal Periodic Review of the United Nations Human Rights Council: Tunisia

Broken Chalk is a non-profit organisation that focuses on developing each country’s educational system to improve the level of human rights on the global level. Therefore, this report will focus on education. By drafting this report, Broken Chalk intends to assist with Tunisia’s fourth Universal Periodic Review (UPR). First, the report will analyse the most important issues that Tunisia faces regarding the Right to Education. Then, it will shed light on some issues that should be solved through the Tunisian Ministry of Education. And finally, Broken Chalk will provide a few recommendations to Tunisia to further ameliorate in the field of education.

By Faical Al Azib

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41st_Session_UN-UPR_Country_Review_Tunisia

Cover image by Wallpaper Flare.

Submission to the Universal Periodic Review of the United Nations Human Rights Council: Algeria

This report has been drafted by Broken Chalk to contribute to the fourth Universal Periodic Review (UPR) of Algeria. Since Broken Chalk is an organization aimed at fighting inequalities and improving the quality of Education worldwide, this report will focus on Education. First, the report brings attention to the main and most outstanding issues that Algeria faces regarding the Right to Education. Secondly, the report individuates some issues that should be tackled through Education. Lastly, in the view of the points raised, Broken Chalk would like to offer a few recommendations to Algeria to further improve in the field of Education.

By Francisca Orrego Galarce

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41st_Session_UN-UPR_Country_Review_Algeria

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Summary of Indicator C. Financial resources invested in Education

Education at a Glance 2021 | Chapter C: Financial resources invested in education 

Introduction

Adequate educational payment improves productivity in the labour market as workers acquire or further develop their skills. This, in turn, influences social and economic growth. Decisions about expenditure in education are a multi-party and multi-sectoral exercise involving the government, private companies, students, and their parents. A comparative approach to analysing financial spending on education in different countries not only indicates its potential future socioeconomic impact and facilitates the determination of best practices in education-related policymaking.

 

Framework for international educational finance indicators

On a national level, educational institutions are most referred to units in analysing financial expenditure because of the traditional interest in knowing how much enrolment costs. However, this approach is not very practical as it does not factor in variations in the provision of resources, either within countries or between companies in comparison with each other, and does not account for the different funding sources these institutions may have.

 

There are three dimensions to the framework for educational institutions:

  • The location of service providers, whether they are inside or outside of education institutions. Spending outside of institutions includes books, private tutoring, living costs and transport costs;
  • The types of goods and services provided or purchased. This covers expenditure directly related to instruction and education and expenditure covers costs related to student living and services provided by educational institutions to the public.
  • The sources (private, public, or international) of the funds used to purchase these goods and services. Depending on when transactions are made, the sources of the funds can be analysed from the perspective of the initial payer (before a transfer is made) or from that of the final payer (after a transfer is made). Public transfers to private entities can either be subsidies to households, e.g., scholarships and grants, or other private entities. e.g., as part of apprenticeship programmes in companies.

 

Accounting for expenditure

For education, expenditure is recorded in the year in which it is spent, with the exception of expenditure for retirement costs, in which case countries are asked to attribute costs to arrive at the internationally comparable expense of employing personnel.

 

Summary by Farai Chikwanha from Education at a Glance 2021: OECD. Chapter C. Financial resources invested in Education

Edited by Olga Ruiz Pilato

 

Cover image from: Vecteezy  Attribution: <a href=”https://www.vecteezy.com/free-vector/cartoon”>Cartoon Vectors by Vecteezy</a>

Nuriye Gülmen: A Six-Year Struggle Against Systematic Abuses

Nuriye Gulmen

Nearly six years ago, Turkey was rocked by the alleged coup d’état attempt on the 15th of July 2016. A day after the attempt, the Turkish government swiftly established a state of emergency and passed emergency executive decrees Nos. 667-676 that mainly censored media outlets and journalists,[i] but then extended its reach to thousands of civil servants, police officers, armed forces personnel, University professors and staff by name in the annexes of Decree 679 on 6th January 2017.[ii] This resulted in a total of more than 150,000 people losing their jobs, access to social services, their freedom of movement being restricted, their lives tarnished by the government’s accusation that they were tied to the coup allegedly caused by Fetullah Gulen, a Turkish scholar-cleric who has been living in self-exile in the U.S. since 1999 and who has persistently denied the charge coming from Ankara.[iii]

One such person affected in the aftermath of these events is Nuriye Gülmen, a former Turkish professor of comparative literature at Selçuk University in 2012 and who, prior to the coup attempt, was appointed as a research assistant to Eskişehir Osmangazi University in 2015.[iv] Gülmen is not only an academic but also has a history of activism and legal battles against the abuse of institutions in Turkey due to a political lawsuit after her appointment and saw her detained for 109 days, delaying her studies and reinstatement at Eskişehir.[v] The day she was appointed back into her research position was the day of the coup attempt, which led to her suspension from Eskişehir the following day. This was due to the new decrees which found her accused, like thousands with her, of being a member of FETO, the so-called organization of supporters of the exiled Gulen that Erdogan and his government accused of being a terrorist organization. This triggered the next phase of her activist history and since the 9th of November 2016, wherein she had protested against her suspension, eventual dismissal, and persistently requested her job at Eskişehir back every day in front of the Human Rights Monument located in Yüksel Street, Ankara, where the Council of Higher Education is based and who must answer to her demands.[vi] Gülmen explains that this is a ‘revolutionary tradition’ determined in garnering attention and getting what you want, demanding in this case an end to the state of emergency, allowing the revolutionary democratic public labourers that were dismissed and fired to return to their jobs, start assurance for the 13,000 OYP research assistants, and requesting job security for all education and science workers.[vii] Gülmen started her protest largely on her own, being arrested for a total of 26 times which can be attributed to the increasing attention by foreign and domestic spectators observing her actions, reading her experience on her online WordPress blog, and ultimately being named by CNN as one of the eight outstanding women of 2016 by her 50th day of protest.[viii]

