The following report has been drafted by Broken Chalk as a stakeholder contribution to the fourth cycle of the Universal Periodic Review [UPR] for the United States of America (USA or U.S.). As Broken Chalk’s focus is on combating human rights violations within the educational sphere, the contents of this report and the following recommendations will focus on the Right to Education.
According to the latest available data from the World Bank, 81.4% of individuals in the USA’s population have achieved at least a fixed level of proficiency in functional literacy skills proportionally. The literacy percentage increased to 90.3% when examining only individuals with a high socioeconomic classification and decreased to 59.4% when examining only individuals with a low socioeconomic classification. Additionally, the literacy rate further increased to 83.9% relative to the mean level when the data was solely focused on individuals without an immigrant background. In contrast, the literacy rate dropped significantly to 67.2% when only individuals from an immigrant background were accounted for. i
Home to the top universities and tertiary education institutions around the globe, the United States of America performs slightly better than the OECD average for tertiary enrollment among individuals aged between 25 and 34, with 46% to 41% for men and 56% to 54% for women, respectively. However, when examining educational attainment for all individuals aged between 25 and 64, the USA performs significantly better than the OECD average of 40% attainment of tertiary-level education, with 50% of American individuals having obtained a tertiary-level educational degree. ii
The metrics on high degrees of educational attainment are further emphasised with figures such as an impressive 8% of American individuals aged between 25 and 64 not having completed at least an upper secondary education in 2022, in comparison to the OECD average of 20% of individuals aged between 25 and 64 not having completed at least an upper secondary level education. iii Evermore impressive, the percentage of individuals aged between 25 and 34 without an upper secondary education attainment decreased by 3% between 2016 and 2023, and with a measurement of 6%, it is eight percentage points below the OECD average in 2023. iv
As many countries across the globe have been negatively affected in the education sector from the COVID-19 pandemic, some even experiencing a double-digit decrease in the share of international students in tertiary education, the USA stands as an essential outlier with the share of international students remaining stable from 2019 to 2022, at 5% of all tertiary students. v
A significant amount of investment in education comes from the public sector globally, particularly in compulsory or primary education. The United States is no exception, with 93% of investment in primary institutions coming from the state. The U.S. has also sustainably spent around 5.8% of its national GDP on primary education institutions from 2016 to 2021, slightly above the broad OECD average of 4.9% during the same period.
Although private expenditure towards the sustaining of pre-primary and tertiary educational institutions is the global norm, the United States has a lower share of public expenditure, 81%, towards pre-primary institutions when compared to the OECD average of 86%, and a significantly lower share of public expenditure of 39% when compared to the OECD average of 68%. vi
i World Bank. Education Statistics – All IndicatorsDatabank. (June 25, 2024).
iiOrganisation for Economic Co-operation and Development. “Education at a Glance 2023 Country Note: United States.”OECD Publishing, (2023): https://doi.org/10.1787/044e6d2c-en
iiiIbid.
ivOrganisation for Economic Co-operation and Development. “Education at a Glance 2024 Country Note: United States.”OECD Publishing, (2024)
vOrganisation for Economic Co-operation and Development. “Education at a Glance 2023 Country Note: United States.”OECD Publishing, (2023): https://doi.org/10.1787/044e6d2c-en
vi Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development. “Education at a Glance 2024 Country Note: United States.”OECD Publishing, (2024).
Broken Chalk has drafted the following report as a stakeholder contribution to the fourth cycle of the Universal Periodic Review UPR for the Republic of Panama. As Broken Chalk’s focus is on combating human rights violations within the educational sphere, the contents of this report and the following recommendations will primarily focus on the right to education.
Panama’s education system includes 6 years of compulsory primary education (Education Primaria) for children aged 6 to 12. Secondary education is divided into two stages. The lower secondary stage is 3 years of compulsory middle education (Educación Primaria) from ages 12 to 15. After completing mandatory education, students aged 15 to 18 can proceed to upper secondary education, known as Educación Media. This stage provides two primary pathways: the Academic Track, which emphasises general education subjects to prepare students for higher education, and the Technical/Vocational Track, which offers specialised training in various trades and professions. i
The enrollment rate in Panama’s education system has improved significantly in recent years, particularly over the last decade, starting at the primary level. According to the data from the World Bank, the net enrolment rate for primary education means that 95% ii(2023) of Children in the 6-12 age group are enrolled in school. Middle education involves a gross rate of 83% (2021)iii of students within the age bracket of 13 to 15 years.
Despite all those regarding the quality of education, according to the PISA study (2023), 6 out of 10 15-year-old students do not understand what they read. One hundred seventeen thousand seven hundred ninety-nine children and adolescents between the ages of 4 and 17 do not attend any educational center. Thirty percent of them drop out of school because they do not have an academic offer nearby (UNICEF Panama, 2023). iv Poverty and inequality are the primary challenges impacting access to and quality of education in Panama. Despite being a high Human Development Index country, Panama experiences significant disparities, particularly in education. The gaps are most pronounced in rural areas and among Indigenous communities, where students often face the necessity of working on the land.
