The Republic of Honduras, situated in Central America with a population of approximately 9.7 million, operates as a constitutional democracy with a presidential governmental system, facing multifaceted challenges in its educational landscape [1].
Rooted in its colonial history, Honduras grapples with enduring political and systemic issues that significantly impact its education system. Scholars, including Edwards et al. [2], highlight the consequences of postcolonial structures, identifying the privatisation of education as a persistent challenge. This privatisation contributes to disparities in access to education, posing obstacles to achieving equal educational opportunities for all.
Moreover, Honduras remains deeply entrenched in a patriarchal societal framework, perpetuating traditional gender roles. This societal structure manifests in expectations that predominantly confine women to caregiving roles. This entrenched gender bias influences access to education, as women and girls often face discouragement from pursuing higher education or continuing their schooling beyond the basic levels [3].
The aftermath of the COVID-19 pandemic has exacerbated existing educational challenges, bringing to the forefront a range of issues on the country’s social agenda. Notable concerns include heightened school dropout rates across all educational levels, ineffective management within the educational system, insufficient investment in education, and pervasive educational inequalities [4].
Addressing these challenges necessitates a comprehensive and collaborative approach, involving governmental bodies, NGOs, and international partners to develop sustainable solutions. By tackling the historical legacies and systemic issues, Honduras can work towards fostering a more inclusive and equitable education system for its diverse population.
Challenges:
Privatisation and Globalisation
In Honduras, education privatisation faces multifaceted challenges deeply rooted in historical and structural factors. The initial formation of the Honduran State in the late 1890s was marked by significant foreign influence, particularly from the United States. Transnational companies, mainly involved in industries such as bananas and coffee, played a pivotal role in shaping the state apparatus, hindering the emergence of a strong local elite, and contributing to a dependence on foreign aid and markets, which directly influenced the way an educational system emerged [2].
This historical influence has resulted in an economy where foreign capital is utilized to benefit the political party in power, creating a system where privileges are distributed based on party loyalty. The privatisation of education in Honduras has led to an unequal distribution of educational resources, with teaching positions, school buildings, and other benefits being subject to political biases. The political class, rather than strengthening the institutional capacity of the State for public welfare, operates in alignment with the logic of personal and private benefit [2].
The concept of “State failure” in Honduras becomes complex, reflecting the State’s historical lack of capacity to function independently and financial constraints. This challenges the fulfilment of the State’s primary function of public welfare. The combination of historical factors, foreign influence, and political biases has shaped the State’s role in perpetuating a system where clientelism and dependence on foreign actors are taken for granted [2].
Recognising the historical foundations is essential for understanding the challenges posed by education privatisation in Honduras. It reveals deeper historical and structural issues influencing the education system, offering insights into potential avenues for policy change.
In this context, globalisation and capitalist dynamics play a significant role, contributing to the country’s dependence on foreign aid and markets. According to Edwards et al., the challenges in achieving an autonomous and equitable education system stem from the continued influence of historical factors, necessitating a comprehensive approach that addresses root causes rather than merely addressing surface-level issues [2].
While the political landscape in Honduras reflects a system where clientelism and political biases prevail, understanding the interplay of historical legacies, foreign influence, and political dynamics opens pathways for potential policy changes that can lead to a more equitable and autonomous education system in the future.
Patriarchal Structure and its Influence on Education
A huge issue within rural Honduras is the high occurrence of child marriages, which is rooted in visible gender inequality. This is deeply rooted in the patriarchal societal framework in which Honduras can be placed and has a great influence on adolescents [3].
In addressing the challenges faced by adolescents in rural Honduras, the importance of equipping them with life skills, particularly critical thinking, is underscored. Critical thinking is seen as essential for making informed decisions and taking actions based on a deep understanding and analysis of their surroundings. The complex task of promoting social norms reflecting gender equality and combating child marriage within an educational context can be named an educational challenge [5].
An empirical example is the HEY! Intervention, illustrating how critical thinking can be incorporated into the curriculum to tackle gender inequality and prevent child marriage. The study advocates for pedagogies that foster social analysis, change power relations, and challenge oppression, emphasising the role of critical and feminist pedagogies [5].
The implementation of a curriculum aligned with critical thinking principles involves examining assumptions and imagining alternative ways of thinking and acting. Creating a classroom community where boys and girls engage in dialogue and act as critical mirrors is pivotal to inducing cognitive dissonance and making sense of inconsistencies in beliefs, particularly those related to gender inequality.
While the study yields positive initial results, particularly in encouraging boys to challenge gender inequality and providing girls with opportunities to reimagine their roles, a rigorous impact assessment on child marriage and teen pregnancy is pending. The hope is that documenting the processes and impact of HEY! will inform the design of similar programs fostering critical thinking as a life skill for youth in diverse contexts [5]. However, the continuous existence of child marriage, as well as the general gender inequalities are a huge issue regarding education for all, since it excludes young women and girls from receiving an education.
Covid-19 and its Aftermath
The COVID-19 pandemic has intensified longstanding challenges in Honduras, a country grappling with high poverty rates and existing educational crises. Mandated lockdowns in March 2020 resulted in a surge in unemployment, and health crises, and exacerbated ongoing educational issues. Even before the pandemic, Honduras faced educational shortcomings, including poor quality, teacher strikes, and inadequate resources [6]. Illiteracy rates had reached 13% by February 2020.
The public education system, already struggling, ceased to function during lockdowns, leaving enrolled children without formal education for months. Many turned to child labor, while others became vulnerable “street children” exposed to violence and exploitation. The private education system also faced obstacles, with students unable to afford technology or internet services [6].
Children’s rights, protected by Honduran law, including the right to education, family, and dignity, are increasingly at risk. The pandemic has laid bare the deep-seated issues, exposing millions of children to the perils of illiteracy, abuse, neglect, and child labour, suggesting a precarious future for their well-being in Honduras.
Conclusion
The challenges facing education privatisation in Honduras are deeply embedded in historical and structural factors. The historical influence of foreign entities, particularly from the United States, has shaped the state apparatus, fostering dependence on foreign aid and markets. This has led to an unequal distribution of educational resources, with political biases determining privileges. The concept of “State failure” is complex, reflecting historical limitations and financial constraints. Understanding these historical foundations is crucial for addressing education privatisation challenges and advocating for comprehensive policy changes.
Gender inequality, evident in high rates of child marriages in rural Honduras, is rooted in the patriarchal societal framework. Equipping adolescents with life skills, especially critical thinking, becomes essential. The HEY! intervention exemplifies integrating critical thinking into the curriculum to combat gender inequality and child marriage. The study advocates for pedagogies that challenge oppression, emphasising critical and feminist approaches. The classroom becomes a space for dialogue, inducing cognitive dissonance and reshaping beliefs, particularly related to gender inequality. Positive initial results indicate the potential for similar programs to foster critical thinking as a life skill for youth.
The COVID-19 pandemic exacerbated existing challenges in Honduras, intensifying unemployment, health crises, and educational issues. Lockdowns left enrolled children without formal education, pushing many into child labour or vulnerable “street children” situations. The private education system faced hurdles due to technology and internet access issues. The pandemic exposed deep-seated problems, jeopardizing children’s rights to education, family, and dignity. Illiteracy, abuse, and child labour became heightened risks, suggesting a precarious future for children’s well-being in Honduras.
In conclusion, the multifaceted challenges in Honduras demand holistic approaches that address historical legacies, gender inequalities, and the devastating impact of the pandemic. A comprehensive strategy, encompassing policy changes, pedagogical shifts, and community engagement, is essential for fostering an equitable and autonomous education system that ensures the well-being of the country’s youth.
References:
[2] Edwards, D. B., Moschetti, M. C., & Caravaca, A. (2023). Globalization, privatization, and the state : contemporary education reform in post-colonial contexts. https://www.routledge.com/Globalization-Privatization-and-the-State-Contemporary-Education-Reform/Jr-Moschetti-Caravaca/p/book/9780367460822
[6] Evans, W. (2021). Public Education in Honduras: How the COVID-19 Pandemic Exacerbated an On-going Educational Crisis – Trauma Psychology News. Trauma Psychology. https://traumapsychnews.com/2020/11/public-education-in-honduras-how-the-covid-19-pandemic-exacerbated-an-on-going-educational-crisis/
[3] NGO Our Little Roses. (2021). Inequality Impacts Girls in Honduras’ Education – Our Little Roses. https://www.ourlittleroses.org/blog/how-inequality-impacts-girls-in-honduras-education-system/
[4] Portillo Mejía, T. M. (2022). Honduras: Educational Progress Report. https://www.thedialogue.org/analysis/honduras-educational-progress-report/
[5] Sorbring, E., Alampay, L. P., Russell, L., & Smahel, D. (2022). Young People and Learning Processes in School and Everyday Life Volume 5 Series Editors. 5, 215–240. http://www.springer.com/series/15702
Student An Der Escuela De Saraguro Honduras · Kostenloses Stock-Foto. (n.d.). Retrieved November 20, 2023, from https://www.pexels.com/de-de/foto/student-an-der-escuela-de-saraguro-honduras-19064143/
[1] Worldbank. (2022). Honduras Overview: Development news, research, data | World Bank. Worldbank. https://www.worldbank.org/en/country/honduras/overview
Written by Dimitrios Chasouras & Jimena Villot Lopez
Introduction
The United States of America is one of the wealthiest countries in the world, with a GDP of $25 trillion as of 2022.i However, as of 2020, the expenditure on education was 12.7% of the total government spending that year.ii This fiscal allocation shows the funding system of schools in the US, where the financial support is divided between government revenue and local resources, which bind school budgets to their respective districts. This funding model creates a large divide in the educational opportunities available to students. Schools in wealthier areas, with low-poverty percentages, benefit from significantly higher spending per student, in contrast with those in economically disadvantaged areas, which have lower budgets available. The effects of this gap regarding education are increasingly evident in students’ lives and school performance.
Another issue dealt with in this article is the constant presence of gun violence cases in schools, which is another of the biggest challenges faced by educational institutions in the United States. The addition of resource limitations and security concerns posed by gun violence cause a multifaceted threat to the well-being and safety of students all over the country. Both issues will be discussed separately, dealing with the complexities which surround the problem, along with potential measures to rectify them, or at least try to do so. It is important to remember that education is vital in a child’s development, and therefore it is paramount that these issues are taken seriously. Additionally, attention by government and local authorities is necessary to take into action comprehensive strategies (such as financial plans, security measures, and mental health support) to ensure the safety and well-being of all students, regardless of their socioeconomic or ethnic background.
Gun violence and consequences in schools
With around 50% of American households having at least one registered firearm and an exponential increase in gun manufacturing,iii gun violence incidents have been increasing drastically in the last couple of years, within households and publicly, including school premises. Incidents include suicides, assaults and school shooting, which has led to firearms being the leading cause of death among children and teens. 76% of school shootings have occurred by students who acquired guns from either their own households or relatives.iv Compared to other high-income countries, children between the age of 5-14 years old are 21 times more likely to be shot, while teens between 15-24 are 23 times more likely.v Additionally, around 4,000 children and teens (ages 0-19) are shot and killed annually, while 15,000 are wounded by firearms, totalling up to an average of 53 children being shot a day. Those statistics clearly outline a serious problem that plagues US adults and minors in their everyday lives. Gun violence incidents have long-lasting effects not just on the direct victims but the victims’ friends, family, and witnesses as well. Survivors of gun violence have to battle a multitude of psychological and mental issues, such as fear of death and PTSDvi which can lead to violent behaviour and abuse of drugs/alcohol.
To combat gun violence on school campuses, certain states have applied legislation permitting authorised gun possession on campus, even mandatory.vii Schools, colleges, and universities still have the final judgement on gun safety laws (e.g., authorised gun possession by school staff), but due to the increasing number of incidents, statehouses continue to promote such policies. Most attempts to decrease shootings in schools have been reactive, with other examples including eye-catching graphics, involvement and mentoring of adults and peers.viii Out of all, the one that has been suggested the most is community-based solutions, as they tend to be more tailored to the issues the state, school or district faces. Unfortunately, certain districts are unable to carry out such programs due to a lack of funding.
The outcomes of the above-mentioned policies and programs have not caused much change in gun violence incidents, and most students feel increasingly threatened and intimidated.ix Schools that have introduced gun safety programs or authorised gun possession or the presence of law enforcement have been burdened with additional financial costs that they are unable to pay. At the same time, students who go through shooter drills suffer from more depression, stress, anxiety, and the fear of death.
Some researchers suggest that stricter gun laws have opposite effects than the ones mentioned, for example, a decrease in the probability of missing a school day due to feeling unsafe, students carrying a weapon on campus, and students getting injured.x
The challenges of gun violence and the proposed solutions statistically have a disproportionate impact on students based on ethnic backgrounds.xi More specifically, black teens are 17 times more likely to die by homicide and 13 times more likely to be hospitalised for firearm assault compared to white teens, as well as Latinx, who are 2.7 times more likely to die by homicide.xii Such statistics are true even within the same states and cities, which creates unequal challenges for certain students compared to others. Policy decisions in place and disinvestments in certain parts of cities have left African-American and Latinx communities with a struggle to implement the above programs or counsel victims due to lack of resources, poverty and unemployment, which has led to an increase in gun violence in the last few years.xiii
Graph from CDC, Wonder.