This attention was majorly increased after the 6th January Decree of 2017 when Gülmen was dismissed from Eskişehir, resulting in her shifting her strategy to the next gear by engaging in a hunger strike on the 9th of March, 2017. Gülmen, whilst in police custody alongside primary teacher Semih Özakça, he women texperienced the backlash of the Emergency Decrees.[ix] The rationale behind the strike was that verbal protests tend to be the norm in the activist toolkit, which more often than not don’t garner enough attention from authorities, but a hunger strike is a strong action that positions actors engaging in it with the serious health risks at stake, similarly to what Gülmen explains as ‘necessary to take the resistance to the next level’ and to ‘really pressure them to take action’.[x] In reaction to the hunger strike, an indictment was filed on the 2nd of May, 2017, to the 19th Heavy Penal Court in Ankara accusing both Gülmen and Özakça of being members of and involved in the illicit activities of the Revolutionary People’s Liberation Party-Front (DHKP-C), in turn leading to their detention at Sincan Prison in Ankara by 23rd May, 2017.[xi] The court found the pair guilty because ‘if they were not remanded, they would damage the course of justice’, a line that seems contradictory given the lack of evidence in the charges filed and when both teachers remain vigilant in denying any involvement with DHKP-C to the point that their lawyer even publicised their criminal records as proof that no such involvement exists and countered the efforts by Minister for the Interior Suleyman Soylu and his ministry’s research and studies centre to try and solidify the charges.[xii]

It was feared that both teachers would face further human rights violations, since prison guards and doctors are legally allowed to intervene and end a hunger strike without the consent of the teachers. They can also intervene when they are unconscious, as stated under Article 82 of the Law on the Execution of Judgement No. 5275, which as a result would violate freedom of expression and is likely to result in cruel, inhumane or degrading treatment or punishment.[xiii] During a visit by the President of the Ankara Bar Association, Hakan Canduran, and some of his colleagues, Gülmen expressed the dire situation in which she and Özakça have found themselves in, telling Canduran that she sees ‘justice is fading just like [her] muscles’ while being unable to hold her neck up without assistance, move her arms or hold a pen. In turn, we saw Canduran call upon the government to end to the hunger strike through societal reconciliation and negotiate with those unjustly impacted by the emergency decrees.[xiv] Throughout mid-2017, the duo filed in the Constitutional Court and also to the European Court of Human Rights to end their detention on the grounds that their hunger strike had by then posed evident health risks, yet both Courts rejected their application because these risks were not life threatening and the proper medical measures were in place to assist them if that became the case.[xv]

Gülmen’s health eventually did become serious and by 26th September, 2017, had warranted her transfer to an inmate cell in Numune Hospital. She was then released from her detention by 1st December, when the 19th Heavy Penal Court sentenced her to 6 years and 3 months in prison, however allowing for her release under judicial control.[xvi] Despite their release, Gülmen and Özakça kept up their protest in front of the Human Rights Monument, but eventually had to end their hunger strike on the 26th of January, 2018, following the rejection of a government commission tapped to review their cases, and instead sought to focus their efforts within the domestic judicial system going forwards, emphasising that their resistance had not ended and would continue.[xvii] After 324 days of engaging in their hunger strike, Gülmen had lost a significant amount of her original weight, dropping from 59 kilograms to 33.8 kilograms, this showing the extent of how serious her efforts were in retaining her job and respect for her rights.[xviii]

The next time Gülmen was in the limelight was when she was once again arrested on 11th August, 2020, during a police raid on the Istanbul’s Idil Culture Centre on the 5th of August, a centre that is run by the leftist folk band Grup Yurum, the reasons for which remain unexplained.[xix] Later that year, Gülmen and other colleagues of hers were expelled from the Education and Science Workers’ Union (Eğitim-Sen) due their image as ‘Yüksel Resistanceists’ or resistance fighters in the public eye.[xx] The last development was as recent as 4th November, 2021, when the pair had filed to the Constitutional Court which later rejected their claims that the 2nd May, 2017, indictment used the same evidence as an earlier investigation on 14th March, 2017, which led to their arrest but was subsequently dismissed and were released under judicial control, indicating that the 2nd May indictment and detention on 23rd May, 2017, violated their rights to liberty and security, further stating that the judicial authorities deciding the case were neither impartial nor independent.[xxi] The Court dismissed their case because Gülmen and Özakça’s claims lacked concrete evidence, that their violated rights was unacceptable to put forward, and that they had not exhausted all domestic means before filing their claims.[xxii]

What is sorely evident from the bold activism of Nuriye Gülmen is that since 2016, the government of Turkey has unjustly targeted hundreds of thousands of individuals based on arguments that do not hold water, and those who have been most affected and decide to oppose the government’s actions will face significant repression through detention and legal intimidation. Broken Chalk calls upon the Turkish Government and proper authorities to seriously reconsider its actions which have left thousands without job security or the option to leave the country and find employment abroad. Broken Chalk especially calls for the reinstatement of Nuriye Gülmen and Semih Özakça, amongst many others, to their respective job positions in the sphere of education, their removal from which has surely reduced the access and quality of education in Turkey.