Efforts have been made to close the gap. This year, 7% of the government’s expenditure on education, valued at $ 5.4 million, is allocated to the Minister of Education (MEDUCA), representing a decline of 11.9% from last year, according to the World Bankv. Despite the challenge posed by the National Plan for the Elimination of School Ranches (Plan Nacional de Eliminación de Ranchos Escolares), there are more than 400 aulas ranchos still to be eradicated.vi It is argued that it is impossible to eliminate due to the shortage of funds. Additionally, investment in infrastructure is much needed to provide clean water and facilities for students.
The government, in collaboration with multilateral agencies vii, is working together to promote and enhance the nation’s educational quality to a high level. In response to the COVID-19 pandemic, governments have accelerated the integration of technology tools into the educational system. This includes the development of online learning platforms and the
Rümeysa Öztürk, a 30-year-old Turkish doctoral student at Tufts University, was abruptly detained on March 25, 2025, by plainclothes officers from the U.S. Department of Homeland Security (DHS) while walking to join friends for a Ramadan iftar dinner in Somerville, Massachusetts. The unsettling incident was captured on video and rapidly spread through mainstream media, sparking significant public concern. The footage revealed masked agents intercepting Öztürk, handcuffing her, and escorting her into an unmarked vehicle.
Öztürk had moved to the United States under an F-1 student visa, after previously earning a master’s degree from Columbia University and serving as a research assistant at Boston University. The day before her arrest, without any prior notification, DHS had revoked her visa based on allegations of her supporting Hamas, a political and militant organization in Gaza designated by the U.S. government as a foreign terrorist group. Despite these serious allegations, no tangible evidence has been provided to substantiate claims of Öztürk’s involvement in criminal activities or direct support of Hamas. Consequently, she has not been formally charged with any crime.
The allegations seem to stem primarily from an opinion piece co-authored by Öztürk and 32 other Tufts students, published in The Tufts Daily. In this article, the authors criticized Israel’s human-rights abuses in Gaza following the Hamas attacks against Israeli civilians on October 7, 2024, and urged the university to divest from companies linked to these practices. Although the piece did not contain explicit support for Hamas, Öztürk’s personal details were subsequently posted on “Canary Mission,” a controversial pro-Israel website that publicizes personal information about pro-Palestinian advocates, labeling them as antisemitic.
Immediately following her detention, Öztürk was moved from Massachusetts to an immigration detention facility in Louisiana, approximately 2,400 kilometers away from her residence. This relocation directly violated a judicial order requiring a 48-hour notice before moving detainees out of state, hindering her constitutional right to access legal counsel. Her lawyers and civil rights advocates have condemned the transfer, emphasizing that it obstructed her basic rights and due process protections. In response, U.S. government officials under the second Trump administration cited the Immigration and Nationality Act, stating it provides the State Department broad authority to deport non-citizens deemed adversarial to the nation’s foreign policy and national security interests. U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio publicly supported this interpretation, stating explicitly that visa and green-card holders could be deported for “virtually any reason.”
Öztürk’s detention reflects broader shifts in immigration enforcement under President Trump’s second term, which have seen intensified scrutiny of international students and residents expressing pro-Palestinian sentiments. Administration officials use extensive social media surveillance to flag individuals perceived as security risks, conflating nonviolent activism and political criticism of Israel with support for terrorism. Critics argue this practice dangerously blurs the distinction between legitimate free speech and violent extremism. Moreover, universities might lose government approval to enroll international students if they are perceived as lenient towards what authorities label extremist views, generating a climate of fear and self-censorship among scholars and administrators.
Furthermore, Trump’s January 2025 executive order pledging to combat antisemitism on campuses has heightened fears that any pro-Palestinian advocacy could provoke visa revocations and deportations. Multiple international students from prestigious universities, including Ivy League institutions, have similarly faced sudden visa cancellations after voicing support for Palestinian rights. Civil rights groups have widely criticized these measures as politically motivated and repressive, undermining democratic values of free speech and debate, and fueling a politics of fear intended to intimidate potential critics.
Currently, Öztürk remains detained in Louisiana, with her legal proceedings transferred from Massachusetts to Vermont. A federal judge in Vermont has temporarily halted her deportation, though her ultimate legal fate remains uncertain. The Turkish government is actively engaging in diplomatic efforts to secure her release and provide consular assistance.
The case of Rümeysa Öztürk raises profound concerns over freedom of expression, immigrant rights, and the increasingly politicized application of immigration laws. Amid deepening diplomatic ties between the U.S. and Israel under the Trump administration, her situation underscores a disturbing trend: human rights and personal freedoms risk becoming secondary to geopolitical alliances and political rhetoric, jeopardizing the fundamental principles of democracy and academic freedom.