Even when gun safety laws are implemented, African-American students tend to feel more threatened by the presence of guns and law enforcement on campus compared to others.xiv White students, although less likely to die of gun violence, have a higher risk of committing suicide when guns are in their household and/or on campus. Evidently, gun violence has created challenges for students across America, but different communities and ethnic groups differ in the type and extent of threat they perceive and experience. This has impacted overall school performance regarding attendance, test scores, graduation rates, feeling of safety, and perceived threat.
Consequences of lack of funding on the learning process
Since the 1800s in the United States, public schools have been primarily funded through local and state sources, the primary source of local funding being property taxes from individual community school districtsxv. This means that the money used to fund a school in a certain district comes from the property taxes paid by the owners of the houses in that same district. The advantage of this is that it ensures local control, which means the budget is allocated according to the specific needs and priorities of the schools in each district, however, it also has disadvantages.
Education funding largely depends on property taxes, resulting in disparities between schools in wealthy and disadvantaged areas. This funding model has left many schools struggling to provide the resources and opportunities that students need. Schools in wealthier neighbourhoods, or even those which have less low-income students attending, receive significantly more funding per student than those in high-poverty areas, with a more considerable number of low-income students. For example, as of 2020 in Illinois, Golfview Elementary School served 550 students, where 86% of them are considered low-income. On the other hand, Algonquin Lakes Elementary had 425 students, with reportedly less than 50% of them being low-income, and Algonquin received over $2,000 more than Golfview per student a yearxvi. This will mean that the educational needs of children in Algonquin have a higher likelihood of being met, improving their educational experience while leaving Golfview students with significant disadvantages.
Another one of the consequences of the funding disparities in the different areas is the inadequate compensation that educators receive in schools. To make ends meet, many teachers find themselves working multiple jobs. The demand for a higher livable wage is growing louder because committed educators need to be able to devote all of their energy to their work rather than worrying about their financial stability. It goes beyond just fair compensation.
Teacher shortages are causing larger problems in public schools. Wealthier schools, with students coming from high-income families, tend to hire more experienced, qualified teachers, which in turn costs more money. Since the pandemic, schools have been struggling to hire qualified teachers, and most of the low-income schools could not afford the salaries of experienced teachers, which has lowered the pool of potential applicants for teaching positions immenselyxvii.Due to this, some states have started making credential requirements lower, allowing for non-certified teachers to take over the vacant teaching positions, which affects children’s education. Christopher Blair, the former superintendent of Bullock County, Alabama, was quoted in 2022 stating that “when you have uncertified, emergency or inexperienced teachers, students are in classrooms where they are not going to get the level of rigour and classroom experiences.”xviii
The consequences of this shortage extend to overcrowded classrooms, which makes it difficult for teachers to provide individualised attention and support to students. In 2022, CNN went to a school outside of Phoenix where a teacher reported having to teach over 70 students in her biology classxix. This has negative consequences for the students, as it gets in the way of individualised attention, but also for the teacher, as it can cause burnout and stress to have to focus on so many students at one time. Furthermore, outdated textbooks and inadequate classroom supplies remain a prevalent issue in underfunded schools.
As can be seen from the previous analysis, the funding model for public schools has created a severe divide in the quality of education received by students all over the country. It offers advantages, such as local control and a constant revenue source for the communities; however, the disadvantages are more significant. Schools in wealthier areas or those with fewer low-income students receive substantially more funding per student than those in high-poverty regions. This financial discrepancy leads to unequal access to resources and opportunities, perpetuating educational inequalities.
Another pressing issue that arises from the lack of funding is inadequate compensation for teachers, which means they are forced to work multiple jobs to make ends meet, hindering their ability to focus all their energy on teaching. This will mean that fewer of the most experienced teachers will choose to work in such circumstances and only choose the wealthier schools or get jobs in other fields. This means that schools with a more significant number of high-poverty students will struggle to maintain qualified teachers. Along with overcrowding of classrooms, outdated textbooks and inadequate supplies, these issues collectively pose a severe challenge to students’ educations in United States public schools. Bridging the funding gaps and addressing teacher shortages are imperative steps toward ensuring that every child has access to a quality education, regardless of their socioeconomic background.
In fact, researchers have debated the value of increasing educational funding. However, recent research has found that when funding is directed towards high-poverty schools, and this money is used for important purposes, such as experienced teachers, social workers, or programs to address students’ academic needs, it can greatly boost student successxx
Conclusion
It can be considered that gun violence and funding disparities in schools are interrelated issues in terms of hindering students’ education for several reasons. Firstly, when schools do not have the necessary budget to afford to hire the necessary staff, such as educators, it can also mean no security staff to control who is able to go in and out of the school. However, this may also include social workers, school psychologists and staff designed to support the students and aid their mental health protection after dangerous situations which may occur. Additionally, in the first section, it was discussed how one of the discussed methods to protect against gun violence in schools was considering arming teachers with weapons in case of emergency. This can be damaging for several reasons, as it may create an unsafe environment for children at school and, at the same time, may discourage teachers from working at schools in which they have to carry guns for protection.
This is also related to district division because community and socioeconomic factors may indirectly affect the safety of the schools. Schools in economically disadvantaged districts or neighbourhoods may face additional challenges, including higher crime rates and exposure to community violence.
It’s important to emphasise that educational funding and division of resources may play a role in addressing school safety and gun violence; however, it is only part of the solution to the problem. Some other strategies to prevent gun violence include the support of mental health by advisors or counsellors in schools, anti-bullying efforts and community engagement. Additionally, whether locally or regionally, district leaders and politicians must address the underlying factors which may lead individuals to resort to violence and adopt responsible gun control measures.
Education is one of the most important elements of a child’s development, and measures which hinder or impede an appropriate education for students in public schools must be addressed. Ensuring a safe and secure school environment is a complex challenge, and it requires serious commitment all over the country.
Puerto Rico is located northeast of the Caribbean Sea and is considered one of the Greater Antilles. Its location boasts beautiful beaches and landscapes but is also prone to hurricanes and other natural hazards that have severely affected its residents. Puerto Rico’s official language is Spanish and it is home to a diverse and multicultural population, with most of its inhabitants of Puerto Rican descent and a significant community of African, European, and Latin American ancestry.
After the Spanish-American War, the United States (US) officially annexed the then Spanish colonies of Puerto Rico, Guam, and the Philippines in December 1898, initially subjecting Puerto Rico to rule by the US military and a governor appointed by the President. In 1917, the US Congress voted to grant Puerto Ricans official citizenship status, while still denying them the representative rights that usually accompany full citizenship. The island’s inhabitants could not elect their own governor until 1947.
To this day, Puerto Ricans are not able to participate in US elections, have no voting representation within the US Congress, and do not hold the right to “equal treatment” in the 14th Amendment to the US Constitution. The island is now an “unincorporated territory” with “quasi-colonial” status, according to former Puerto Rican high school teacher and US Secretary of Education John King. This causes serious consequences in the education system due to limited support from the US federal government and the unfortunate impact of natural hazards, the negative and systematic effects of which have not been adequately addressed.
Education System Overview
The Puerto Rican education system is roughly based on the American model. School attendance is mandatory from ages 6 to 18, and divided into six years of elementary education, three years of junior high school, and three years of high school. Academic calendars and grading scales are very similar to their US equivalents. After numerous failed attempts by the US to convert the Puerto Rican education system to English, Spanish has remained the language in which public schools operate. The high school diploma is known as the “Diploma de Escuela Superior” a literal translation from its mainland English counterpart.
A key difference between challenges to the Puerto Rican school system and the mainland US system is the percentage of children experiencing poverty. According to the Census, 44% of Puerto Ricans live in poverty. Whereas 17% of children live below the poverty line in the US, this percentage is at 55% in Puerto Rico and even higher in rural areas. In 2017, a quarter of Puerto Rican children did not have access to the internet and half did not have access to a home computer.
Today, those who do have a home computer may have unreliable power due to damages to the electrical grid caused by disasters and mismanagement. High school drop-out rates are much higher on the island, especially from households with lower incomes: according to the U.S. Department of Education, the dropout rate among high school students is one-third, which is more than twice the current percentage in mainland US. In 2015, the secondary education net enrollment rate was 66.6% as opposed to 80.5% in mainland US.
This data was published in 2009-2010, which is the most recent information available due to the limited production of up-to-date statistics by the local government. Moreover, federal counts frequently omit Puerto Rico from their calculations. It is likely that the dropout rate in Puerto Rico has likely increased even further since, as hurricanes and the COVID-19 pandemic have exacerbated the situation. For those students who graduate high school, outcomes are not equal to those on the mainland US.
According to the Youth Development Institute of Puerto Rico, 51% of high school graduates pursue university education, whereas 67% of suburban Americans and 63% of rural and urban Americans attend college. Many Puerto Rican graduates who are able to attend college come from privileged backgrounds which enable them to attend private schools and hire college application consultants.
This is in line with the islands’ rank as the third-highest income-unequal in the world, following South Africa and Zambia. Additionally, it is particularly difficult for Puerto Rican students to pursue a college education in the mainland US. As US and Puerto Rican high school graduation tests are not harmonized, Puerto Rican high school students are required to take a Spanish language test that nearly no US mainland universities consider valid. Initially aimed to create a standardized college admissions test for the Spanish-speaking world and implemented for a trial run in Puerto Rico, this test was never expanded beyond. Because of this, and underfunding, most public high school guidance counselors in Puerto Rico do not have knowledge of mainland admission requirements and cannot help students in that way.
In the last year of reported data, “only 694 high school graduates from all of Puerto Rico went to college on the mainland or abroad in 2016. That’s about 2 percent. The island’s population is 3.2 million, according to the Census Bureau.”
A positive aspect of the Puerto Rican education system is that the University of Puerto Rico is more accessible and affordable than comparable universities in the mainland US where the average tuition at a public institution is $25,707 per year (for students with family residence in the state) or $44,014 per year (for students without family residence in the state). In comparison, students at the University of Puerto Rico pay $4,366 in tuition in-state, and $8,712 out-of-state. However, according to advocacy group Excelencia in Education, less than half of students who enroll in Puerto Rican universities earn degrees after six years, compared to the US mainland where 58 percent of college students graduate.
Natural hazards in Puerto Rico
Natural hazards have wreaked havoc in Puerto Rico for many years. Despite being aware of this situation, efforts to mitigate the damage have not been effectively implemented and disaster has been the result. Most of the resources allocated for education are used for repairing school infrastructure, but they remain insufficient.
A clear example of this is the aftermath of Hurricane Maria, which struck in 2017 and six years later still affects the territory. Maria severely impacted access to education in Puerto Rico and exposed deficiencies in both the state and institutional aspects of the system. There was an inability to respond to emergencies and a lack of efficiency in seeking solutions that would allow the population to continue their education.
At the time, according to a report made by Kavitha Cardoza (2023), the damage caused by Maria led to the closure of many schools due to infrastructure problems, leaving thousands of students with no opportunity to continue their studies and resulting in a high dropout rate. This created a vicious cycle, as student attrition reduced enrollment, which in turn led to the closure of schools that did not have enough students to operate.
In addition to hurricanes and floods, Puerto Rico has also experienced earthquakes. In 2020, a series of earthquakes contributed to the destruction of the already precarious school infrastructure. Just as the system was trying to recover from the ravages of Maria, it had to face the closure of schools for three months while engineers verified the safety of those still in operation. The most recent natural catastrophe in Puerto Rico was recorded in September 2022 when Hurricane Fiona struck the island, causing damage to infrastructure and the temporary closure of the few schools that were still functioning.
An aerial view of the damage left behind after Hurricane Maria is seen from a U.S. Customs and Border Protection, Air and Marine Operations, Black Hawk helicopter as AMO agents respond to the humanitarian needs of the people of Puerto Rico October 2, 2017. Photo by Mani Albrecht via Flickr
Bureaucracy and abandonment
Despite its status as an incorporated territory in the United States, discussions about Puerto Rico’s true status and the ongoing debate about its future, whether to be considered a state or attain independence, have not ceased. The only certainty thus far is that Puerto Rican residents are not considered equal to citizens of the U.S. mainland.
The Puerto Rican educational system faces challenges ranging from insufficient investment to talent migration and disparities in educational opportunities. In theory, Puerto Rico has autonomy in managing its resources. However, for many important decisions, authorities find themselves dependent on aid from the federal government. Due to the implementation of PROMESA, an act passed by the Obama administration in 2016, an unelected Financial Management and Oversight Board makes all decisions about how funding is used in Puerto Rico. “The FMOB has proposed an array of measures to “shock the system” into growth”.