 

Written by Karl Baldacchino

Edited by Erika Grimes

 

Sources:

[i] Grabenwarter, C. et al. (2017) ‘Draft Opinion on the Measures Provided in the Recent Emergency Decree Laws with Respect to Freedom of the Media’. European Commission for Democracy Through Law (Venice Commission). Available online from: https://www.venice.coe.int/webforms/documents/default.aspx?pdffile=CDL(2017)006-e [Accessed on 08/03/2022], pp. 3-4.

[ii] Decree-Law No. 679 (6th January 2017) ‘Measures Regarding Public Personnel’. Available online from: https://insanhaklarimerkezi.bilgi.edu.tr/media/uploads/2017/02/09/KHK_679_ENG.pdf [Accessed 08/03/2022], p. 1.

[iii] Jones, T. (2018) ‘Two Turkish Teachers End Almost 11-Month Hunger Strike’.  DW. Available online from: https://www.dw.com/en/two-turkish-teachers-end-almost-11-month-hunger-strike/a-42318478 [Accessed 08/03/2022]; Işık, A. (2017) ‘In Turkey, Hope for ‘Justice is Fading Away Just like my Muscles’’. DW. Available online from: https://www.dw.com/en/in-turkey-hope-for-justice-is-fading-away-just-like-my-muscles/a-39482207 [Accessed 08/03/2022].

[iv] Halavut, H. (2017) ‘Interview with Nuriye Gülmen: ‘I Have More Hope Today Than I Did on the First Day’’.  5 Harliler. Available online from: https://www.5harfliler.com/interview-with-nuriye-gulmen/ [Accessed on 08/03/2022].

[v] Ibid.

[vi] Ibid.

[vii] Ibid.; see also Gülmen, N. (2016) ‘DİRENİŞİN TALEPLERi’. Available online from: https://nuriyegulmendireniyor.wordpress.com/2016/11/08/basin-aciklamasina-cagri/ [Accessed on 08/03/2022]; see also Wikipedia (2022) ‘Nuriye Gülmen’. Available online from: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nuriye_G%C3%BClmen#cite_note-18 [Accessed 08/03/2022].

[viii] Ibid.

[ix] Ibid.; see also Amnesty International (2017) ‘Urgent Action: Fear for Hunger Strikers’ Wellbeing’. Available online from: https://www.amnesty.org/en/wp-content/uploads/2021/05/EUR4463402017ENGLISH.pdf [Accessed on 08/03/2022].

[x] Ibid.

[xi] ‘Urgent Action: Fear for Strikers’ Wellbeing’.

[xii] Cumhuriyet (2017) ‘Criminal Record of Gülmen and Özakça, Declared ‘Terrorists’ by Minister Soylu’. Available online from: https://www.cumhuriyet.com.tr/haber/bakan-soylunun-terorist-ilan-ettigi-gulmen-ve-ozakcanin-adli-sicil-kaydi-748105 [Accessed on 08/03/2022]; see also NTV (2017) ‘Statements by Minister Soylu about Semih Özakça and Nuriye Gülmen’. Available online from: https://www.ntv.com.tr/turkiye/bakan-soyludan-aclik-grevi-yapan-nuriye-gulmenle-ilgili-aciklamalar,Jg2i0I634EyPWqK_cXdIbg [Accessed on 08/03/2022]; see also Milliyet (2017) ‘The Unending Scenario of a Terrorist Organisation: “The Truth of Nuriye Gülmen and Semih Özakça”’. Available online from: https://web.archive.org/web/20170813220846/http://www.milliyet.com.tr/bir-teror-orgutunun-bitmeyen-senaryosu-ankara-yerelhaber-2179760/ [Accessed on 08/03/2022].

[xiii] ‘Urgent Action: Fear for Strikers’ Wellbeing’; see also ‘In Turkey, Hope for ‘Justice is Fading Away Just like My Muscles’.

[xiv] ‘In Turkey, Hope for ‘Justice is Fading Away Just like My Muscles’.

[xv] Armutcu, O. (2017) ‘The Constitutional Court Rejected the Appeal Against the Detention of Nuriye Gülmen and Semih Özakça’ Hurriyet. Available online from: https://www.hurriyet.com.tr/gundem/anayasa-mahkemesi-nuriye-gulmen-ve-semih-ozakcanin-tutukluluguna-yapilan-itirazi-reddetti-40503721 [Accessed on 08/03/2022]; see also Cakir, A. (2017) ‘ECHR Rejects Semih Özakça and Nuriye Gülmen’s Application’. Voice of America. Available online from: https://www.amerikaninsesi.com/a/aihm-semih-ozakca-ve-nuriye-gulmen-in-basvurusunu-reddetti/3969669.html [Accessed on 08/03/2022].

[xvi] Bianet (2017) ‘Nuriye Gülmen Released’. Available online from: https://bianet.org/english/human-rights/192100-nuriye-gulmen-released [Accessed on 08/03/2022].