Jamaica faces significant challenges regarding poor educational outcomes, which have serious consequences for both individual opportunities and the nation’s development. Although there has been an increase in access to education, particularly at the primary level, notable disparities persist, resulting in inadequate learning outcomes for many students. [xiii]
The PISA 2022 results reveal a troubling situation regarding Jamaican students’ performance when compared to OECD averages. In mathematics, 15-year-olds in Jamaica scored 377 points, which is considerably lower than the OECD average of 472 points. Likewise, reading scores averaged 410 points, compared to 476 points in OECD countries, and science scores averaged 403 points versus 485 points in OECD countries. These significant gaps highlight a systemic issue that warrants immediate attention. [xiv]
The low levels of proficiency further highlight the seriousness of the issue. Only 26% of Jamaican students achieved at least Level 2 proficiency in mathematics, indicating a critical lack of basic math skills and understanding. The nearly complete absence of high achievers in mathematics (Levels 5 or 6) is especially concerning, with virtually no Jamaican students reaching these levels. [xv]
Other variables also contribute to these unsatisfactory outcomes. A considerably more significant percentage of Jamaican students reported feeling unsafe at school compared to their OECD counterparts: 22% on their way to school (OECD: 8%), 16% in classrooms (OECD: 7%), and 25% in other areas of the school (OECD: 10%). The extended school closures due to COVID-19, which impacted 76% of Jamaican students for over three months compared to 51% in OECD countries, likely worsened these issues. Even with high pre-primary education attendance rates (96% compared to 94% in OECD countries), the high-grade repetition rate (20% versus 9%) suggests inherent problems within the education system. [xvi]
To address the low quality of education, Jamaica’s government has implemented several strategies, including the creation of a National Standards Curriculum (NSC) designed to enhance the quality of teaching and learning at all educational levels. This curriculum emphasises competency-based learning, incorporates technology, and fosters critical thinking skills. However, the execution and effectiveness of the NSC vary across schools and regions, influenced by factors such as resource availability and teacher training. [xvii]
[xv] Bose-Duker, Theophiline, Michael Henry, and Eric Strobl. “Child Fostering and the Educational Outcomes of Jamaican Children.” International Journal of Educational Development, vol.87, November 2021,https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ijedudev.2021.102483
The following report has been drafted by Broken Chalk as a stakeholder contribution to the fourth cycle of the Universal Periodic Review [UPR] for the Republic of Honduras. As Broken Chalk’s focus is on combating human rights violations within the educational sphere, the contents of this report and the following recommendations will primarily focus on the Right to Education.
The education system in Honduras is structured into four levels: pre-primary (pre-basic education for ages 3-6), primary (ages 6-14), secondary (ages 15-17), and higher education (including university). [i]
Articles 155 and 156 of the Honduran Constitution guarantee the right to education and academic freedom. Article 157 stipulates that education is to be funded entirely by the state, except for certain exceptions in higher education. Article 171 of the constitution mandates one year of pre-basic education and all intermediate education, totaling 10 years of mandatory education, which are to be provided entirely unburdened by the state. [ii] [iii]
The Secretaría de Educación (Education Secretariat) is tasked with managing and regulating all policies related to education, as well as overseeing the national education budget.
In recent years, the government has undergone reforms that have decentralized state funding of schools and educational programmes, instead delegating the funding responsibility to regional governments. [iv] This has led to increasing privatization of education in Honduras over the past two decades, where the government has struggled to meet the demand and needs of the population. [v]
The Honduran government has outlined a vision for the National Education System to be inclusive, effective, and efficient in meeting the nation’s needs, regardless of region, providing life training for citizens that enables them to build well-being and contribute to the nation’s sustainable development. [vi]
In 2019, Honduras received a grant of approximately $ 40 million from the World Bank as part of an early childhood development project. The project spans from 2020 to 2025 and includes building, expanding, and/or rehabilitating public preschool centers in 224 classrooms, providing training and support to over 2,000 teachers, and increasing community engagement in preschool education. The progress on the project as of October 2024 was “moderately satisfactory.” [vii] [viii]
Despite 10 years of mandatory, free education being available to Hondurans over the age of 25, the average number of schooling years is 6.4 years. Moreover, the out-of-school rate in Honduras is two and a half times the Latin American average in primary school and nearly four times the average in secondary school. While this issue is experienced nationwide, across demographic groups, low-income and rural communities are more affected. [ix]
i [i] Paz-Maldonado, E., H. Flores-Girón, and I. Silva-Peña. “Education and social inequality: The impact of covid-19 pandemic on the public education system in Honduras.” Education Policy Analysis Archives 29 (2021): 133
[iii] Murphy-Graham, Erin, Diana Pacheco Montoya, Alison K. Cohen, and Enrique Valencia Lopez. “Examining school dropout among rural youth in Honduras: Evidence from a mixed-methods longitudinal study.” International Journal of Educational Development 82 (2021): 102329.
[iv]Levy, Jordan. “Reforming schools, disciplining teachers: Decentralization and privatization of education in Honduras.” Anthropology & Education Quarterly 50, no. 2 (2019): 170-188.