These measures include but are not limited: to wage controls, reduction in government services, closing public schools, cuts to the University of Puerto Rico, over 100 percent increases in university tuition and other fees, laying off thousands of public employees, furloughing public employees of two days per month, and cuts of 10 percent from pensions of retired workers. Puerto Rico heavily relies on federal funds to maintain and improve the quality of education, and this insufficient investment has led to a lack of resources and deteriorated infrastructure in many schools. For the start of the 2023-2024 school year, it is estimated that 588 out of the 856 functioning schools opened with infrastructure damage, meaning that 69% of schools are still not in optimal conditions to receive students.
The migration of students and educational professionals to the U.S. mainland has been an additional challenge. The pursuit of better economic opportunities on the mainland has resulted in a decrease in school enrollment in Puerto Rico and a loss of talent in the classrooms. This trend negatively impacts schools and, ultimately, the quality of education provided on the island. This is compounded by poor working conditions for educational staff as well as a lack of investment in the professionalization and training of teachers.
The lack of equal educational opportunities is another critical issue. The fact that Puerto Ricans do not have access to the same resources and educational programs as other United States citizens has led to significant disparities in access to quality education, perpetuating inequality. This is evident in the exclusion of standardized test results in Puerto Rico from national compilation. The implementation of federally imposed educational standards and standardized assessments does not always consider the peculiarities of Puerto Rico’s educational system. This can lead to unfair assessments and the imposition of inappropriate measures that do not adapt to the island’s reality. Special education and support for students with disabilities have also faced challenges, such as the lack of resources and trained personnel to provide the necessary support.
Reparation of a fence at the Escuela República del Perú in Puerto Rico, on November 8, 2018. Photo by Ruben Diaz Jr. Via Flickr
The efforts to restore the Education System
The uncertainty surrounding the political status of Puerto Rico has influenced the stability and educational policies and created additional challenges in long-term planning and decision-making. However, in May of this year, the federal administration initiated a program to decentralize the Puerto Rican educational system, which should be viewed as the beginning of sustainable efforts to ensure a dignified education in Puerto Rico. This is in response to the imminent educational crisis affecting Puerto Rico, which must be addressed regardless of the territory’s political future.
The Biden-Harris Administration has played a significant role in supporting Puerto Rico’s education, providing substantial funding through the American Rescue Plan Act and other programs. As stated by the U.S. Department of Education, public school teachers received a 30% salary increase, school repairs were expedited, and technical assistance was provided to improve the management of federal programs and funds. This move towards decentralization is seen as a historic commitment by the government of Puerto Rico to create a 21st-century educational system that better prepares students for the future. So far, $4.9 billion has been allocated to Puerto Rico since taking office. This includes $3 billion from the American Rescue Plan Act and $1.2 billion from the Coronavirus Response and Relief Supplemental Appropriations Act -CRRSA- 2021.
The Future
As challenges in infrastructure, inequality, and quality persist, the future of this education system and its ability to create better opportunities and outcomes for its students is largely dependent on the future stance of the US towards Puerto Rico. The Biden administration has made promises of a better, more equitable relationship between Puerto Rico and the mainland U.S., but it remains to be seen whether those are implemented in practice. According to Chris de Soto, a Senior Advisor of the Office of the US Secretary of Education,
“Following two natural disasters and a global pandemic, it is critical that trust is rebuilt with students and families across the island. The public should be aware of how federal funds are contributing to the educational recovery of their schools and actually see the benefits in classrooms across the island. While progress has been made, we know there is more work to do.”
In recent years, US funding to the Puerto Rican education system has increased. In 2022, Puerto Rico’s education system received federal aid funds amounting to $2.62 billion which is five times higher than education funding allocated to Utah, a state with a similar population size, highlighting the US government’s understanding that the Puerto Rican education system is in a more dire situation than the mainland U.S. The key focus remains the prioritization of educational investment in mitigation and contingency plans to strengthen the resilience of the population against the imminent risk of being struck again by natural disasters. Indeed, Puerto Rico’s education system has endured challenges, the reason why the commitment of authorities to a brighter future for the next generations has to remain unwavering.
References
Ayala, C. J., & Bernabe, R. (2009). Puerto Rico in the American Century. University of North Carolina Press.
Caban, P. (2018, May 17) “PROMESA, Puerto Rico and the American Empire” Latin American, Caribbean, and U.S. Latino Studies Faculty Scholarship. 33. https://scholarsarchive.library.albany.edu/lacs_fac_scholar/33
De Soto, C. (2022, June 7). Focusing Efforts for Educational System Improvements in Puerto Rico. Home Room: the Official Blog of the US Department of Education. https://blog.ed.gov/2022/06/focusing-efforts-for-educational-system-improvements-in-puerto-rico/
Dr. José Caraballo Cueto. (n.d.). DESIGUALDAD SOCIAL EN PUERTO RICO VS. EL MUNDO. NOTAS DEL CENTRO DE INFORMACIÓN CENSAL (CIC) Universidad de Puerto Rico em Cayey, número 29https://www.upr.edu/iii-cayey/?mdocs-file=1405
Marcus, J. (2021, April 8). In Puerto Rico, the odds are against high school grads who want to go to college. The Hechinger Report. https://hechingerreport.org/in-puerto-rico-the-odds-are-against-high-school-grads-who-want-to-go-to-college
Semega, J. (2021, October 8). Income and poverty in the United States: 2017. Census.gov. https://www.census.gov/data/tables/2018/demo/income-poverty/p60-263.html
Canada is a wealthy country with rich natural resources and one of the highest GDPs in the world. Behind this wealth, however, lie deep inequalities in access to quality education. These barriers to education are not always confined to school buildings, as Indigenous peoples of Canada experience the impacts of Canada’s colonial past today. Other challenges in education include sexual abuse of kids, food insecurity, and lack of housing for post-secondary students. Addressing these challenges proves difficult as the three levels of the government – federal, provincial, and municipal, are each responsible for some of them. Taking effective and quick action, however, is a challenge for the Canadian bureaucracy. Government levels sometimes pass the responsibility for an issue back and forth, causing confusion among Canadians about who is responsible for what.
Access to Education for Indigenous Peoples of Canada
To understand why the Indigenous education system is especially troubled, it’s essential to investigate the historical injustices they suffered. Indigenous peoples (also referred to as “Aboriginal peoples”) are native to the land that we today call Canada. The colonization of the land began in the 16th century with the arrival of British and French colonizers. Indigenous peoples were called “savages” and were believed to be “less civilized” than the European Canadians (“Lower Education”, 2023). Beginning in the early 17th century, various forms of schooling systems were set up (Gordon & White, 2014). The first systems created by the French settlers aimed to “Francize” the Indigenous peoples. While the British settlers initially formed alliances with the Indigenous peoples against the French and the Americans, later their policy shifted towards the same goal: “civilizing” them. Until 1951, Indigenous children were forcibly separated from their families and placed in residential schools, where they were prohibited from speaking their native languages and practicing their cultures, all to “reclaim” them from “a state of barbarism” (Wilson,1986, p. 66, as cited in Gordon & White, 2014). They received low-quality education and experienced physical, emotional, and sexual abuse (White & Peters, 2009 as cited in Gordon & White, 2014). When they returned home, they could no longer connect with their families or the non-Indigenous society (“What Is The Root Cause Of Indigenous Education Issues”, 2015). The last residential school was shut down in 1996, but the legacy of colonialism and negligence on the part of the federal government are still affecting Indigenous children.
Housing
Indigenous people experience a significantly higher rate of homelessness compared to the Canadian average (“Inadequate Housing And Crowded Living Conditions”, 2023). However, the issue of inadequate housing may have a closer connection to student success. Nearly 25 percent of Indigenous children under the age of 15 live in low-income households, which is double the percentage for non-Indigenous children (“Inadequate Housing And Crowded Living Conditions”, 2023). One implication of this situation is that some families are residing in homes that are too small for their needs. Indigenous students living in overcrowded houses may not get enough sleep and be able to study or do their homework in a quiet space. These, in turn, may impact their mental health, school success, and secondary education and employment prospects.
Graduation rates
The rate of high school completion of Indigenous children living on reserves, land reserved exclusively for the First Nations people, is low at 24 percent. This number was initially misrepresented by the Canadian government when it published a report presenting the rate as 46 percent (Coates, 2022). This calculation didn’t account for the students who had dropped out between grades 9 and 11. According to a report by the Auditor General of Canada, the Canadian government had also neglected its reporting responsibilities concerning Indigenous education, reporting on only 6 out of the 23 education results it had committed to report on (Office of the Auditor General of Canada, 2018).
While Indigenous children living off-reserve generally had better educational prospects compared to those on-reserve, their graduation rate from off-reserve provincial schools was still lower than that of non-Indigenous children. According to a 2021 report, the rate of on-time high school graduation from provincial schools in Saskatchewan was 88.7 percent. Among these students, the on-time graduation rate of Indigenous students was 44.7 percent (Clemett, 2023).
When it comes to post-secondary education, the data also highlights disparities. First Nations people, one of the three groups within the Indigenous population, have a post-secondary completion or recent attendance to a post-secondary institution rate of 37 percent, whereas the rate for non-Indigenous individuals is significantly higher at 72 percent (Layton, 2023).
Students, a former premier of British Columbia, a former British Columbia minister, and an Indigenous leader gathered around a bonfire. Image via Flickr by @bchovphotos.
School Funding and Resources
Many Indigenous students go to school in difficult circumstances and need extra support from the education system. Most on-reserve Indigenous students are not able to continue their studies without some, in some cases extensive, school-provided support or direct intervention (Coates, 2022). In most Canadian schools, perhaps 80 percent of students can succeed without school-based services or intervention. A significant number of on-reserve Indigenous students, sometimes one in three or more, however, require extensive support from their schools to succeed.
The ability of reserve schools to provide services to their students is, however, limited due to insufficient funding from the federal government. First Nations schools receive 30 percent less funding per student compared to other schools (Dart, n.d.). This leads to one obvious thing: Indigenous children are disadvantaged. They don’t have access to as many social workers, mental health professionals, and special education instructors. Alethea Wallace, a (former) principal of the Alexis School, a First Nation school, describes how inadequate funding impacts the school (Hampshire, n.d.). She says that the school is not able to offer art, drama, and music programs due to lack of funding. It also does not have a science lab or a computer lab. Parts of the school are utilized for unrelated purposes: the library and the janitor’s office as classrooms. Kristina Alexis, a student from the school, says her classroom hosts two classes at the same time where two teachers teach different subjects. Classes are overcrowded, and most classrooms are split among two grade levels.
Evan Taypotat, a former principal of Chief Kahkewistahaw Community School, and the current chief of the Kahkewistahaw First Nation, says “The average funding for a reserve kid is about $6,800 (Dart, n.d.). The funding for a kid in Broadview, which is about 10 minutes away, is $11,000.” Federal funding increases for reserve schools are capped at an annual 2 percent, which is lower than the inflation rate in Canada. There are two main issues that Indigenous leaders are currently seeking to resolve: gaining control over how federal education funding is allocated and advocating for more funding to match the funding other schools receive. Granting First Nations control over how the money is spent may allow them to implement more culturally appropriate systems.
A student bullying a classmate who’s sitting at her desk. Photo by RDNE Stock project from Pexels.
Racism, Exclusion, and Violence in School
A comprehensive 2023 report published by Children First Canada shows that bullying and violence among Canadian children have become serious threats to children’s well-being (Children First Canada, 2023). Students avoid visiting washrooms where they would get bullied, even if it means soiling themselves. Bullying mainly occurs at school or in online environments. The report highlights that 7 in 10 students between the ages of 15 and 17 experience bullying. Violence and hate speech remain pervasive problems in school and sports settings.
Most disabled students experience discrimination and exclusion. According to a 2022 report from the New Brunswick Office of the Child, Youth, and Seniors’ Advocate, only 1 in 5 disabled students feel like they belong, and they often feel unsafe at school (“Advocate Releases Office of the Child Report, 2022). Their participation in sports is also lower compared to their peers.
Jacqueline, a Jewish-Canadian high school student in Toronto says she experiences antisemitism as some people make references to Hitler or draw swastikas (Wong, 2023). She says that these acts are seen as funny among these people. She finds the Holocaust education at school insufficient in countering the hateful content that young people share online.
Sexual violence statistics are alarming. According to the 2022 report by the Canadian Centre for Child Protection, between 2017 and 2021, “at least 548 children and youth” in kindergarten to grade 12 “experienced an act of sexual nature made by 252 school personnel”, and 38 school personnel were criminally charged for offences related to illicit digital content involving minors (Children First Canada, 2023).
Religious students from Quebec who practice their faith face a discriminatory challenge due to a directive from the Quebec Education Minister, Bernard Drainville. This directive prohibited “any practice of religious activity” in schools and other education centres (Feith, 2023). According to a legal challenge in response to the ban, Muslim students had been praying in a designated area in a school for months with no issues. The father of a Muslim student in Quebec says that his child is now forced to pray in secret, without knowing the consequences if he’s found praying at school.
Workers handling food hampers. Image via Flickr, by @bcgovphotos.