[xvii] ‘Two Turkish Teachers End Almost 11-Month Hunger Strike’.

[xviii] Ibid.

[xix] Duvar English (2020) ‘Dismissed Turkish Academic, Known for Hunger Strike, Arrested Again’. Available online from: https://www.duvarenglish.com/human-rights/2020/08/11/dismissed-turkish-academic-known-for-hunger-strike-arrested-again [Accessed on 08/03/2022].

[xx] Yeni Bir Mecra (2020) ‘Critical Decisions in Eğitim-Sen: Nuriye Gülmen was Expelled’. Available online from: https://yeni1mecra.com/egitim-sende-kritik-kararlar-nuriye-gulmen-ihrac-edildi/ [Accessed on 08/03/2022].

[xi] Duvar English (2021) ‘Turkey’s Top Court Rules Dismissed Educators’ Rights Not Violated’. Available online from: https://www.duvarenglish.com/turkeys-top-court-rules-rights-of-dismissed-educators-nuriye-gulmen-and-semih-ozakca-not-violated-news-59436 [Accessed on 08/03/2022].

[xii] Ibid.

A dishonourable shame – How the disappearences of teachers and educators spell the complete lack of honour and respect for teachers and educators in Turkey

In every individual’s life education and the learning of value systems contributes to a critical part of the development of an individual. Values teaches individuals habits, manners, appropriate behavior, respect for individuals among many other important life skills.

 

The people who play a key role in imparting these values is teacher / professor. Most individuals attain education during which time people come across some sort of a teacher / educator who teaches the critical values of life. Such education continues in some way or the other until a person finishes university. For their contribution they get the honoured across the world.

 

However, one needs to consider one question. What if someone instead of honouring them for these contributions decides to place such people in lock up. Unfortunately, the Turkish government does exactly this.

 

A report by the working group on involuntary disappearances which reports to the United Nations Human Rights commission mentions about how the Turkish state abducts such teachers just because they are opposed to the government in Turkey. The report states that:

 

“When Turkish authorities fail to secure the extradition through legal means, they resort to covert operations, in cooperation with law enforcement agencies from the third countries, including intelligence agencies and police. This primarily includes swift illegal actions to place vulnerable individuals outside the protection of the law and their subsequent transfer. In some cases, these acts have directly contravened judicial orders against illegal deportation. Faced with increasing pressure to comply, host states conduct around-the-clock surveillance, followed by house raids and arbitrary arrests in undercover operations by law enforcement or intelligence officers in plainclothes. The individuals’ names are cross-checked against prepared lists, before being taken to unmarked vehicles by force”.

 

Moreover, the basic rights of such people are denied.

 

 

 

 

In most of such disappearences, “Their family members are unaware of their fate and whereabouts. According to testimonies obtained, the victims of these operations have recounted unabated abuse perpetrated by intelligence agents, primarily aimed at obtaining forced confession. Most prevalent forms of torture include food and sleep deprivation, beatings, waterboarding, and electric shocks. This is coupled with threats against lives, security and personal integrity of family members and relatives”.

 

There are several specific examples where the victims have endured the brunt of the Turkish state for speaking against and opposing it. In Gabon for instance three “Turkish nationals and teachers, their three spouses and seven children were arrested and held in incommunicado detention for 23 days, before they were forcibly returned to Turkey due to their alleged affiliation with a foreign terrorist group. They were deported from Gabon to Turkey”. This is not the only case.

 

Another teacher was “abducted by Pakistani state intelligence, held in secret or incommunicado detention for 17 days, and then involuntarily returned to Turkey. The house of the Kaçmaz family was raided by intelligence agents in the middle of the night while the family was asleep, presumably after days of surveillance. According to the source, the agents behaved brutally, having pushed, shoved and slapped the parents and the children. The family was deprived of any contact with the legal counsel or the extended family, while their identification documents were forcibly taken during the arrest. Whilst being detained incommunicado, the family was reportedly subjected to physical and verbal abuse aimed at coercing them to voluntarily return to Turkey”. While, these are only a few examples there are many such teachers who are getting abducted.

 

No teacher/ educator should face the consequences of being educators. In fact in most countries provide full respect to their teachers / educators. It should be the duty of human rights organizations, defenders and the society to ensure that there is respect for its educators. Only then can a society continue to progress in various periods.

 

 

quotes from:

https://spcommreports.ohchr.org/TMResultsBase/DownLoadPublicCommunicationFile?gId=25209

Double speak – the hypocrisy of EU’s woeful lack of recognition of pathetic treatment of refugees

The European Union is largely recognized to be a successful union of 27 member states. All the 27 member states have the right to free movement of goods, services, people, and so on. By EU law and practice this also extends to the movement of refugees. However, law and practice in many cases have nothing in common. 

 

The latest actions of the European Union highlight the doublespeak wherein there is a narrative for public consumption. However, the practical on-ground reality is something vastly different from the on-ground reality. Some latest reports highlight that an eight-month probe by journalists from seven countries uncovered a system run by special units who usually hide their identity by wearing unmarked uniforms and face-covering balaclavas. 