[v]Edwards Jr, D. Brent, M. Moschetti, and Alejandro Caravaca. “Globalization and privatization of education in Honduras—Or the need to reconsider the dynamics and legacy of state formation.” Discourse: Studies in the Cultural Politics of Education 44, no. 4 (2023): 635-649.
[vii]World Bank. “Early Childhood Education Improvement Project.” International Development Association, December 9, 2019. https://www.globalpartnership.org/node/document/download?file=document/file/2021-11-program-document-honduras.pdf.
[ix] Murphy-Graham, Erin, Diana Pacheco Montoya, Alison K. Cohen, and Enrique Valencia Lopez. “Examining school dropout among rural youth in Honduras: Evidence from a mixed-methods longitudinal study.” International Journal of Educational Development 82 (2021): 102329.
México se enfrenta a una crisis educacional; es bien sabido por la sociedad mexicana que muchas cosas faltan dentro del sistema educacional. Además de la OECD (Organización para la Cooperación Económica y el Desarrollo) demandando mejores instituciones para atender a la realidad educacional del país, ha habido mucha presión de otras instituciones para atender a este problema. Es un país en desarrollo que depende económicamente de otros países en una sociedad donde la corrupción y el narcotráfico forman parte de una realidad que ha sido normalizada.
Los mayores problemas en la educación mexicana tienen que ver con la mala calidad, cobertura insuficiente en algunos niveles, y altas tasas de abandono en niveles más allá de la educación primaria. Por ejemplo, México es un país que tiene una gran diversidad cultural, así como asuntos socioeconómicos que han creado una gran brecha entre clases sociales. Esta realidad ha forzado a niños a abandonar el colegio y ayudar a sus familias, en algunos casos, forzados a trabajar con cárteles rompiendo la dinámica educacional para jóvenes, lo cual es problemático debido al hecho de que la compleción de la educación secundaria es un requisito mínimo para la mayoría del mercado laboral. 44% de jóvenes adultos abandonaron la escuela antes de completar la educación secundaria, en comparación con el 14% de los países socios de la OECD. Este artículo destaca cuatro desafíos mayores para la educación que se aprecian en México.
Uno de los desafíos principales es que México no garantiza la educación a la mayoría de los ciudadanos. Con el 43.9% de la población sumida en la pobreza, se ha convertido un desafío para las personas que viven en zonas marginadas acceder a la educación debido a la falta de transporte, materiales y problemas de salud.
La mayoría de las comunidades indígenas a menudo deben viajar durante horas para llegar a la escuela más cercana, destacando el problema de que no ha habido suficientes escuelas construidas en estas áreas rurales, poniendo a sus habitantes en desventaja dado que tienen que abandonar sus comunidades y enfrentarse a grandes dificultades para extender su educación.
Ya que la educación pública está financiada por el Estado federal, el presupuesto atribuido a los estados no es siempre coherente con las necesidades de cada uno. Por ejemplo, un estado con menor infraestructura y alta demanda en libros tiene un menor presupuesto que otro ubicado en el centro de una ciudad lo cual profundiza la desigualdad en la educación entre estados de cara a sus respectivas necesidades o consideraciones. Por ejemplo, los estados de Baja California y México contribuyen el 40% del total del presupuesto en educación a través de financiación estatal, siendo un claro ejemplo de desigualdad presupuestaria.
La cultura Mexicana, especialmente en los lugares más marginados, está ligada a la creencia de que las mujeres deben limitarse a sus hogares y a cuidar a los niños, así como a otras tareas del hogar, por lo que las niñas mexicanas tienen más predisposición que los niños a abandonar la escuela y por subsiguiente rechazando el acceso a los niveles más básicos de educación así como a los más avanzados. El matrimonio infantil todavía es una costumbre en la mayoría de las comunidades mexicanas, y el 83% de las niñas que contraen matrimonio abandonan el colegio.
También existe desigualdad en el acceso a la educación para las comunidades indígenas, en donde el sistema y programas no están diseñados para sus costumbres o incluso lenguaje. Algunos de los cursos impartidos ni siquiera se ajustan a sus estilos de vida, ya que no toman en consideración de dónde vienen.
Escuelas en México están organizadas en públicas y privadas. Las públicas están basadas en la autoridad estatal y administradores escolares, pero las decisiones no involucran a las partes interesadas como los padres y los estudiantes. Existe una institución llama SEP (Secretariado de Educación Publica) que establece las pautas sobre escuelas públicas, y se caracteriza por una falta de transparencia y toma de responsabilidad para la correcta aplicación de los recursos económicos, limitando el acceso a la información y al análisis del desarrollo en las escuelas públicas.
Padres y profesores llevan tiempo protestando contra la institución y exigiendo una investigación debido a la venta de plazas y actos de corrupción. La venta de plazas consiste en la acción de un profesor que vende su posición a otra persona a cambio de dinero, debido a la ineficiencia en el registro para acceder como profesor a escuelas públicas y la corrupción del sistema que permite esta práctica.