Food Insecurity
Canada is the only G7 country that doesn’t have a national school food program (Alphonso, 2023). Many Canadian students rely on food programs that are funded by provinces and charities. One in five, or roughly a million students, are receiving assistance in the form of meals and snacks. An educational assistant in an Ontario school says that some students would not be able to come to school if the school didn’t provide food hampers. The charity working with the school says the increasing demand strains their budget. Black and off-reserve Indigenous children are more likely to live in food-insecure households than their White counterparts (Children First Canada, 2023).
Post-secondary affordability
The rising cost of living is leaving university students unable to afford food and rent. More than 60% of university students reported earning less than 20,000 dollars a year, and almost 3 in 4 students (72%) reported allocating 30% or more of their income to paying rent (Cameron et.al., 2023). Centre for Addiction and Mental Health states that there’s a “critical” lack of affordable housing in Canada (“Housing and Mental Health Policy Framework”, 2022). Mateusz, a University of Calgary Student’s Union representative, says that the university is being irresponsible by admitting too many students without supplying housing (Tran, 2023). He says that rents are skyrocketing and argues there’s a housing crisis (Kaufmann, 2023). There have been students who lived in their cars in Calgary due to the housing shortage, he adds. Some students were only able to find housing in remote areas, where commuting to the campus became an issue (Derworiz, 2023). In addition, two in five university students experience food insecurity, more than half of them reported they could only afford low-quality food, and 1 in 6 students said they had days where they couldn’t eat at all.
Concluding Remarks and Recommendations
Indigenous peoples’ rights are protected by international law, most prominently under the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous People. Canada’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) was an important step in the right direction. It was a government initiative that was mandated to collect testimonies from the victims of the Residential School System. It helped create public awareness and encouraged further action to reconcile with the Indigenous peoples. Jack Harris, a former National Democratic Party Member of Parliament, cites Canada’s poor Indigenous rights record as one of the potential reasons why Canada lost its 2020 bid for a temporary seat at the United Nations Security Council (Harris, 2020). Providing Indigenous communities with the necessary legal and material tools to offer culture-appropriate and high-quality education should be Canada’s priority.
Another significant challenge seems to be the increasing cost of living. More post-secondary students experience food and housing insecurity, two things people shouldn’t have to worry about when pursuing higher education. From students living in their cars to students living in overcrowded houses, the high cost of living in Canada is taking a toll on students’ well-being. Better student loans and grants and more student residences provided by the universities can help.
References
Alphonso, C. (2023, March 15). With food costs soaring and no national program, Canadian schools struggle to feed students. The Globe and Mail. https://www.theglobeandmail.com/canada/article-school-food-programs-rising-costs/
Cameron, A. C., Grant, R., Kemle, A. (2023, August 16). Living in the Red. Canadian Alliance of Student Associations. https://assets.nationbuilder.com/casaacae/pages/3587/attachments/original/1692213033/LivingInTheRed.pdf?1692213033
Center for Addiction and Mental Health. (2022, February). Housing and Mental Health Policy Framework. Center for Addiction and Mental Health. https://www.camh.ca/-/media/files/pdfs—public-policy-submissions/housing-policy-framework-pdf.pdf
Children First Canada. (2023, August). Top 10 Threats to Childhood in Canada. Children First Canada. https://childrenfirstcanada.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/08/Raising-Canada-2023_V1d.pdf
Clemett, T. (2023, June). Report of the Provincial Auditor to the Legislative Assembly of Saskatchewan. Provincial Auditor of Saskatchewan. https://auditor.sk.ca/pub/publications/public_reports/2023/Volume%201/2023-report-volume-1.pdf
Coates, K. (2022, May 18). Indigenous education can and must be fixed: Ken Coates for Inside Policy. Macdonald-Laurier Institute. https://macdonaldlaurier.ca/indigenous-education-can-and-must-be-fixed-ken-coates-for-inside-policy/
Dart, C. First Nations Schools Are Chronically Underfunded. CBC Docs. https://www.cbc.ca/cbcdocspov/features/first-nations-schools-are-chronically-underfunded
Derworiz, C. (2023, August 26). University students struggling to find housing amid affordability crisis. Global News. https://globalnews.ca/news/9921724/university-students-housing-affordability-crisis/
Feith, J. (2023, June 13). Quebec’s school prayer ban infringes on religious rights, groups argue. Montreal Gazette. https://montrealgazette.com/news/quebec/groups-challenge-quebec-school-prayer-ban-in-court
Gordon, C. E., White, J. P. (2014). Indigenous Educational Attainment in Canada. The International Indigenous Policy Journal, 5(3). DOI:10.18584/iipj.2014.5.3.6
Hampshire, G. Alexis School. CBC News. https://www.cbc.ca/news2/interactives/gradingthegap/alexis.html
Indigenous Corporate Training Inc. (2015, April 8). What Is The Root Cause Of Indigenous Education Issues. Indigenous Corporate Training Inc. https://www.ictinc.ca/blog/what-is-the-root-cause-of-indigenous-education-issues
Indigenous Corporate Training Inc. (2023, February 28). Inadequate Housing And Crowded Living Conditions – #3 Of 8 Key Issues. Indigenous Corporate Training Inc. https://www.ictinc.ca/blog/inadequate-housing-3-of-8-key-issues
Indigenous Corporate Training Inc. (2023, January 31). Lower Education – #2 Of 8 Key Issues For Indigenous Peoples In Canada. Indigenous Corporate Training Inc. https://www.ictinc.ca/blog/lower-education-2-of-8-key-issues
Kaufmann, B. (2023, July 12). ‘Living in cars’: U of C students face worsening housing shortage. Calgary Herald. https://calgaryherald.com/news/local-news/living-in-cars-u-of-c-students-face-worsening-housing-shortage
Layton, J. (2023, June 21). First Nations youth: Experiences and outcomes in secondary and postsecondary learning. Statistics Canada. https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/en/pub/81-599-x/81-599-x2023001-eng.pdf?st=r2KEXQZ0
Office of the Auditor General of Canada. (2018, April 11). Report 5—Socio-economic Gaps on First Nations Reserves—Indigenous Services Canada. Office of the Auditor General of Canada. https://www.oag-bvg.gc.ca/internet/English/parl_oag_201805_05_e_43037.html
Office of the Child, Youth and Seniors’ Advocate. (2022, 21 June). Advocate Releases Office of the Child Report. New Brunswick Canada. https://www2.gnb.ca/content/gnb/en/news/news_release.2022.06.0328.html
Tran, P. (2023, July 12). University of Calgary Students’ Union pushes for affordable housing as rents rise. Global News. https://globalnews.ca/news/9825799/university-of-calgary-students-housing-insecure/
Wong, J. (2022, November 3). Antisemitic conspiracies are rampant online. Students, experts share how to combat them. CBC News. https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/education-antisemitism-socialmedia-1.6636739
Since 2018, Nicaragua has been experiencing an unprecedented political crisis that has led to a series of human rights violations against its population. The limitation on the exercise of fundamental rights, recognised in both the Nicaraguan Constitution and international treaties to which Nicaragua is a party, has not ceased since the onset of citizen protests against the regime. These restrictions have escalated since the controversial re-election of Daniel Ortega as president, who assumed office alongside his wife, Rosario Murillo, as vice president, following elections deemed arbitrary and fraudulent by the international community.
The field of education has not been exempt from this series of violations and arbitrary actions by the authorities of this Central American country. A concerning example is the closure of 27 universities in Nicaragua, which has affected over 37,000 higher education students and even forced university professors into exile. This situation gained more prominence after the closure of two of the country’s most recognised university centres: the Universidad Centroamericana (UCA) and the INCAE Business School. In addition to having their legal status revoked, these institutions were also confiscated.
In 2018, Nicaragua experienced a profound political and social crisis. It began with municipal elections in November 2017, which were heavily criticised due to allegations of fraud and lack of transparency. These elections marked the beginning of a period of growing political polarisation in the country.
The situation worsened in April 2018 when the government of Daniel Ortega announced a reform to the social security system that triggered widespread protests across the country. These protests, led mostly by university students and civil society, resulted in a violent response from the government. The repression by the police and government-affiliated paramilitary groups led to a high number of casualties, as well as the detention of protesters and opposition leaders.
Since 2018, the situation in Nicaragua related to the violation of human rights has been on the rise, resulting in the closure and cancellation of media outlets and non-profit organisations, the expulsion of international missions, the cancellation of political parties, and the imprisonment of opposition leaders.i This ultimately led to the 2021 elections in which Ortega and his wife, Rosario Murillo, competed as the sole presidential ticket. These elections were rejected due to evident irregularities that silenced the opposition and sowed fear among voters.
During their new term, the government of Ortega and Murillo has followed a single mission: to silence criticism, attack the opposition, and control the country’s institutions. The education and university sector has not gone unnoticed, becoming another target of the regime to consolidate control over the population.
Measures against Universities: At least 26 universities have been cancelled.
As mentioned earlier, the Ortega government has made several decisions that have led to the closure and revocation of the legal status of media outlets, non-profit organisations, and, of course, private universities in the country. To understand this situation better, it is essential to recall that university students led the citizen protest movements against the Ortega regime. Therefore, this could be seen as a retaliation and an effort by the government to control students and their civic engagement. These arbitrary measures should be understood as a way for the government to ensure aligned thinking that does not encourage criticism or scrutiny, which also jeopardises academic freedom through intimidation and persecution of teachers considered traitors to the regime.
The measures taken against universities not only violate human rights but also run counter to the Nicaraguan Constitution, which protects the autonomy of universities and prohibits the confiscation of their assets. So far, 26 universities have had their legal status revoked, with reasons for revocation ranging from allegations of financial opacity or non-compliance with educational standards to more serious accusations such as money laundering, terrorism, and weapons proliferation. The cancellations began with the confiscation of Universidad Politécnica (Upoli), culminating in the shocking cancellation and expropriation of UCA and the INCAE headquarters, two of the most renowned universities in the Central American region.ii
UCA was cancelled through government decree, under the accusation of being a hub for terrorism. This action has been the pinnacle of Ortega’s religious persecution against the Catholic Church, which has been running through this university founded by Jesuits and belonging to the Latin American network of universities entrusted to the Society of Jesus (AUSJAL for its acronym in Spanish). In response to the closure of UCA, AUSJAL issued a press release condemning the actions of the Nicaraguan government, declaring, “The UCA has been slandered and harassed, just like the more than three thousand civil society organisations in Nicaragua.’´iii Additionally, hundreds of professionals expressed their outrage and called for the reinstatement of the legal status of this university. This illustrates the significant blow that Ortega has dealt not only to Nicaragua’s education sector but to the entire region. In an interview, Miquel Cortés Bofil, Rector of Universidad Rafael Landivar mentioned to Broken Chalk ‘’Certainly the University is not a centre of terrorism, nor has it ever been. It is a study house where critical thinking and responsible and democratic citizenship are encouraged. Accusations of “terrorism” are unfounded.’’ Now, the defunct UCA has been renamed the National University Casimiro Sotelo Montenegro in honour of a leader of the Sandinista movement.
The most recent action against the university system occurred with the closure and expropriation of the INCAE campus in Nicaragua. This stirred indignation among professionals throughout the Latin American region, as this was the first campus of one of the most prestigious business schools in the region.iv The justification for its revocation, according to the government resolution, was a lack of transparency in its financial statements. The most deplorable aspect of these measures is that university representatives have been denied their right to a defence, as the challenges to the resolutions have been dismissed by the relevant judicial bodies, leaving them without access to an objective and impartial justice that can protect against such arbitrary actions.v A situation proper of a dictatorship where all institutions and bodies are co-opted.
The CNU, the Accomplice of the Ortega-Murillo Regime
These attacks on education and the academy have had key institutions and actors. In this case, it is important to mention the National Council of Universities (CNU) of Nicaragua as the institution that has facilitated these actions. Without key allies, these arbitrary actions against the country’s universities would not be possible. The CNU of Nicaragua is an entity responsible for the coordination and supervision of public universities in the country. It plays a significant role in the regulation and planning of higher education in Nicaragua. This institution is composed of the rectors of public universities. It is responsible for establishing educational policies, accrediting academic programs, and supervising the quality of education in public higher education institutions.
Currently, the CNU is presided over by Ramona Rodríguez, the rector of UNAN-Managua, who has been a key figure in the attack on the autonomy of Nicaraguan universities and is responsible for jeopardising higher education in the country. Rodríguez has been a loyal supporter of the Ortega regime and has been the public face justifying the closure of universities in the country.
An example of this is what was highlighted by the former authorities of UCA, who emphasised that since 2018, when the protests began, the CNU had begun to strangle the university by not extending certifications for its operation, excluding it as a member of the CNU, which meant it could not receive the corresponding budget allocation as established in the constitution.vi Furthermore, Rodríguez has publicly justified the closure of several universities on the grounds of financial transparency or not meeting minimum quality and infrastructure standards. In response to this, Adrián Meza, an exiled professor from the University Paulo Freire, stated to the media that “many of the universities that have been closed under these pretexts were in the middle of verification processes and were not granted the right to defend themselves”.vii
In addition, the CNU has implemented new policies following reforms approved by the legislative assembly to the General Education Law and the Law on Autonomy of Higher Education Institutions, centralising functions within the CNU and undermining university autonomy. Among the new powers granted to the CNU is the exclusive authority to open or close universities in the country, among others, turning it into a dangerous weapon against higher education.