 



The Der Spiegel news magazine in its investigation obtained and highlighted videos of 11 pushbacks described by Der Spiegel allegedly show men beating refugees before bringing them back across the border into Bosnia-Herzegovina. However, Der Spiegel is not the only magazine that has highlighted this pathetic treatment of the refugees to state the least. Other videos and witness testimonies point to special Greek coastguard units detailed to intercept asylum seekers’ boats in the Aegean Sea and set them adrift aboard orange life rafts, some paid for with EU cash.

 

Lighthouse reports which wrote the report concerning EU’s doublespeak highlighted that In Romania, we captured for the first time how Romanian police units are pushing people, back people, to Serbia. The videos, published by Libération, were supported by testimony from people who had been summarily expelled who also reported serious assaults during these same incidents captured on film. DW reports that According to human rights organizations, there were more than 16,000 pushbacks at the Croatian-Bosnian border last year alone. Similar incidents have recently been observed at the border between Belarus and Poland. There are also frequent reports of such operations at the Turkish-Greek border and on the high seas.

 

There are two types of refugees in the EU. One section of them uses a border of a country that has a border to Europe. A second category is refugees from a country that has a border with the EU. It is the second category of refugees who are at risk because when they get pushed back they get arrested in a country that is a country that is not a part and thus is not bound by EU law. The refugees may face human rights violations in non-EU countries like torture.

 

However, there is very little being done by the European Union to take action against authorities who openly violate EU laws and guidelines and treat the refugees in a pathetic and despicable manner. The state by EU Home Affairs Commissioner Ylva Johansson has said that “This must be investigated” in the context of the pushbacks by refugees and she has also stated that “There is also convincing evidence of misuse of EU funds”, not all EU member states seems to agree. For example, the Greek foreign minister refused to “apologize” for Greece’s ongoing involvement and stated categorically that “Greek borders are the borders of the EU and we act within the framework of international and European law to protect them”. 

 

These varied actions and statements expose Doublespeak. The hypocrisy of the EU’s woeful lack of recognition of pathetic and crass treatment of refugees. The statement by the EU Home Affairs Commissioner is not tantamount to placing pressure on countries whose border security officials are trying to physically push back migrants. After all, there isn’t a lack of unity by member states on the issue of what to do with errant police officers. The Greek Foreign minister is on record refusing to apologize for the actions of the Greek border guard. It is this doublespeak of the Greek border guard and the overall attitude of the European Union which emphasizes open borders and rights for people to be granted refugee status as soon as they enter EU territory. The double-speak is a woeful lack of recognition of the serious rights violations faced by refugees when police forces use force to push them out of the EU. It is a blatant violation of EU and International law and the EU’s silence in this instance and their general statements on welcoming refugees is hypocrisy and it is this double-speak between the statements and reality as seen in Greece and other EU countries.

 

Sources from which information was retrieved:

  1. https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2021/10/7/croatia-greece-romania-illegal-pushbacks-borders.
  2. https://www.euractiv.com/section/justice-home-affairs/news/journalistic-investigation-exposes-violent-pushbacks-at-eu-borders/.
  3. https://www.dw.com/en/when-are-pushbacks-at-the-eus-external-borders-illegal/a-59442530.
  4. https://thegermanyeye.com/eu-calls-for-investigation-into-illegal-pushbacks-in-croatia-and-greece-4462.
  5. https://www.reuters.com/world/europe/croatia-confirms-violent-migrant-pushback-border-with-bosnia-2021-10-08/.
  6. https://www.lighthousereports.nl/investigation/unmasking-europes-shadow-armies/.

 

 

Turkey Tribunal judges concluded that “the acts of Turkish Government, could amount to crimes against humanity”

On 24th September 2021, the Judges who formed a part of the Turkey tribunal gave their final judgment on the situation of the freedom of the press, abductions, impunity, judicial independence, and torture. The judges also gave their opinion on whether witness testimony against the Turkish government amounted to the Turkish state conducting potential crimes against humanity against the victims.

The Turkish government had an opportunity to depose in front of the tribunal and present its point of view. However, the government had not sent any representative for the hearing of the Turkey tribunal. Therefore, the tribunal hearing took place without two sides to represent its point of view as would be the case during a normal hearing in a court or a tribunal.

The judges came to some scathing conclusions about the role/involvement of the Turkish state in its disrespect/contempt for human rights. In the case of torture, the judge noted that “The Tribunal is of the view that there is a systematic and organized use of torture in Turkey” and that there is the widespread use of torture against “people suspected of ordinary crimes”. This can be seen as a sign of contempt and disrespect for human rights because the right to a fair trial is a human right under the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. An important concept of a free and fair trial as laid out by article 11 section 1 is that

Everyone charged with a penal offense has the right to be presumed innocent until proved guilty according to the law in a public trial at which he has had all the guarantees necessary for his defense.

Torture of an individual due to suspicion is an egregious human rights violation because the police are not tasked with taking law and order into their own hands. In a normal democracy, it is for the courts to decide who exactly is guilty or not.