En algunos casos, estas personas no están cualificados para enseñar. Profesores que aspiran a ser asistentes de los directores, directores, asesores técnicos pedagógicos, y supervisores en general entienden que hay tres maneras de alcanzarlo. Comprando la plaza. Por influencia. O por medio del favor político del actual superior.
Falta de recursos o inversion en infraestructura educacional
Colegios ubicados en áreas marginadas e incluso escuelas públicas que se encuentran en la ciudad presentan condiciones e infraestructura desfavorables, lo cual disminuye el bienestar y las oportunidades de conocimiento denegando el derecho a la educación de calidad para los estudiantes. Tampoco hay encuestas realizadas por los colegios, profesores y alumni en indicaciones básicos de educación para mejorar la infraestructura basadas en los déficits identificados. Esto impacta negativamente en los estudiantes para crecer con su nivel educacional y crea una barrera más diferenciada entre centros públicos y privados.
Otro ejemplo es la falta de aulas para estudiantes, especialmente en escuelas en áreas rurales con mayoría indígena y que presentan un mayor número de estudiantes que aulas.
En términos de materiales de aprendizaje, sólo un 43.3% de escuelas cuentan con bibliotecas o espacios con libros escolares mientras que sólo el 22% de escuelas indígenas cuentan con estos elementos. Y esto se puede observar no sólo en escuelas públicas, pero también puede sorprender que al menos un tercio de todos los centros privados en México no disponen de una biblioteca.
Esto representa un gran desafío para niños y jóvenes para poder aprender en ausencia de los materiales básicos para la educación y les dificulta evolucionar en su educación si no hay acceso a las tecnologías en el mundo globalizado en el que vivimos, donde el 1.7% de ellos tienen acceso a Internet y sólo el 7% tienen un ordenador.
El sistema educativo de México no puede desarrollarse y fortalecerse si continúa teniendo individuos corruptos trabajando dentro del sistema educativo. Además, la diferencia de educación entre centros públicos y privados, rurales y urbanos, crea más obstáculos respecto del acceso y la calidad de la educación. Esto producirá más desigualdad entre individuos en la sociedad mexicana.
Podemos ver diferencias claras entre los presupuestos que está siendo expandido en algunos estados en comparación con otros que se encuentran más próximos a la ciudad. Sin embargo, acceso a las tecnologías y materiales para todo el mundo sin importar el entorno es esencial. México deberá continuar evaluando estos asuntos para poder mostrar mejores resultados con la comunidad internacional asó como con la obligación que tiene con sus ciudadanos para garantizar el acceso a la educación gratuita y de calidad para todos.
The U.S. Virgin Islands are situated in the Caribbean Sea, located some 64 to 80 kilometres east of Puerto Rico. The region consists of three larger islands, St. Croix, St. Thomas and St. John, and approximately 50 smaller cays and islets, amassing a total area of 133 square miles. Due to the inviting climate, the U.S. Virgin Islands attracts a large number of tourists each year, however tourism is one of the region’s only economic resources, and financial aid and funding is provided by the United States. The region is at risk for hurricanes, with an average of 5 passing the region yearly, and in September of 2017 the territory sustained extreme damage from a barrage of two Category 5 hurricanes within the span of two weeks. Irma and Maria together destroyed virtually all crops of St Croix and an estimated 90% of buildings in the territory were destroyed or severely damaged.
Education in the U.S. Virgin Islands is compulsory and government-run schools operate for free. The Virgin Islands Department of Education runs 21 elementary schools, six middle schools and six high schools between two school districts spread between the three main islands. The territory also sports one university, The University of the Virgin Islands, a public liberal arts based university. However, a great number of students attend private schools, and most of the families who relocate to the U.S. Virgin Islands opt to send their children to private or religious affiliated schools, who also charge a tuition fee. Educational challenges in the U.S. Virgin Islands are characterised by poor funding, staff shortages, and struggling infrastructure, causing huge barriers to adequate education for the working class population of the islands.
Unsafe working (and learning) conditions
The vast majority of those who relocate to the U.S. Virgin Islands will decide to send their children to a private school to receive their education. With the Peter Gruber International Academy, situated on St. Thomas, requiring annual tuition ranging from $13,150 to $21,000 excluding materials and accreditation fees, it is starkly obvious that this option is not for everyone. However, given the state of current affairs in public schools, there is no doubt as to why parents would go out of pocket to avoid their children attending the region’s public schools. In September 2023, teachers across St. Croix walked out of their classrooms in protest, claiming that the conditions they are expected to work in are untenable and entirely unsafe. The protesting teachers mention not only the long-standing issues of underfunding for the schools, but also sweltering temperatures that have to be endured in classrooms, many of which have no clean drinking water. This region, famous for its balmy temperatures, has schools operating without air conditioning. The response to this protest has been to implement schedule adjustments, enforcing earlier dismissal and shortened class periods for the schools on St. Croix. In effect, poor funding has caused policy makers to opt for less schooling hours as opposed to providing adequate equipment to the schools.