Manifestation of students and alumni of public and private schools in Managua, Nicaragua. Photo by Jorge Mejía Peralta on Flickr.
Challenges for Students and Academics
University students and educators have viewed these actions with dismay, considering that the availability of higher education programs has diminished. Many students who were pursuing degrees at universities that have been closed have encountered difficulties in resuming their studies or obtaining their respective degrees due to a series of rigorous administrative requirements imposed by the CNU. Additionally, educators have faced limitations in job opportunities and academic freedom as their curricula are increasingly controlled. Furthermore, a significant number of university educators are now in exile following government persecution by being labelled as conspirators or traitors to the nation. The Interamerican Commission of Human Rights heavily condemned this situation in a press communication in which the actions were qualified as an “arbitrary interference towards academic freedom”.viii
In response to this series of abuses, some universities in the Central American region have taken action to provide support to students and faculty members in exile. The efforts of Jesuit universities such as the Rafael Landívar University in Guatemala and the José Simeón Cañas Central American University in El Salvador exemplify this. These institutions have led initiatives to enable students from the UCA to continue their studies. According to Landivar’s Rector Cortés ‘’Around 2,300 students have requested information from the UCA in El Salvador and the Rafael Landívar in Guatemala to continue their studies virtually. The two Central American universities have formed an inter-institutional commission, and we are responding to the students…’’
Nicaragua: A New Role Model for the Central American Region?
Nicaragua has become an example of antidemocratic standards in the Central American region due to the policies implemented against those considered opposition. Therefore, in light of the democratic crisis prevailing in the region, there is a significant fear that if the situation worsens in neighbouring countries, such actions that undermine higher education could become a popular measure. This is a reminder of the historical role of universities in Central America and the student movements that originate from their classrooms.
In this context, it is essential to remember the university martyrs who fought for freedom and democracy in Central America, often facing persecution and violence for their convictions in the darkest times of the region. Examples such as the assassination of Ignacio Ellacuría by the military in El Salvador or the persecution and murder of student leaders in Guatemala, such as Oliverio Castañeda, serve as stark reminders of the risks faced in universities when one is critical during a dictatorship.
Conclusion
Nicaragua has experienced a profound political and social crisis since 2018, marked by controversial elections, protests, and government repression under Daniel Ortega’s leadership. The situation has worsened with human rights violations, the closure of media outlets, and the persecution of opposition leaders. Furthermore, the role of the National Council of Universities (CNU), led by Ramona Rodríguez, has been instrumental in implementing policies that threaten university autonomy and restrict higher education. These actions have affected both students and educators, with numerous universities closed and a growing diaspora of academics. This situation not only poses a challenge for students and professors but also sets a dangerous precedent in the Central American region, where higher education and academic freedom are at risk. The situation in Nicaragua serves as a reminder of the importance of always defending higher education and human rights, especially during times of democratic crisis.
This report drafted by Broken Chalk contributes to the fourth cycle of the Universal Periodic Review for The Dominican Republic. This report focuses exclusively on human rights issues in Domincan Republic’s education field.
The Dominican Republic overcame many challenges over the last two decades to achieve its enhanced socioeconomic status. Vital reforms and policies allowed the country to prevail over the obstacles of the 2003-4 economic crisis, with an improvement that halved the number of people living in poverty today.[i]
As of 2023, among the approximately 11 million people inhabiting the Dominican Republic, 2.9 million students have enrolled in public or private schools. The development strategies that reinforced children’s access to education result from a joint effort with the participation of the government, international organisations, and personal and academic sectors. [ii]
One of the most significant accomplishments of recent years is that compulsory education was extended to 13 years instead of the previously mandated eight years. Three levels of the educational structure in the Dominican Republic – pre-primary (3 years), primary (8 years), and secondary level (4 years) – are also being offered free of charge, except the 4th level, higher education.[iii]
Under SDGs and the “National Development Strategy 2010-30”, authorities of the Dominican Republic pledged to ensure education for all regardless of gender, financial status, or territorial placement.[iv] To boost literacy standards, multiple projects have focused on the foundational development of children. These frameworks somewhat weakened during the COVID-19 pandemic. Still, the Dominican Republic took severe account of the modernisation of digital learning and supplied necessary technological equipment for residents in due time.[v]
While acknowledging all past efforts, Broken Chalk further aims to highlight educational injustices that continue negatively affecting many Dominican Republic communities.
Despite the promising enrolment rates, the number of drop-outs has been rising since 2009. In 2018, only 75% of children in primary education finished 4th, and 63% completed 6th grade. Insufficient secondary education attainment creates inequalities and reduces skilled human capital in the labour market.[vi]
Girls’ education is likewise at risk, as the lower secondary school completion rate of 74.5% for women was below the Latin American and Caribbean (LAC) average of 83% in 2021.[vii] Their studies usually end due to gender-based stereotypes, a high proportion of teenage pregnancies, and sexual harassment.[viii]
Thousands of Dominican children of foreign descent – primarily Haitian – were rendered stateless in 2013, and despite the national regularisation plan 2018, many still face discriminatory treatment. Unable to reclaim their citizenship, these children are also being denied an education.[ix]
Broken Chalk urges the Dominican Republic to uphold its domestic and international human rights obligations by considering the issues and their subsequent recommendations in the present report.
[i] IMF. “Dominican Republic: 2023 Article IV Consultation-Press Release; Staff Report; and Statement by the Executive Director for Dominican Republic”.
International Monetary Fund, Country Report No. 2023/225, 22 June, (2023): p. 4. www.imf.org/en/Publications/CR/Issues/2023/06/22/Dominican-Republic-2023-Article-IV-Consultation-Press-Release-Staff-Report-and-Statement-by-535083.
[ii] Dede, Chris. “Episode 150 | How the Dominican Republic Overcame Educational Challenges of the Pandemic.” Silver Lining for Learning, May 7, (2023). https://silverliningforlearning.org/episode-150-how-the-dominican-republic-overcame-educational-challenges-of-the-pandemic/.
[iii] Diaz, Katia. “COVID-19 and Digital Learning in the Dominican Republic: Implications for Marginalized Communities.” Current Issues in Comparative Education (CICE), Teachers College, Columbia University 23, no. 2 (2021): p. 144–45. https://www.tc.columbia.edu/media/centers-amp-labs/cice/pdfs/special-issue-2022–vol-24-issue-2/859-233-PB.pdf.
[iv] OECD, ed. “Latin American Economic Outlook 2019: Development in Transition.” OECD Publishing, (2019): p. 210. https://www.oecd.org/dev/americas/Dominican-Republic-Country-Note-Leo-2019.pdf.
[v] Diaz, Katia. “Uncovering Educational Inequalities: COVID-19 Digital Learning Strategies in the Dominican Republic.” Current Issues in Comparative Education (CICE), Teachers College, Columbia University 24, no. 2 (2022): 151–62. https://www.tc.columbia.edu/media/centers-amp-labs/cice/pdfs/special-issue-2022–vol-24-issue-2/859-233-PB.pdf.
[vi] OECD. Multi-Dimensional Review of the Dominican Republic: Towards Greater Well-Being for All. OECD ILibrary. Paris: Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development, (2022): p. 71-72. https://www.oecd-ilibrary.org/docserver/560c12bf-en.pdf?expires=1692701204&id=id&accname=guest&checksum=007DC625A9660F225058A2679011AFAA.
[vii] The World Bank. n.d. “Dominican Republic Gender Landscape.” World Bank Gender Data Portal. https://documents1.worldbank.org/curated/en/099934406302284977/pdf/IDU03bd707a80b5e204a9b098e0096a5c56a8e2b.pdf.
[viii] Núñez, Isamar Marte. “Why Girls Aren’t Learning in the Dominican Republic?” www.unicef.org, April 18, (2022). https://www.unicef.org/dominicanrepublic/en/node/2026.
[ix] Freedom House. “Dominican Republic: Freedom in the World 2022 Country Report,” (2022). https://freedomhouse.org/country/dominican-republic/freedom-world/2022.
Costa Rica is located in Central America and has a population of over 5 million inhabitants. This population is made up of around 2.4% indigenous people and 8% of African descent.[1]. According to local laws, the country’s education system is divided into four levels: preschool, basic general education, diversified education, and higher education. To manage this system, there is a Higher Education Council. Since the indigenous population occupies a considerable space in the country’s historical and current process, Decree No. 22072 of the Ministry of Education establishes an indigenous education subsystem.
Generally, basic education in Costa Rica is separated into three cycles for children aged 6 to 14. The modalities vary, but most students attend in the traditional daytime mode. In addition, there are specific centres for students with particular needs, such as special education centres and the “Aula Edad” program for children with age-grade distortion. Another interesting fact about the country’s education system is that night schools offer educational programs for teenagers and adults aged 15 and over who still need to complete their schooling.
Looking at the continuum of Costa Rica’s educational model, you can see a diversified education for further study. There are three main branches: academic, technical, and artistic. Technical and professional education is offered in partnership between the state and private companies. The main centres are the technological institutes and centres (INA, TEC, and UTN). Higher education offers various bachelor’s, master’s, and doctoral degrees. There are state and private universities.
Educational Policy
The Costa Rican Constitution emphasizes the state’s obligation to provide the right to education, as well as food and clothing, for people who will be attending school and cannot afford to buy these items. The policies developed by the state cover different dimensions, such as the presentation of an education system and the observation of the set of possible interventions to keep this system running.
The country has interesting policies for achieving education for all audiences. For example, they have “Creer y crear la Costa Rica del Siglo 21: compromiso país,” which sets out the government’s strategic objectives in line with the UN’s Sustainable Development Goals. Another example of an exciting policy is “La persona: Centro del proceso educativo y sujeto transformador de la sociedad” (The person: centre of the educational process and transforming subject of society), which defines the axes and guidelines that guide education at all levels, encouraging a professional transformation of teachers, the institution and educational management.
Education has become a matter of access for marginalized groups, so the issue of gender and access to education has become a paradigm that affects many countries, especially in Latin America. Costa Rica, for its part, has a policy called the “Action Plan for the National Gender Equality and Equity Policy”, which lists axes around policies to achieve gender equality and equity. It also discusses women’s sexual and reproductive health and promotion against violence.
Latin America has suffered from great inequality in general since the transition to democracy from authoritarian governments in the 1980s, which has implications for the region. Education for all is, therefore, difficult to achieve. For this reason, many countries are drawing up reforms to mitigate this inequality, and Costa Rica is one example. As an early adopter of the goal of achieving citizenship through education in the 1990s, it is possible to list the country as a model in the region.
In addition to focusing on elements such as study programs, teacher training, and re-evaluation of school materials, the government promoted education focused on respect for human rights and between people. Special attention was paid to learning about laws and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, among other regimes that strengthen human rights.[2].
Although human rights and other global themes remained essential topics in the curricular guidelines from Costa Rica in 2001 and 2005, their treatment underwent several changes. Principally, Costa Rica introduced many of these issues as cross-cutting themes. The study programme mentions three cross-cutting themes: (1) Education for Human Rights, Democracy, and Peace; (2) Education for Environmental Protection; and (3) Holistic Sexual Education (MEP 2005a). Rather than teaching human rights as a specific content topic in ninth grade as before, Costa Rica altered the curriculum to make human rights a central component of civic education (Suarez, 2008).
This concern with the cross-cutting nature of these issues establishes Costa Rica as a promoter of education, which has led to a modernization of this system. The attention given to diversity promotes greater integration of marginalized groups, expanding and strengthening the concept of citizenship.
Environmental sustainability
The country has also become a model in discussions on environmental education. Since the 1980s, Costa Rica has led efforts to promote ecological education.[3]Agenda 21 and the sustainable development decade are turning points for promoting environmental education and conservation. Costa Rica has been promoting these studies long before an international decision was taken, which shows it is at the forefront.
The state encourages various activities, especially those aimed at environmental education initiatives. For example, the curriculum includes specific topics for environmental conservation studies. The country has such well-established policies in this respect that it has become an international benchmark for environmental education projects due to the structural encouragement of NGOs and other actors promoting environmental conservation.
Conclusion
Although Costa Rica faces similar challenges to other Latin American countries, such as social inequality and its impact on access to education, the country has become a model in some areas of education. When looking at studies on access to education, it becomes clear how the financial issue linked to the historical-cultural process of the region influences mitigating inequality. It is, therefore, essential to highlight how Costa Rica has made efforts and gained ground in the education process, especially concerning human rights, citizenship, and environmental conservation.
Suarez, D. F. (2008). Rewriting citizenship? civic education in Costa Rica and Argentina. Comparative Education, 44(4), 485-503.
Blum, N. (2008). Environmental education in Costa Rica: Building a framework for sustainable development? International Journal of Educational Development, 28(3), 348-358.