In this context, it is therefore important to note the scathing remarks of the judges on the issue of judicial independence. The judges note that “even though the applicable legal framework provided effective safeguards, the rule of law was destabilized very swiftly by the government’s reaction to the Gezi Park protest in June 2013 and furthermore to the concrete threat of prosecution of high-ranking state officials for corruption in December 2013”. The judges also notes that “the Tribunal notes with concern the mass dismissals of approximately 4.560 judges and prosecutors in the aftermath of the attempted coup d’état, based on a list drawn up by the High Judicial Council”. In addition the judges also noted that “multiple judges and prosecutors who had adopted decisions or performed investigations disapproved by the government, were summarily arrested and placed in pre-trial detention on suspicion of membership of a terrorist organization after the attempted coup d’État. This constitutes, in the view of the Tribunal, severe intimidation of the judiciary”. While there are several other points on the independence of judiciary made by the judges in the tribunal, the reality as noted by the judges is that judicially in Turkey is being systematically intimidated. Therefore, it gives an opportunity for the police to torture individuals with a judiciary which may not do much to hold the police accountable.

In regards to other human rights issues in Turkey, the judges made some other scathing remarks. As far as abductions are concerned the judges note that:

“The Tribunal furthermore observes a recurring pattern used to execute the enforced disappearances. Regarding domestic enforced disappearances, firstly, the perpetrators do not seem to be worried about an intervention by the law enforcement authorities since the forcible deprivations of liberty are carried out in broad daylight, in the presence of eyewitnesses or security cameras; secondly, the abductions are carried out in a similar manner, namely using the same type of vehicles, often by provoking a car accident and by a bag being put over the heads of the alleged victims after which they are pushed into a black transporter van”.

In so far as freedom of expression is concerned The Tribunal noted that “the repression against the press and freedom of expression points to a larger policy of the State to silence critical voices and limit people’s access to information”. Moreover, the judges state that “The restriction of freedom of expression, in particular press freedom, through the extensive use of criminalization, prosecution, and pre-trial detention of journalists, has been exacerbated by the events of 15-16 July 2016. These restrictions inhibit both the media and the public from actively exercising these freedoms, essential in a democratic society. In addition, they deeply impact the families and communities of their direct targets”.

In terms of impunity, The Tribunal was “of the opinion that there has been a persistent and prevailing culture of impunity in Turkey since 1980, which has reached unprecedented levels in recent years, particularly since the attempted coup d’état of 15 July 2016”. In particular, the judges noted that

The Tribunal acknowledges the Report’s identification of five interconnected causes which contribute to impunity and show the organized and institutionalized nature of the problem: (i) the deficient legal structure, (ii) the political rhetoric reinforcing the patterns of impunity, (iii) the lack of political will to hold state agents accountable, (iv) the ineffective and delayed investigations by prosecutors, and (v) the lack of an independent judiciary.

Due to these conditions, the tribunal noted that it “is of the view that the acts of torture and enforced disappearances committed in Turkey, in applications brought before an appropriate body and subject to the proof of the specific knowledge and intent of the accused, could amount to crimes against humanity”.

These judgments expose the all-around contempt and disrespect for human rights by the Turkish government. Those who question, oppose or disagree with the government or ensure that the government is bound to its limits face impunity, kidnapping, torture, persecution, purgery. This is aided by an executive that has no checks on it by either legislature, judiciary, or the media. The fundamental feature of respect i.e. accountability is all but missing in the Turkish system be it executive,  judiciary, police, or media. These structures have bent to the will of the executive and the wholesale compromise of these institutions exposes the wholesale contempt of the Turkish government because they can commit rights violations and get away with and no one can ask any questions. This is the takeaway of the judgments.

Content from:

1. https://www.un.org/en/about-us/universal-declaration-of-human-rights.

2. https://turkeytribunal.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/09/TURKEY-TRIBUNAL-FINAL-OPINION-24-SEPT-final.pdf.

AMENDMENT PROPOSALS for the DRAFT REPORT on the 2019-2020 Commission Reports on Turkey (2019/2176(INI))

To Download PDF: EP_Turkey_Report_2020_BrokenChalk_Amendment_Proposal

To Download Word: EP_Turkey_Report_2020_BrokenChalk_Amendment_Proposal

To download the original DRAFT REPORT on the 2019-2020 Commission Reports on Turkey (2019/2176(INI))

 

Broken Chalk is a human rights organization and mainly concentrates on violations in the educational field. We were acting as a platform; however, we became a fully registered organization in the Netherlands in October 2020.

Our team has prepared some amendment proposals for the Draft Report on the 2019-2020 Commission Reports on Turkey by European Parliament that we would like to present to you and your office.

As mentioned in the Draft Report, the relationship between the EU and Turkey is now at its lowest point. The number of human rights violations in Turkey is increasing day by day. As you may observe, the number of people facing human rights violations in Turkey is much more than known ever.

It is mentioned in the European Commission Turkey 2020 Report that Turkey has prioritized the fight against the dismantling of the Gülen movement.[1]

Interior Minister for Turkey, Soylu said, “Since 15 July 2016, 99 thousand 66 operations have been carried out, 282 thousand 790 detentions and 94 thousand 975 arrests have been carried out. The number of people who are still detained under this crime is 25 thousand 912”.[2] The only evidence for most of the above cases is to have a link with the Gülen movement.[3]

European Court for Human Rights agreed with the Turkish Government. To stop the court from being overwhelmed, in January 2017, Turkey would establish an Inquiry Commission on the State of Emergency to provide a judicial review level to those dismissed by decree during the state of emergency period.[4] As of 3 July 2020, 126,300 applications were made to the Commission, and decisions were issued in 108,200 cases. Of those, 96,000 were rejected – meaning the original decree decision was upheld – and in 12,200 cases, the application for appeal was accepted.[5]

At this point, we would like to present our amendments for the Draft Report; we hope that you will work for the European Parliaments to add the following amendments to the Report.