Teachers are not the only individuals enraged by these conditions, as students took to the streets in protest of the unsafe conditions they are expected to learn and grow under. Students from two historically rivalling highschools put their differences aside as they called for immediate action from leaders. Devastating heat and lack of air conditioning were only the tip of the iceberg for these students, as placards being held high mentioned termites, mould, leaking ceilings, and other structural ailments concerned with the physical school buildings. Further prompting the action was the stark lack of funding for equipment and maintenance workers. School facilities in the U.S. Virgin Islands have sustained damage not only from the hurricanes in 2017, but also many in the 90s and less severe instances in 2021 and 2022. As a result the infrastructure must constantly be repaired and seen to, which these students believe is not being upheld on the side of maintenance due to exceedingly poor funding. One of the schools in which the students came from, Educational Complex High School, is used as a hurricane shelter, which the students reiterated, poor maintenance is not only an educational disadvantage but a genuine health and safety hazard for those living on the island. The students stood in unison demanding answers to where the large budgets dedicated to the Department of Education have been going, and hoping together that their action will spare future students on St. Croix from the conditions they have to currently endure.
Where have all the teachers gone?
Dr. Dionne Wells-Hedrington, commissioner of the Virgin Islands Department of Education cannot stress enough the risk that classrooms will not be filled when the 2023/2024 school year begins. With learning deficiencies in the region presenting themselves as a challenge at present, the 127 teachers reaching retirement age represent a looming loss to the educational system on the islands and a concerning prospect for the students. The school year 2022/2023 saw 33 teachers separate themselves from the department, expanding the 43 pre-existing teaching vacancies in the region. The strategy being employed by the department in an attempt to tackle this growing issue that has been used for years, to try to recruit teachers from outside the territory to fill the gaps. The Department has been driven to launch a special appeal to recruit degree holders and retired teachers to fill substitute teacher positions. The situation remains dire however with Wells-Hedrington informing lawmakers last year that nearly 200 teachers and support staff retired or resigned from the already struggling public school education system between June 2022 and August 2022. Furthermore, the number of non-certified professionals working in the public schools on the Islands far outnumber those certified, with only 228 certified professionals in comparison to 610 non-certified professionals. Emmanuella Perez-Cassius, the Board of Educations Vice Chairwoman, is adamant that educators need to receive higher pay, consistent curriculum mandates and better working conditions.
A storm of mental distress
The Board of Educations Vice Chairwoman further remarked that schools are sorely lacking formal trauma and mental health alert systems for children who need aid with serious issues. The Islands align with national data, indicating that children in America are in the midst of a mental health crisis. St. Croix Foundation reported in 2021 that 22.5% of middle schoolers had “seriously considered suicide” and 33.5% of high school students “felt so sad or hopeless almost every day for two or more weeks that they stopped doing some usual activities”. As this data was collected in the aftermath of the aforementioned hurricanes, it was seen as a cry for help and a call to action for the community of the Islands, with special emphasis on the education system to support children struggling in the region.
In July 2023 Perez-Cassius made it clear that schools are not up to date with critical information that can protect children from a mental health crisis. As a result she called for direct and ongoing communication between the Department of Education and Department of Health, as well as other organisations concerning treatments, school services, and awareness for students with escalating mental health concerns. The Vice Chairwoman additionally called for the implementation of training on trauma based interventions and approaches. Studies have suggested that students on the islands experience PTSD at a significantly higher level than the general population, and a lack of intervention from the education system is an unfortunate shortfall that devastatingly lets students, and teachers alike, down.
Leadership for change
Although there is no absence of challenges faced by those pursuing education through the system in the U.S. Virgin Islands, these very individuals have shown resilience and perseverance time and time again in the face of challenges. The bravery of the protesting teachers and the voices of strong leaders such as Perez-Cassius and Dr. Wells-Hedrington are not going unseen and unheard as attention is being drawn to these areas of concern. Furthermore, the children in the region have stepped up and shown that they will no longer allow for unsafe conditions to be tolerated. These students have shown responsibility and dedication in a way that no child should ever have to. Their passion and drive through their protests and their demands of lawmakers have made waves in their communities and it will be impossible for those in power to ignore their rightly placed rage. After the terror of Irma and Maria the people of the U.S. Virgin Islands have worked hard to rebuild themselves and their education system, demonstrations of strength that will stand to the region with any hope.
Featured image by “Back to school/ Picture by MChe Lee via Unsplash”
Huggins, L., & Serrant, T. (2021). Exploring the Long-Term Impact of Cascading Disasters in the US Virgin Islands on High School Student and Teacher Mental Health and Resilience.