[1]Perfil del pais | SITEAL. (n.d.). Siteal.iiep.unesco.org. Retrieved September 10, 2023, from https://siteal.iiep.unesco.org/pt/pais/costa_rica#:~:text=A%20Constitui%C3%A7%C3%A3o%20Pol%C3%ADtica%20da%20Costa
[2] Suarez, D. F. (2008). Rewriting citizenship? civic education in Costa Rica and Argentina. Comparative Education, 44(4), 485-503.
[3] Blum, N. (2008). Environmental education in Costa Rica: Building a framework for sustainable development? International Journal of Educational Development, 28(3), 348-358
We used to see social media, such as YouTube or Instagram, shaping dropouts, like how intelligent people get their lives together and become successful businessmen and women. Sometimes, this may be the case. Nevertheless, in reality, things are not so simple; high school dropouts have negatively affected society.
Every year, over 1.2 million students drop out of high school in the United States alone.
That is a student every 26 seconds – or 7,000 a day[1]. The status dropout rate represents the percentage of 16- to 24-year-olds not enrolled in high school and lacking a high school credential (either a diploma or an alternative certification such as a GED certificate). In 2020, there were 2.0 million status dropouts between 16 and 24, and the overall status dropout rate was 5.3 per cent. This Fast Fact estimates status dropout rates using the Current Population Survey (CPS). The CPS is a household survey that covers the civilian noninstitutionalized population, which excludes persons in the military and persons living in institutions (e.g., prisons or nursing facilities).
The status dropout rate varied by race/ethnicity in 2020. The status dropout rate for Asian 16- to 24-year-olds (2.4 per cent) was lower than the rates for Black (4.2 per cent) and White (4.8 per cent) 16- to 24-year-olds, and all three rates were lower than the rate for those who were Hispanic (7.4 per cent). The status dropout rate for Asian 16- to 24-year-olds was also lower than that for those of Two or more races (6.5 per cent) and American Indian/Alaska Native (11.5 per cent). The rate for those who were Black was lower than the rate for those who were American Indian/Alaska Native.
2. According to David Silver (2008), about 25% of high school freshmen fail to graduate from high school on time.
Neild and Balfanz (2006) analyzed the School District in Philadelphia, showing that academic experiences play a critical role in students’ lack of persistence toward high school graduation. Furthermore, many students fall off the graduation track years before entering 9th grade. Attendance rates and course failure in math and English during 8th grade were found to have strong predictive power for high school completion. In another study, Balfanz, Herzog & Mac Iver (2007) found that using attendance, behaviour, and course failure in math and English as key predictive indicators, they identified over half of the district’s future dropouts as early as the 6th grade. Hence, the transition into the high school setting at 9th grade can push students who have been struggling academically and/or disengaged for years off the path to graduation.
In summary, there is much evidence that high school completion and post-high school educational status are not a function of high school educational experiences alone. In some cases, early educational experiences can predict the high school track in which students are assigned, influencing educational outcomes (Gonzalez et al., 2003; Oakes, 1985/2005). Education is a cumulative process in which earlier academic experiences inform high school academic success. Nevertheless, a more precise understanding of early school factors influencing high school performance is needed to formulate pre-high school interventions to improve high school completion rates.
3. The U.S., which had some of the highest graduation rates of any developed country, now ranks 22nd out of 27 developed countries[2]
The dropout rate has fallen 3% from 1990 to 2010 (12.1% to 7.4%). Whereas, in 2020, the overall status dropout rate was higher for male 16- to 24-year-olds than for female 16- to 24-year-olds (6.2 vs. 4.4 percent). Status dropout rates were higher for males than females among Hispanics (8.9 vs 5.9 per cent) and Blacks (5.6 vs 2.9 per cent). However, the status dropout rates for males and females did not measurably differ for those of two or more races, White or Asian (National Center for Education Statistics, 2022).
4. The percentage of graduating Latino students has significantly increased. In 2010, 71.4% received their diploma vs. 61.4% in 2006. However, Asian-American and white students are far more likely to graduate than Latino and African-American students.
5. More U.S. high school students than ever are graduating on time, according to new information released by the research arm of the U.S. Education Department.
According to the report, the percentage of students who graduated from high school within four years of starting ninth grade in the 2006-2007 school year hit a record high. “What we see is an increase,” Jack Buckley, who directs the Education Department’s National Center for Education Statistics, told The Huffington Post. Of the 4 million students who started school in 2006-2007, 3.1 million — or 78.2 per cent — graduated with a regular or advanced diploma in the 2009-2010 school year. That is an increase of more than two percentage points[3].
6. A high school dropout will earn $200,000 less than a high school graduate over his lifetime. And almost a million dollars less than a college graduate.
Earnings increase with educational level. Adults aged 25 to 64 who worked at any time during the study period earned an average of $34,700 annually. Average earnings ranged from $18,900 for high school dropouts to $25,900 for high school graduates, $45,400 for college graduates, and $99,300 for workers with professional degrees (M.D., J.D., D.D.S., or D.V.M.). Except for workers with professional degrees who have the highest average earnings, each successively higher education level is associated with an increase in earnings.
Work experience also influences earnings. Average earnings for people who worked full-time year-round were higher than average for all workers (including those working part-time or for part of the year). Most workers worked full-time and year-round (74 per cent). However, the commitment to work full-time, year-round, varies with demographic factors, such as educational attainment, sex, and age. For instance, high school dropouts (65 per cent) are less likely than people with bachelor’s degrees (77 per cent) to work full-time and year-round. Historically, women’s attachment to the labour force has been more irregular than men’s, primarily due to competing family responsibilities.7 Earnings estimates based on all workers (which includes part-time workers) include some of this variability. Yet, regardless of work experience, the education advantage remains (Jennifer Cheeseman Day and Eric C. Newburger, 2002:2-3)[4].
7. In 2010, 38 states had higher graduation rates. Vermont had the highest rate, with 91.4% graduating. Furthermore, Nevada had the lowest, with 57.8% of students graduating.
Based on data collected from the states for the Class of 2010, the National Center for Education Statistics estimated that 78 per cent of students across the country earned a diploma within four years of starting high school. The graduation rate was last at that level in 1974, officials said.
Students in Maryland and Virginia had higher graduation rates than the national average — 82.2 per cent and 81.2 per cent, respectively.
The District had a lower graduation rate than all but one state, with 59.9 per cent of its students graduating on time. However, it is not unusual for major cities to experience a higher dropout rate and lower graduation rate than states. One study found that the Class of 2005 graduation rate in the nation’s 50 largest cities was 53 per cent, compared with 71 per cent in the suburbs.
High school graduation rates are one measure of school success, and educators and policymakers have been trying for decades to stem the number of U.S. students who drop out of high school.
Notable in 2010 was the rise in Hispanic students who graduated on time, with a 10-point jump over the past five years to 71.4 per cent. Hispanics are the nation’s largest minority group, making up more than 50 million people, or about 16.5 per cent of the U.S. population, according to the Pew Hispanic Center. One in four pupils at public elementary schools is Hispanic.
Graduation rates improved for every race and ethnicity in 2010, but gaps among racial groups persist. Asian students had the highest graduation rate, with 93 per cent finishing high school on time. White students followed with an 83 per cent graduation rate, American Indians and Alaska Natives with 69.1 per cent and African Americans with 66.1 per cent (Lyndsey Layton, 2013)[5].
8. It is concerning to know that nearly 2,000 high schools in the United States have a graduation rate of less than 60%.
More than half the African American students in Illinois, Ohio, Michigan, New York, and Pennsylvania attend high schools where most students do not graduate on time, if at all. By contrast, the percentage of White students attending weak-promoting power high schools in these states is below the national average. As a result, African American students in these states are up to 10 times more likely to attend a high school with meagre graduation rates than White students. Even more striking gaps can be found by looking at the high schools with the worst promoting power in Illinois, Ohio, Michigan, New York and Pennsylvania (Robert Balfanz and Nettie Legters, 2004:15).
9. These “dropout factories” account for over 50% of the students who leave school every year.
According to a new study, after decades of flat-lining graduation rates, states finally have started to turn around or close hundreds of so-called “dropout factory” schools and recover some of the thousands of students who had already given up.
The Washington, D.C.-based policy firm Civic Enterprises, whose 2006 report, “The Silent Epidemic,” helped galvanize state and federal attention on high school dropouts, reported that most states had gained momentum in improving graduation rates but will need to improve at least five times faster to meet a national goal of 90 per cent of students graduating on time by 2020.
The study suggests that a combination of state economic concerns and federal accountability pressure has helped drive the national graduation rate from 72 per cent in 2001 to 75 per cent in 2008, the most recent federal graduation estimate. Black, Hispanic, and Native American students made some of the most significant gains, but more than 40 per cent of those students still did not graduate on time as of 2008 (Sarah D. Sparks, 2010)[6].
10. 1 in 6 students attend a dropout factory. 1 in 3 minority students (32%) attend a dropout factory, compared to 8% of white students.
High schools with the worst promoting power are concentrated in a subset of states. Nearly 80% of the nation’s high schools that produce the highest number of dropouts can be found in just 15 states (Arizona, California, Georgia, Florida, Illinois, Louisiana, Michigan, Mississippi, New Mexico, New York, North Carolina, Ohio, Pennsylvania, South Carolina, and Texas)[7].
11. In the U.S., high school dropouts commit about 75% of crimes.
With high youth crime rates, there seem to be other effective alternatives to combat youth violence; however, America continues to build more facilities to detain at-risk youth. “That is one of the questions that we raised with this special over and over again. Our economy is stalled. The prison industry is the fastest-growing industry in America. Why? Because it is a business, we incarcerate more people in the nation than any other country in the world. Like everything else, it is all about money,”. “The lives of these children are dependable, and it is sad because it costs a whole lot less money to educate these kids than it does to incarcerate these kids” (Tavis Smiley)[8].
A part of society portrays dropouts positively, leading to chasing your dream because school is tedious and expensive, as some may say. However, dropouts indeed have significant effects on society and economy that are not very helpful. Therefore, people should proceed with their education for the sake of the country’s national interest.
https://www.dosomething.org/us/facts/11-facts-about-high-school-dropout-rates#fn3 viewed in May 23, 2023
https://www.huffpost.com/entry/graduation-rate-record-high-school-students_n_2522128 viewed in May 24, 2023
chromeextension://efaidnbmnnnibpcajpcglclefindmkaj/https://www.census.gov/content/dam/Census/library/publications/2002/demo/p23-210.pdf viewed in May 24, 2023
https://www.washingtonpost.com/local/education/national-high-school-graduation-rates-at-a-four-decade-high/2013/01/21/012cd7da-63e7-11e2-85f5-a8a9228e55e7_story.html viewed in May 24, 2023
https://www.edweek.org/teaching-learning/study-points-to-fewer-dropout-factory-schools/2010/11 viewed in May 24, 2023
chrome-extension://efaidnbmnnnibpcajpcglclefindmkaj/https://files.eric.ed.gov/fulltext/ED484525.pdf viewed in May 24, 2023
https://consciousnessmagazine.com/TavisSmiley/ viewed in May 24, 2023
[4]chromeextension://efaidnbmnnnibpcajpcglclefindmkaj/https://www.census.gov/content/dam/Census/library/publications/2002/demo/p23-210.pdf viewed in May 24, 2023
Guatemala is a lower-middle-income country, representing the largest economy in Central America and accounting for 25% of the GDP of the Central American Common Market (CACM). Moreover, the International Monetary Fund (IMF), in its June 2019 report, confirmed that the country’s geographic and demographic characteristics allow it to have great potential for economic development. Another important factor, is that Guatemala is the most densely populated country in Central America, with a population of around 17 million[1], characterized by extreme youthfulness: one-third are under 15 years old, just under two-thirds are between 15 and 65 years old, and only 5.6% are over 65 years old[2]. Education in Guatemala has become increasingly accessible; however, low levels of literacy, educational attainment and retention remain as fundamental problems. Furthermore, there is a great disparity between rural and urban areas, men and women, and between indigenous and landina populations the biggest ethnic group. Some of the educational challenges that Guatemala is facing are limited access to education, poor quality of education, language barriers, poverty, gender inequality and violence.
Children in their classroom in El Renacimiento school, in Villa Nueva, Guatemala. Photo by Maria Fleischmann / World Bank on Flickr.
Limited access to education
A significant percentage of the Guatemalan population lives in rural areas, where access to education is limited due to inadequate infrastructure, teacher shortages and high costs. The population density in rural areas is motivated by the importance of the agricultural sector in the country, a characteristic of which is dual production. For example, the presence of large and efficient farms that produce bananas, oil palm, sugar along with other products for export, and small producers focused on the cultivation of basic cereals. This characterizes Guatemala as the Central American country with the largest number of subsistence farmers, about one million[3], leading to approximately 49% of the Guatemalan population living in rural areas. Some of them facing with the challenge of lacking basic resources, such as textbooks and teaching materials.