Proposals for The rule of law and fundamental rights

 Amendment  1

Present Text Text with Amendment
(8)        Is appalled by the serious backsliding on fundamental freedoms revealing the dire human rights situation in Turkey and the continued erosion of democracy and the rule of law; (8)        Is appalled by the serious backsliding on fundamental freedoms revealing the dire human rights situation in Turkey and the continued erosion of democracy and the rule of law; since 15 July 2016, 99 thousand 66 operations have been carried out, 282 thousand 790 detentions and 94 thousand 975 arrests have been carried out. The number of people who are still detained under this crime[6] is 25 thousand 912.[7] To have alleged affiliation with the Gülen movement should not be taken as a crime.[8] To be a member of a legal but closed association should not be taken perceived to be opposing the Government.[9]

Amendment  2

Present Text Text with Amendment
(10)      Notes with deep concern that, despite the formal lifting of the state of emergency in July 2018, its impact on democracy and fundamental rights continues to be strongly felt;. (10)      Notes with deep concern that, despite the formal lifting of the state of emergency in July 2018, its impact on democracy and fundamental rights continues to be strongly felt. Since July 2016, authorities have published lists of those dismissed from public service and put markers against them in the state social insurance system’s registration system (SGK). Those people have been legally banned from working in public sector again; marking them in the SGK system significantly reduces their chances of finding alternative employment in private sector and stigmatizes them socially.[10] The government has seized or appointed administrators for approximately 1,000 businesses, worth an estimated USD12 billion, accused of having links to the Gülen movement[11] including private schools, 16[12] universities and educational intuitions (2761 entities were closed down[13]). To handover, back these companies and intuitions to their owners.

 

Amendment  3

Present Text Text with Amendment
(11)      Deeply regrets that this repressive form of rule has now become a deliberate, relentless, systematic state policy, which extends to any critical activities, such as Kurdish activism, or even to events that took place prior to the attempted coup, such as the Gezi protests; (11)      Deeply regrets that this repressive form of rule has now become a deliberate, relentless, systematic state policy, which extends to any critical activities, such as Kurdish activism, to defend the rights of members or sympathizers of Gülen Movement, or even to events that took place prior to the attempted coup, such as the Gezi protests;

Amendment  4

Present Text Text with Amendment
(12)      Regrets that the current overly broad anti-terrorism provisions and the abuse of the anti-terror measures have become the backbone of this state policy; reiterates its firm condemnation of the violence by the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK), which has been on the EU list of terrorist organizations since 2002; (12)      Regrets that the current overly broad anti-terrorism provisions and the abuse of the anti-terror measures have become the backbone of this state policy; in which 69,259 people have been on trial, and 155,560 people have been under criminal investigation on terrorism charges in cases linked to the Gülen movement, which Turkish authorities deems this movement as a terrorist organization, and 29,487 of those have been held in prison either on remand or following conviction;[14] reiterates its firm condemnation of the violence by the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK), which has been on the EU list of terrorist organizations since 2002;

Amendment  5

Present Text Text with Amendment
(13)      Considers that the erosion of the rule of law and the systemic lack of independence of the judiciary continues to be one of the most pressing and worrying issues; condemns the increased surveillance by the executive and the political pressure affecting the work of judges, prosecutors, lawyers and bar associations; (13)      Considers that the erosion of the rule of law and the systemic lack of independence of the judiciary continues to be one of the most pressing and worrying issues; condemns the increased surveillance by the executive and the political pressure affecting the work of judges, prosecutors, lawyers and bar associations; in some cases higher courts correct excesses of prosecutors and lower courts, but these higher court judgments arrive too late to mitigate the chilling effect caused by the criminal proceedings.[15]

Amendment  6

Present Text Text with Amendment
(14)      Is deeply worried about the disregard by the Turkish judiciary of the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) rulings and the increasing non-compliance of lower courts with the judgments of the Constitutional Court; (14)      Is deeply worried about the disregard by the Turkish judiciary of the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) rulings and the increasing non-compliance of lower courts with the judgments of the Constitutional Court; Former deputy chief justice of Turkey’s Constitutional Court Alparslan Altan is still behind the bars despite the decision of ECtHR.[16]

Amendment  7

Present Text Text with Amendment
(17)      Notes with great concern the way that the People’s Democratic Party (HDP) has been specifically and continuously targeted by the Turkish authorities; strongly condemns the continued detention of former HDP co-chair Selahattin Demirtaş; (17)      Notes with great concern the way that the Gülen movement and the People’s Democratic Party (HDP) have been specifically and continuously targeted by the Turkish authorities; strongly condemns the continued detention of former HDP co-chair Selahattin Demirtas;

Amendment  8

Present Text Text with Amendment
(18)      Calls on Turkey to release all    imprisoned human rights defenders, journalists, lawyers, academics and others who have been detained on unsubstantiated charges and to enable them to carry out their work without threat or impediment in all circumstances; strongly condemns the re-arrest and continued detention of Osman Kavala, a prominent civil society figure;

 

 