Presented by Ariel Ozdemir, Luna Plet and Olimpia Guidi
The Lenca, indigenous to southwestern Honduras and northeastern El Salvador, reside in approximately 50 villages within a 100-km radius of La Esperanza, the capital city of the mountainous Intibucá department. 1 Most of these villages find themselves on the outskirts of the public education system due to factors such as poverty, age, geographic isolation, gender, and ethnicity. These circumstances collectively contribute to the difficulty in accessing education for many inhabitants. The educational hurdles for Lenca girls in Honduras, especially in regions like San Francisco de Opalaca, are intricate and deeply influenced by socio-economic, cultural, and geographical factors. These challenges are marked by restricted access to education due to economic constraints, particularly affecting girls pursuing primary education. Gender-sensitive education proves to be a critical aspect of the struggles faced by Lenca girls. Prevailing patriarchal norms pose obstacles to their educational opportunities. Concerns about the quality of education in public schools, notably in regions like San Francisco de Opalaca, are pronounced. Challenges include limited access to junior high schools in most villages and the geographic obstacles that impede education beyond grade 6. 2 Inadequacies in the education infrastructure, such as a shortage of teachers and insufficient facilities, further hinder the provision of quality education for Lenca girls. Furthermore, with a literacy rate of 30-50%, the Lenca population typically spends an average of only four years in school. 3 This low educational attainment contributes to a pervasive sense of inferiority and a lack of confidence in advocating for a democratic and civil society. The need for revamping the curriculum to address gender equality, stereotypes, and violence is evident. Emphasis is placed on incorporating human rights workshops to create awareness about gender, cultural, educational, and employment equality. 4 This approach strives to foster an inclusive and supportive educational environment, empowering Lenca girls and addressing societal challenges they encounter.
education for disadvantaged communities . 21 Women and girls, already facing obstacles in pursuing education, find themselves further marginalised by the privatisation of schooling . 22 Consider the challenges faced by promising young students in La Esperanza who experience increased fees due to their schools’ privatisation, leading to their education’s abandonment. This educational setback not only perpetuates the cycle of poverty but also underscores the gendered impact of privatisation on educational opportunities for women and girls. Expanding on the educational aspect, it’s essential to recognise that privatisation can lead to a reduction in educational resources. Privatised institutions may prioritise profit over educational quality, leaving women in poverty with fewer educational support systems. This, in turn, perpetuates systemic disadvantages, limiting the potential for upward mobility through education. Healthcare Challenges Privatisation in the healthcare sector can pose significant challenges for vulnerable populations, particularly women. As essential healthcare services become privatised, the financial burden on impoverished women intensifies, limiting their access to crucial medical support. The lack of affordable healthcare options further entrenches gender disparities in health outcomes . 23
In the complex landscape of United States prison labour, there exist six primary categories of prison labour, namely maintenance work within carceral facilities, state prison industries, public works assignments benefiting governmental and non-profit entities, employment with private industries, work-release programs and restitution centres, and agricultural work.
Maintenance work primarily consists of tasks to maintain the prisons themselves, such as janitorial duties, food preparation, grounds maintenance, repair work, laundry, and providing essential services like working in prison hospitals, stockrooms, stores, barber shops, and libraries.
Discriminatory labour assignments According to a report by the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) on exploitative carceral labour, race is a large determinant in work assignments. The report reveals that Black men are predominantly assigned to lower-paying or unpaid work such as agricultural, maintenance, or other facilities services jobs, while a higher proportion of white men are assigned to higher-paying jobs such as public works positions.
Inadequate wages & extortion Incarcerated labourers are paid inadequate wages, often receiving minimal to no compensation; this condition has continued for decades without noticeable improvement. Moreover, prisons, along with the federal government, routinely deduct substantial portions—sometimes up to 80%—of these meagre wages to cover court-imposed fines, taxes, family support, restitution, and room and board expenses, exacerbating the financial burdens faced by those behind bars. According by the ACLU report, states also use the profits garnered from wage deductions “to sustain and expand incarceration” for such things as the construction and renovation of carceral facilities and the establishment and expansion of prison labour programs. Prisons frequently exploit and extort inmates by charging them exorbitant prices for essential items such as phone calls to families and toiletries. Consequently, the families of incarcerated individuals experience significant financial strain to meet these basic needs under price gouging. This also contributes to increased community-level financial insecurity and incarceration in areas with higher rates of incarcerated community members, perpetuating a vicious cycle of exploitation and insecurity.
Incarcerated labourers are not protected by the Occupational Safety and Health Act (OSHA), a federal statute that sets minimum standards and safeguards for health and safety in the workplace. As a result of the lack of workplace protections, incarcerated workers face many dangers in the workplace. Despite lacking jurisdiction to protect these workers, the Occupational Safety and Health Administration has conducted limited investigations which have uncovered severe health and safety concerns and a complete failure to ensure protections in the workplace.
Firstly, many lack proper safety training, leaving them vulnerable to preventable injuries and even fatalities while on the job. A staggering 70% of those surveyed by the ACLU reported receiving no formal job training. Additionally, they often find themselves working in unsafe environments, such as meat and poultry processing plants, garment factories operating sewing and cutting machinery, and industrial-scale prison kitchens and laundries where they’re exposed to hazardous chemicals and industrial machinery. Furthermore, incarcerated workers frequently endure a denial of medical care for workplace injuries. Moreover, during the COVID-19 pandemic, they were thrust to the frontline of the response effort, engaging in tasks like producing personal protective equipment (PPE) while being barred from using it, working in morgues, cleaning medical units, and undertaking frontline health roles, all of which put them at heightened risk of contracting the virus. Despite these dangers, incarcerated workers deemed to have essential job assignments were mandated to continue working.