Language barriers
Guatemala is a multicultural land with a diverse population that includes many ethnic groups and has experienced an exponential increase in its inhabitants. Multiculturalism is a further prerequisite for the demographic conformation of the country. The Guatemalan population is diverse and includes 23 different ethnic groups, each of which has a distinct language and culture. The largest ethnic group is the Ladino group, which is formed by 56% of the population. They are generally non-indigenous Guatemalans, mestizos, and westernized Amerindians with western culture. About 42% of the inhabitants, 6.5 million people, belong to the numerous Maya people (among the most important are the Itzá, K’iche, Poqomchí, Q’anjob’al and Q’eqchi’)[4]. Moreover, it is steadily decreasing due to the so-called “Ladinisation” process, which refers to the phenomenon whereby Western culture is adopted by members of indigenous societies, who cease to identify themselves culturally as “indigenous”.
Tz’utuhil Maya class at a school in Panabaj, Guatemala. Photo by Erik Törner on Flickr.
However, disparities between indigenous and non-indigenous populations in terms of employment, income, health services and education remain. In Guatemala, racism and discrimination persist against these inhabitants who, although an integral part of the country’s society and economy, have no representation at the political level. In addition, many of these indigenous communities speak Mayan languages, which are not widely spoken outside these communities. This language barrier can make it difficult for children to learn in school, especially if they are taught in Spanish, the country’s official language. This discrimination also affects poverty levels in the country which impact 75% of indigenous people and 36% of non-indigenous people[5].
Poverty
Poverty is a significant obstacle to education in Guatemala, which as it turns out afflicts indigenous peoples the most, accentuating inequality. With 59% of the Guatemalan population living in poverty, mainly affecting rural areas where the most indigenous populations are located.
One indicator of current inequality is the GINI indicator, which in 2014 recorded a GINI coefficient of 48.3, the sixth highest in Latin America[6].
Families living in poverty often cannot afford to send their children to school or must rely on their children working to help support the family. Furthermore, although the economy is growing, the number of people living in poverty is increasing and social and economic inequalities are growing[7].
Gender inequality
Today, nationally, 81.5% of the population is literate, through it is possible to highlight a clear gender inequality. Although 51.5% of citizens are women and 48.5% are men, literacy is 78% and 85% respectively, both figures decrease in rural areas[8]. There may be many reasons for this, with cultural background and beliefs playing a primary role.
Violence and insecurity
The country is severely affected by the inequalities, violence and corruption that have historically affected the country. This directly and significantly impacts the education system; the high levels of violence have led to several critical issues that make it difficult for children and young people to access education and receive a quality education. The main critical issues are the vulnerability of young citizens to violence, a shortage of qualified educators/teachers who have decided to migrate or work in areas with less crime, and the negative impact this has had on the physical infrastructure of schools, leading to a lack of adequate spaces. This situation leads to an increased general sense of insecurity and instability that affects the social and economic development of the country.
Despite today’s critical issues, the Guatemalan administration has improved school coverage in recent decades. Since the peace accords of 1996, all administrations have supported the expansion of primary schooling and since 2006 the net enrollment rate at this level has averaged 95 per cent. Guatemala came close to achieving universal coverage in 2009 when the net enrolment rate at the primary level was 99%[9]. Since that year, however, Guatemala has suffered a slight setback (Figure 1). The reasons for this decrease require a deeper analysis of factors such as migration, climate change, the impact of social programs and demographic elements[10].
Nevertheless, overall, significant progress has been made in the expansion of educational provision, and the increase in net primary school enrollment is almost double the increase in population at the beginning of the 21st century[11].
In order to counter the limited access to education in rural areas, the low quality of education, the gender gap and racism present in this sector, the Guatemalan government can take several measures. Firstly, an increase in funding could be requested, the government could allocate more resources to increase quality, increasing the presence of facilities in rural areas and ensuring more resources for students and teachers. Building facilities in rural areas would improve access to education for all its citizens, limiting the inequality between Landini and indigenous people.
However, this effort in this area should be complemented by major efforts to address poverty, gender inequality and violence. Addressing these issues is therefore crucial to improving the overall education system and creating a brighter future for the country’s children and youth. This effort will be necessary and will need the full cooperation of the government, civil society, and international partners.
References:
Guerra Morales N.M., Rivas A.L., (Septiembre 2019). XII Censo Nacional de Población y VII de Vivienda – Principales resultados censo 2018, Insituto Nacional de Estadística Guatemala.
INE Guatemala, (2016).“República de Guatemala: Encuesta Nacional de “Condiciones de Vida 2014. Tomo I”. Instituto Nacional de Estadística, República de Guatemala.
Mamo D., Berger D.N., Bulanin N., Alix L.G., Jensen W.M., (April 2022). The Indigenous World 2022, International Work Group for Indigenous Affairs (IWGIA), 36th Edition.
Minority Rights Group International(MRG), (January 2018). World Directory of Minorities and Indigenous Peoples. Guatemala and Maya.
Spross de Riviera V., and Abascal M., Guatemala: El efecto de las políticas públicas docentes, Inter-American Dialogue/CIEN, 2015).
United Nations Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC), Food and Agriculture Organisation of the United Nations (FAO), Inter-American Institute for Cooperation on Agriculture (IICA), (2021). The Outlook for Agriculture and Rural Development in the Americas.
UNESCO-OREALC, Balance de los 20 años del Proyecto Principal de Educación en América Latina y el Caribe, Santiago de Chile, UNESCO, 2001.
World Bank, (2019). Guatemala Overview 2019.
[1] INE Guatemala, (2016).“República de Guatemala: Encuesta Nacional de “Condiciones de Vida 2014. Tomo I”. Instituto Nacional de Estadística, República de Guatemala
[2] Guerra Morales N.M., Rivas A.L., (septiembre 2019). XII Censo Nacional de Población y VII de Vivienda – Principales resultados censo 2018, Insituto Nacional de Estadística Guatemala, pp. 9-13
[3] United Nations Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC), Food and Agriculture Organisation of the United Nations (FAO), Inter-American Institute for Cooperation on Agriculture (IICA), (2021). The Outlook for Agriculture and Rural Development in the Americas, pp. 20-30.
[4] Minority Rights Group International (MRG), (January 2018). World Directory of Minorities and Indigenous Peoples. Guatemala and Maya.
[5] Mamo D., Berger D.N., Bulanin N., Alix L.G., Jensen W.M., (April 2022). The Indigenous World 2022, International Work Group for Indigenous Affairs (IWGIA), 36th Edition, pp. 402-411.
[8] Guerra Morales N.M., Rivas A.L., (septiembre 2019). XII Censo Nacional de Población y VII de Vivienda – Principales resultados censo 2018, Insituto Nacional de Estadística Guatemala, pp. 13.
[9] Spross de Riviera V., and Abascal M., Guatemala: El efecto de las políticas públicas docentes, Inter-American Dialogue/CIEN, 2015).
[10] Spross de Riviera V., and Abascal M., Guatemala: El efecto de las políticas públicas docentes, Inter-American Dialogue/CIEN, 2015).
[11] UNESCO-OREALC, Balance de los 20 años del Proyecto Principal de Educación en América Latina y el Caribe, Santiago de Chile, UNESCO, 2001.
Since the end of the Salvadorian Civil War in 1992, the country has enjoyed many improvements to education, mainly from the implementation of legislation and educational policies to protect the rights of children and to promote quality, and inclusive education. Evidence of these improvements can be found in a 2018 National Council on Education (CONED) evaluation report of the 2016 “El Salvador Educado Plan” (PESE), which indicated developments such as the provision of student and teacher education on the prevention of violence, greater teacher training options and the creation of a Teacher Training National Institute, a significant increase in preschool coverage (from 1.4% in 2014 to 5.1% in 2018), improved literacy rates, the provision of adaptive educational programs to cater for student’s needs, and a 27.8 million dollar investment to improve school infrastructure.[1]
Despite this, teacher unions, media outlets, non-governmental organizations and academics continue to complain about deficiencies, political failures, and broken promises regarding the protection of the right to education. Salvadorans have recently lived through times of significant change in society, namely the long-term consequences of the Covid-19 pandemic, and the policies brought about by Nayib Bukele’s presidency. Bukele’s most notable change was a crackdown on gang violence, El Salvador’s long-lasting scourge, through a controversial mass detention campaign against the powerful maras. Historically, gang presence has had a negative impact on educational development.[2] Thus, it is appropriate to take a close look at what are the main educational difficulties that the country has faced in the last decade, how have they evolved to this day, and which are the remaining educational challenges through a more nuanced examination of recent literature, data, and events.
Gang Violence and the Right to Education
El Salvador invests a large portion of its budget in security measures to respond to gang violence. Photo by Presidencia El Salvador.
During the last two decades El Salvador has grappled with the crippling effects of gang violence, mostly carried out by the gangs M-13 and Barrio-18, which had their origins in Los Angeles, USA, but extended their reach to Central America through the mass deportation of gang members to El Salvador over the years[3]. An example of the devastating effects of gang violence is the fact that in 2016, the capital of San Salvador had a homicide rate of around 100 per 100,000 inhabitants.[4] The intersection between gang criminality and education goes both ways: while low quality education and lack of access to schooling make individuals prone to join gangs and conduct crimes, the presence of gangs and their activities also hamper educational development, creating a vicious cycle.
A striking fact about gang members that are currently imprisoned is that around 90% of them never finished secondary education and more than 97% have not had access to tertiary education. Most of the gang members range between 12 and 24 years old.[5] These figures reflect the potential consequence of dropping out, lacking access to education, or receiving low-quality education. While there are many causes explaining why youths join gangs, education is an important protective factor. Gangs provide what the state cannot when there is a lack of welfare. Education can mitigate the risk of people slipping through the cracks.[6] Thus, the deficiencies of the educational system that will be explored below can help account for the systemic gang violence that has plagued the country over the last decades.
In 2016, when gang violence in El Salvador peaked, it was reported that children were abandoning school due to the dramatic rise of gang threats, and teacher unions estimated that around 100.000 students dropped out during the previous year due to such violence.[7]Teachers were affected as well by the threats and extortions, which also hindered their capacity to perform, and, by extension, the quality of education decreased. It was estimated that 60% of Salvadoran schools were affected by gang violence.[8] Students were not only deprived of education due to the violent climate created by the gangs, but also because they were (and still are) the main recruitment target of these groups, which evidently curtail the professional possibilities of their members.
Despite improvements to education, the challenges that gangs pose to educational development are the same. More recent studies, including the first empirical investigations into how gang presence affects education. Gang violence has also been found to lead to lower household incentives to invest in education, as well as lower academic performance due to victimization risks (accounting for the mental and physical wellbeing), the impact of crime on household budgets, and the impact on future expectations of families and students. [9]
Finally, it must be noted that Bukele’s presidency has been a turning point regarding gang violence in El Salvador. Adding to the steady decline of homicides since 2015, the latest government’s crackdown against gangs was possible due to the enactment of a state of emergency declared in March 2022, and has resulted in the arrest and imprisonment of more than 60.000 suspected gang members, with El Salvador reaching the highest incarceration rate in the world.[10] In dense urban areas where extortion was rampant, business seem to be finally flourishing, and homicides have plummeted (from 1.147 in 2021 to 495 in 2022).[11] Therefore it is legitimate to also expect a positive impact on education. However, it is too soon to have data on the impact that this might have had in education, but it should be noted that some experts see these repressive measures as a short-term solution, and that the best long-term strategy is, precisely, to invest in community-oriented strategies to improve educational quality and coverage. This does not only include the education of future generations but also that of imprisoned gang members.[12] The expectation is that educational rehabilitation will be provided by the program “Segundas Oportunidades”, but this is one of the most important educational challenges that El Salvador is yet to face.
Low-Quality Infrastructure
Recent news reports in El Salvador have made visible widespread teacher protests regarding the deficient state of most educational institutions’ infrastructure. According to Manuel Molina, the representative of a teacher union called Movimiento Magisterial Salvadoreño, around 85% of school infrastructure are in a bad condition. Together with large groups of education workers, Molina criticizes the inefficiency of the 2021 educational policy plan, “Mi Nueva Escuela,” claiming that only 70 centers in the metropolitan area of San Salvador have been provided with infrastructural improvements, while the remaining 600 sustain significant structural damages that hamper the quality of education and endanger students’ safety.[13]
El Salvador is in an area of high seismic activity, which costs an average of 0.7% of the country’s annual GDP. Other natural disasters, such as floods and landslides are also common in the country.[14] These have caused accumulated damages to educational centers, which are the most affected type of infrastructure according to a study conducted between 2015 and 2016.[15] Most centers do not have the proper infrastructure to withstand such disasters and that there has not been enough focus on the reparation of many schools. It has been widely documented in recent research about El Salvador’s educational system that poor infrastructure directly affects the learning quality of student and curtails the performance of teachers, thus making it a priority in order to fully ensure the right to education.
Bukele’s plan of “Mi Nueva Escuela” precisely acknowledges the importance of this issue and includes the promise of dedicating, in 2023 and with the aid of transnational banks, more than 289 million dollars to repair and build around 5.000 education centers.[16] However, it should be noted that this plan was initially launched in 2021 and its implementation has been slow or inactive, and no consistent follow-ups or data on it have been provided.[17] Media outlets and teacher unions have protested, as noted above, against the sluggish governmental action to solve the problem.