(18)      Calls on Turkey to release all imprisoned human rights defenders, journalists, lawyers, academics, teachers, mothers with their babies[17] and others who have been detained on unsubstantiated charges, who did not commit any crime other than being affiliated with groups the regime sees as political threats[18] and to enable them to carry out their work without threat or impediment in all circumstances; strongly condemns the re-arrest and continued detention of Osman Kavala, a prominent civil society figure; of Memduh Boydak, Chairman of the Board of Trustees of Closed Melikşah University, Tekin Ipek brother to Hamdi Akin Ipek, founder of Closed Ipek University and Prof. Sedat Laciner, former rector of Çanakkale Onsekiz Mart University. To release the 1333 sick prisoners, 457 of which are in severe conditions.[19] To release Journalist Hanım Büşra Erdal eligible for release on probation according to Turkish legislation on sentences’ execution.[20]

 

Proposals for Wider EU-Turkey relations and Turkish foreign policy

Amendment  9

Present Text Text with Amendment
(35-NEW)

 

 

(35-NEW)   Turkish Government puts pressure on authorities in the Western Balkans to extradite alleged participants of the Gülen movement and seize the educational institutions known as affiliated with the Gülen Movement. Kosovo[21], Albania[22], and Moldova[23] extradite some people to Turkey; to stop the pressure in the Western Balkan countries on educational institutions[24] to seize them.

We kindly propose and request the amendments above to be included in the Final Report. If you need more information or explanation on any of the amendments above, we are always ready to supply.

 

Broken Chalk

 

[1] https://ec.europa.eu/neighbourhood-enlargement/sites/near/files/turkey_report_2020.pdf

[2] https://tr.sputniknews.com/turkiye/202007151042459379-soylu-15-temmuz-2016dan-bu-yana-282-bin-790-gozalti-ve-94-bin-975-tutuklama-gerceklestirildi/

[3] https://www.dfat.gov.au/sites/default/files/country-information-report-turkey.pdf

[4] https://ec.europa.eu/commission/presscorner/detail/en/COUNTRY_19_2781

[5] https://ec.europa.eu/commission/presscorner/detail/en/COUNTRY_19_2781

[6] Soylu said in his speech in the scope of the fight against Gulen movement, Soylu did not state against the coup attack.

[7] https://tr.sputniknews.com/turkiye/202007151042459379-soylu-15-temmuz-2016dan-bu-yana-282-bin-790-gozalti-ve-94-bin-975-tutuklama-gerceklestirildi/

[8] https://english.alarabiya.net/en/features/2020/06/10/Why-is-Turkey-s-Erdogan-persecuting-the-Gulen-movement-

[9] https://ec.europa.eu/neighbourhood-enlargement/sites/near/files/turkey_report_2020.pdf

[10] https://www.dfat.gov.au/sites/default/files/country-information-report-turkey.pdf

[11] https://www.dfat.gov.au/sites/default/files/country-information-report-turkey.pdf

[12] Known as 15 but recently The Şehir University in Istanbul was closed by a presidential decree of 30 June 2020.

[13] https://rm.coe.int/report-on-the-visit-to-turkey-by-dunja-mijatovic-council-of-europe-com/168099823e

[14] https://www.hrw.org/world-report/2020/country-chapters/turkey

[15] https://rm.coe.int/report-on-the-visit-to-turkey-by-dunja-mijatovic-council-of-europe-com/168099823e

[16] https://stockholmcf.org/turkish-constitutional-courts-new-mission-is-to-ignore-unlawful-acts-and-to-legitimize-them-says-jailed-former-deputy-chief-justice/

[17] Today, at least 743 children below the age of six live behind bars in Turkey. About half have not even reached the age of 3, says Saban Yilmaz, who heads the parliamentary human rights commission. From https://www.dw.com/en/turkey-babies-behind-bars/a-49320769

[18] https://www.amnesty.org/en/get-involved/take-action/turkey-covid-19-prisoners-release/

[19] https://m.bianet.org/bianet/insan-haklari/207245-ihd-hapishanelerde-457-si-agir-1333-hasta-mahpus-var

[20] https://stockholmcf.org/turkish-authorities-refuse-to-release-political-prisoners-who-served-their-prison-times/

[21] https://br.reuters.com/article/us-turkey-security-kosovo-idUSKBN1H51JL

[22] https://ec.europa.eu/neighbourhood-enlargement/sites/near/files/turkey_report_2020.pdf

[23] http://hudoc.echr.coe.int/fre?i=001-193614

[24] https://www.aa.com.tr/en/europe/albania-closes-schools-run-by-feto-terror-group/1985350

Broken Chalk: Not Only Prepare the Reports but Also Follow Them Up

As Broken Chalk volunteers, we did not only submit the reports but also followed up.

Our actions were,

We attended the 35th UPR Pre-Session Turkey in December 2019 in Geneva. Try to get in touch with the permanent missions of each country that are present in the meeting. We present our factsheet to the permanent missions. Moreover, give more information on human rights violations in Education in Turkey. We had a short meeting with some countries like Denmark, the Netherlands, Belgium, and Luxemburg.

We send an e-mail to all permanent missions of UN member countries about our submissions.

We attended the 35th UPR Session Turkey in January 2020 in Geneva to see the effect of our works on the recommendations of each country. Moreover, we had a meeting with some countries such as Germany, Iceland, Denmark, Fiji, Croatia, Norway, Italy, and many more countries. We handover our factsheets directly over 30 countries.

In the end, Turkey received 321 recommendations from 124 countries and did not accept 19 of the recommendations.