Nicaragua is a Central American country that the Spanish colonised in the 16th century. Its independence began at the beginning of the 19th century, with a split between groups that defended monarchical ideals and groups that defended independence. For a time, the country became part of the provinces of Central America, and only in 1838 did it become a republic. Understanding this process of late independence is relevant to understanding the country’s politics and how these relations affect education.
There is an intense process of political rivalry between liberal and conservative groups, which has led to civil war and fostered close relations with US politicians. As a result of these close ties, Nicaragua suffered a series of American interventions aimed at protecting its interests in the region. These interventions led to another civil war, starting in 1926. These conflicts occurred between liberals and conservatives, with various political and local consequences for the population.
Another historical event that has led to analysis of the country’s current situation was the Sandinista insurrection of 1972. These revolutions sought to end a period of dictatorship that had been in place since 1936. This movement was one of the first to align two strands: liberation Christianity and Marxism. Christians played an important role as allies of the revolutionaries in this historic moment.
There are undoubtedly many other nuances and other relevant moments in Nicaragua’s history, but these specific moments indicate the attacks on students that have been taking place recently, especially on university students.
Attack on human rights
In 2018, the Nicaraguan Association for Human Rights (ANPDH) reported the deaths of more than 280 people and more than 2,000 injured due to President Daniel Ortega’s reaction to protesters. The protests were against a reduction in budget pressure. In addition, several university students took to the streets to demand more assertive government action on other issues, such as forest fires. It can be said that this year was crucial for human rights in Nicaragua, especially in terms of education, since students were responsible for demanding fairer actions for the country’s population.
The reactions of the government and government-backed groups against the protesters shocked the country and the world, even causing threats to the Nicaraguan Association for Human Rights (ANPDH), which closed its office in the country due to harassment and death threats over the phone.
Human rights activists become targets of a backlash against protests. Not only students have suffered from this political situation of curtailment of rights, but also doctors and health workers have reported constant attacks and threats.
Since then, it has been possible to observe the role of President Daniel Ortega’s government and how it reacts to social demands. Mainly by attacking students who participated in protests to guarantee human rights.
Attack on universities
In 2022, the struggle of university students continues. Daniel Ortega’s government has instituted reforms to control the country’s education system better. As an example of these oppressive attitudes, the Central American University (UCA) announced that classes and administrative activities had been suspended in August 2022. The UCA’s assets and financial accounts were to be transferred to the government.
Groups from the Jesuit order and students claimed that Daniel Ortega’s government declared the UCA a centre of terrorism against the government. Therefore, it should be held responsible for the university’s accounts. The UN issued a statement reaffirming the impact of this authoritarian change on the right to education. Dictatorial attitudes characterise these actions aimed at the university in an attempt to curtail critical thinking and the right to demand social policies for all.
The question arises regarding the right to education, especially an education that provides free and critical thinking. A variety of theorists and researchers have reinforced the event as dictatorial since not even the university with the highest level of teaching quality in the country was unscathed by government oppression.
The process of revoking these universities, which began with the repressions in 2018, has been accentuated. In 2022, private universities were legally placed as hotbeds of opposition to the government. Several foreign universities with campuses in Nicaragua were closed because they did not follow the authorities of the government in question. The complexity of the issue can be seen in the use of the legal apparatus to silence the voices of students and university professors.
Conclusion
The news from 2023 shows that this event is not over. Daniel Ortega’s government continues to attack university institutions in retaliation for the 2018 protests. Specific attacks on private centres and religious institutions demonstrate a curtailment of the right to education in Nicaragua.
Academics and students are silenced at every turn because there is an attempt to strengthen power and silence political opponents. This is not the first government to try to take away the right to a free and critical education, which shows human rights defenders the need for a continuous struggle to guarantee this right in all spaces. The government’s regulation is mainly aimed at leading institutions in social studies. Researchers are banned from accessing public reports and statistics to carry out their work. It can be said that there has been a definitive attack on education in Nicaragua in recent years.
Many scholars report a totalitarian tendency on the part of the government. The legal apparatus and the force of the state are being used to curtail the right to education, critical thinking, and protests to guarantee quality of life. It is essential to pay attention to this situation since critics and students report disproportionate oppression. The use of militias has been intensive, and the threats to the voices of this oppression have been silenced.
International reactions can be observed, but the COVID-19 pandemic has changed the perception of the events suffered by Nicaragua students, academics, and human rights defenders. It is necessary to emphasise and discuss what can be done to guarantee human rights, especially critical and quality education, in Nicaragua.
Selser, G. (2023, September 12). UN says Nicaragua’s human rights violations and persecution of dissidents are on the rise | AP News. AP News. https://apnews.com/article/nicaragua-human-rights-united-nations-04dd198410aa10760a778166db26a4bf
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