Insufficient Educational Budget
While it needs to be acknowledged that state budget in education has increased significantly over the last eight years (from 3.8% of the country’s GDP in 2014 to 4.6% in 2021), El Salvador is still far from the ideal benchmark of 7%, set and acknowledged by the governmental estimates of the 2016 PESE plan. In 2019, it was reported that the education budget for that year lacked around 1.2 million dollars to obtain the desired benchmark.[18] It is essential that education receives the budget it deserves, not only to provide adequate infrastructure and material, but also to provide better teacher trainings, technological tools to families and schools alike, scholarships for disadvantaged children, and to expand the curriculum and extra-curricular activities.
The Effects of COVID-19
Children in El Salvador use masks and face shields to protect them as they continue learning during the COVID-19 pandemic. Photo by USAID/EL Salvador.
El Salvador was one of the countries with stricter measures during the Covid-19 pandemic; educational centers remained closed from March 2020 to April 2021.[19] There is not yet a lot of information on the specific effects that the pandemic had on El Salvador, but some estimates expect a learning loss of 1.2 years.[20] It has also been reported that educational coverage has stagnated with the pandemic, and that inequalities were maintained throughout that period, even exacerbated (for instance, the poorest quintile’s rate of school assistance decreased from 65% in 2019 to 64.3% in 2021). The quality of education has suffered damage from the pandemic as well: in all learning areas, student performance decreased significantly in the last years of secondary education, attaining less than a 50% rate of successful achievement in languages and math.[21] These results suggest that remote education did not motivate students and that, even for those with the necessary resources, learning development proved to be difficult. On top of that, the percentage of high school students with notable symptoms of depression or anxiety rose from 13.5% in 2020 to 19.6% in 2021.[22]
Further studies on the educational challenges posed by Covid-19 in El Salvador align with the issues outlined above and point to a deeper problem that has become noticeable during the pandemic: the technological breach and the lack of digital literacy.
Students receive computers and lessons in San Bartolomé Perulapía. Photo by Presidencia El Salvador.
The technological breach refers to the significant portion of students who do not possess the adequate technological equipment nor appropriate connectivity to receive quality remote education. A recent survey suggests that around 13% of the students do not have technological equipment (e.g., a laptop or tablet), and that a 28.7% must share it with other family members, and only 3 out of 10 students report to have a good connectivity in their house. Moreover, around 45% of the students report to not have the adequate space at home to do remote education.[23] State-collected statistics confirm that the rate of student access to internet is lower than 50% for all levels of primary school and around 70% for secondary school, that such access rate is at least 10% higher in private schools for all levels of education, and around 20% higher in urban areas.[24] All in all, the evidence suggests that there is inequality in terms of access to technology between the rich and the poor, as well as between urban and rural populations.
The lack of digital literacy is especially important as regards teachers: only 3 out of 10 students consider that teachers are appropriately capacitated to teach online.[25] A recent study that measures the quality of education in El Salvador reports that the staff of most educational centers, especially those located outside major urban areas, have not received any training on digital skills and literacy. Those staff are unable to provide quality remote education and to make the best use of technologies in class, since the presence of material is impractical if the educator does not have the skill to use it. Furthermore, most educational centers in less populated regions do not possess the adequate technology to provide quality, up-to-date education, and often have poor access to internet.[26] The most recent state-recorded statistics on the matter align with the described problem: in 2018, the average number of students per computer at school was 19, and the percentage of teachers able to access internet at school on the same year was only 60.4%.[27]
Problems in Public Superior Education
Higher education is often essential to develop professionally in a globalized world. Due to a lack of monetary resources and weak political will, public higher education in El Salvador faces a range of problems that hamper the universal provision of quality, university-level training:
First, it has been reported that public university infrastructure is insufficient to host the vast quantity of students that wish to attend it. In fact, in public universities it is not rare to have more than a hundred students per one teacher, which obviously diminishes the quality of education for all. In comparison, private institutions might take in more students overall, but they have the appropriate infrastructure to avoid overcrowding.[28]
Secondly, the capacity constraint of public universities leads them to impose a highly strict admission filter: in 2019, 51.5% of first year university aspirants were ruled out by the admission tests at the Universidad de El Salvador (UES). While, by law, the right to higher education is to be ensured by the state, in practice, the opportunity is formally given to all but only obtained by a few. Equality of opportunity should not be confused with equality of possibility; and it seems that the possibility to access higher education is greater for those who can afford private education or the conditions to prepare access to public education, than for those who live in poverty (29.2% of the population in 2018).[29] Even in a society that values merit (a contestable term), the numbers seem excessive, and the term public seems to be drained of meaning.
Stagnated Educational Coverage and Low-Quality Education
In El Salvador, Adventist Church graduates thousands from its decade-long literacy program. Photo by Adventist News.
El Salvador finds itself in quite a decent position with a 90% rate in 2021 (the latest recorded).[30] However, when considering the average of its Latin American neighbors, El Salvador finds itself 4 percentual points below the average, a 94%.[31] Furthermore, it should be noted that since 2014, El Salvador’s literacy rate has remained almost unchanged, albeit slowly increasing (in 2014 the rate was of 89.1%).[32] This signals that around 10% of the population consistently remains illiterate, that efforts in that area could have been more fruitful, and that full educational coverage is still quite ahead of the current situation. In addition, the illiteracy rates show that women are significantly more affected than men (in 2021 the rate was of 8.1% for the women and 11.7% for the men), and that rural communities have a higher portion of illiterate population than urban areas (in 2021, the rate was of 15.5% for the former and of 6.8% for the latter).[33]
Beyond the issue of illiteracy, the 2022 rate of out-of-school population also leaves much to be desired: with an average rate of 40.38%, it is striking to note that the rate is greater than 46% for all ages under 5 years-old, decreasing throughout primary school levels, and then increasing notably from the age of 16 onwards, reaching almost 60% at the age of 18. When differentiating by gender, it seems that there is a greater proportion of men out of school.[34] Similarly, the dropout rates reach a concerning historic high of 14.7% in 2021 (the latest recorded) in secondary education. Again, the statistics indicate that men are significantly more likely to drop out than women, especially during the last years of primary education.[35] It seems that the challenge that lays ahead is not only to widen basic educational coverage but also to specifically do it in rural areas, with a focus on secondary education and with a gender lens.
Quality in education has been a longstanding concern in El Salvador. The most recent state-collected statistics display an astounding difference between the gross and the net rate of enrollment per level in 2022, that is, the difference between calculating the proportion of students enrolled in each level without regard for their age, and calculating the proportion of students with the corresponding theoretical age enrolled in each level. While the former shows rates of around 80% for the levels of primary and secondary school, each figure drops to a 10% less (approximately) in the latter.[36] That signals that there is an important educational lag at every level of education, something that is confirmed by the high rates of overage students at each level of education.[37] Another fact that signals that educational quality requires improvement in El Salvador is that the most common reason to abandon school in the country is low student performance, accounting for 22.4% of school dropouts.[38] Moreover, in previous sections it has already been shown how educational attainment, especially in the post-Covid context, is low.[39]
All things considered, El Salvador needs to boost student performance. Therefore, it seems important to shed light on what might be the causes of such figures, and according to recent reports and literature, some of these elements have already been discovered. Leaving the inescapable and damaging effect of the Covid-19 pandemic on educational development aside, studies suggest that to improve student motivation, possibilities and curricula, educational centers need to increase their contact with local communities and families. Working together with the immediate context of the students would propitiate the ideal learning conditions, in terms of support mechanisms and motivation through the applicability of knowledge.[40] Besides that, it is also important to consider that the low educational budget, reported lack of material and educational infrastructure hinders the learning possibilities and performance of students; something that seems to be especially present in most areas outside the capital.[41] On top of that, it is extremely important to increase teacher training programs and to address the critical teacher shortage in the country. In 2018, the statistics indicated that there were 27 students per teacher in El Salvador, while the regional average is at 21 students per teacher.[42] It should be noted that the teacher shortage was significantly higher in public schools and in rural areas.[43]
Multilevel Discrimination
Students participate in an environmental fair. Photo by Codelco.
As it might have been picked up from some of the data provided in the previous sections, there are clear discriminatory divides in the educational system of El Salvador. It has been shown how schools in rural areas receive less resources and attention than those in urban areas, how low student performance and low educational quality seems to primarily affect rural areas and the public sector, indicating that wealth might play a role in such difference, and how the gender lens allows for the identification of higher illiteracy among women and higher dropout rates among men. This final section will explore more deeply the main educational inequalities that need to be overcome in El Salvador.
Although it has shown great improvement over the last decade[44], El Salvador still shows significant levels of economic inequality, while low levels of economic power have been directly associated with having less educational opportunities, especially in the later years of educational development, due to the impossible costs of higher education and necessity to leave education in order to work for the family, or even due to joining a gang in contexts where state control and support is more absent.[45] Some accounts state that the issue of poverty (and, by extension, lack of access to education) is a matter of government prioritization of rich over the poor, actively contributing to (educational) inequality and a cycle of crime and poverty.
Gender parity in education has shown good results in 2022, often indicating a disparity in favor of women. However, El Salvador has been reported to be a country where patriarchal systems prevail and discrimination and violence against women is rampant, including at school.[46] In 2017, 67% of women aged 25 and older reported being victims of gender-based violence, and the pervasiveness of school-based gender-based violence has also been reported.[47] It has been argued and investigated, that while access to education has been fairly ensured for women, the sexist environment that they encounter at school can be an obstacle to their development.[48] The issue is, then, that girls receive a poorer quality education than boys, especially indigenous girls, who face more prejudice due to an intersection of discriminations. The complaint has often been directed towards the fact that gender and violence against girls has not been specifically named as a target area in the recent and current national education plans and inclusive policies. It would be through such focus that teachers would be able to obtain the training and tools to ensure an environment of true equality and to eliminate gender-based prejudice from its root.
More broadly, it has been pointed out that while normative frameworks have been set up to activate inclusive programs in education, no monitoring and evaluation mechanisms have been established yet. The previous national educational plans, such as the “Política de Educación Inclusiva” or the PESE, have not addressed the same issues over the years although such issues were ever-present, making for a scattered landscape of mechanisms to address inclusivity. Moreover, it is argued that these plans only offer temporary (but necessary) solutions such as food programs or support mechanisms for families but overlook the possibility of implementing structural changes. In order to obtain long-lasting improvements, it would be necessary to address poverty in rural areas and to provide them with appropriate infrastructure. Just like it has been argued with the issue of gender, there is also a broad need to be specific when defining the objects of inclusion too (e.g., race, disability, sexual orientation, gender identity), so that their difference and value can be acknowledged in the process of providing quality education.[49]
Lastly, it is important to highlight the clear inequalities existing between the rural and urban areas in El Salvador. Resource allocation, better student performance, lower dropout rates, and higher school attendance all concentrate in urban areas. The lack of access to digital tools and connectivity (less than 20% of rural families had internet access during Covid-19, and in 2019 only 19.6% of rural families had computer access) is also a salient issue for rural schools and families, and a much greater one compared to the situation in urban centers. Aside from material deprivation, it has also been reported that children in rural areas often do not find appropriate parental support on school tasks due to the labor conditions of the parents and their (relatively low) educational level. It is also often the case that the profile of families in rural areas is of low economic level, possibly adding the issues mentioned above as regards poverty and education. It should be noted that, in 2018, around 74.88% of the educational centers found themselves in rural areas. Educational issues associated to rural areas such as school dropout due to pursuing jobs (and child labor, for that matter), lack of material and technological conditions, poor transportation options in areas where schools are too far for some students, and the low training levels that some teachers present need to be addressed through integral solutions to avoid perpetuating inequality.
[3] Kalsi, P. (2018). The impact of US deportation of criminals on gang development and education in El Salvador. Journal of Development Economics, 135, 433-448.
[4] Dahbura, J. N. M. (2018). The short-term impact of crime on school enrollment and school choice: evidence from El Salvador. Economía, 18(2), 121-145.
[9] Dahbura, J. N. M. (2018). The short-term impact of crime on school enrollment and school choice: evidence from El Salvador. Economía, 18(2), 121-145.
[23] Picardo Joao, O., Ábrego, A. M., & Cuchillac, V. (2020). Educación y la COVID-19: estudio de factores asociados con el rendimiento académico online en tiempos de pandemia (caso El Salvador).
[45] Bissonnette, I. (2019). El Salvador’s drivers of poverty: Low levels of education, lack of access to water and sanitation, and violence and crime. Global Majority E-Journal, 4.
[46] Vandzura, A. (2021). Inclusive Education in El Salvador: Ensuring Quality Education and Gender Equality at the Primary Level. University of Ottawa.
[49] Muñoz Morán, C. A. (2019). Educación inclusiva en El Salvador. Una reflexión desde las políticas educativas. Revista latinoamericana de educación inclusiva, 13(1), 21-36.
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