Current Issues Ethiopia’s Education Problem: 96% of students fail final school exam

By Zoë Alford

Hundreds of thousands of students are left without the opportunity for higher education due to a massive educational crisis currently facing Ethiopia. Out of the 3,106 schools administering 12th grade in 2023, 43% reported that no students had passed the Ethiopian General Secondary Education Certificate Examination (EGSECE) (Hood, 2023). This final exam is a prerequisite for university entrance and saw 96% of students failing for the second year in a row (Hood, 2023). The overwhelming majority of Ethiopia’s youth are now left with limited education opportunities and few choices for their future. While exam results are not the only measure of a country’s education system, such significant failure rates can only be symptomatic of one that is fractured and struggling.

Structural Issues:

The education system in Ethiopia is struggling to keep up with the burgeoning numbers of primary and secondary school students. Since 1990, students in primary education increased from 3 million to 20 million in 2018/19 (Tiruneh et al., 2021). With more students finishing primary school than ever before, Ethiopian pupils are continuing on into high school with limited resources and infrastructure in place to support them. Secondary enrollment has doubled in the last 10 years, going from 23% in 2011/12 to 46% in 2021/22 (Ministry of Education, 2022) This remarkable achievement has given greater access to education for children from disadvantaged backgrounds and drastically increased the number of girls in school. However, the rapid expansion of the education system has left it struggling to ensure all students are given a sound education and the resources they require (Tiruneh et al., 2021).

Poor school infrastructure, inadequate distribution of resources and outdated materials have also fueled this crisis. Combined with a system stretched thin to meet the demands of ever-increasing pupils, hundreds of thousands of children have consequentially finished primary education without fundamental skills in literacy and numeracy (Hood, 2023). These abilities are not only essential for further education but also necessary to live a life of opportunity in a modern, globalised world.

The lack of robust education combined with a burgeoning student population has also left Ethiopia without appropriately trained teachers. In the country’s teacher trainee program, many candidates have not completed the final 2 years of secondary education. Trainees often also score low when tested for their science and mathematics abilities (Assefa et al. 2021; Gebremeskel et al. 2017). This leaves a major gap in the education system for educated and well-trained teachers, creating a cycle where limited education creates poorly educated teachers, creating further inadequate education for younger students in fundamental subjects. There is also a high student-to-teacher ratio, stretching what teachers that Ethiopia does have already, thinner (Assefa et al. 2021). Ethiopia has recognized that their educational system must consider the gap between their societal goals for education and the general student learning experience (Hood, 2023).

Covid-19:

It is also important to note that the Covid-19 pandemic widened the education gap. Lockdowns in 2020 prevented more than 26 million students from learning over a period of 8 months (Araya et al., 2022). With limited online learning materials and resources, students were required to catch up on 8 months’ worth of lessons lost in just 45 days. Primary school students in 2021 had lower foundational numeracy skills and made slower progress in numeracy as the year progressed, compared to students from 2018 (Araya et al., 2022). The pandemic lockdowns also heavily affected students from rural and lower-income families, with pupils from these backgrounds having the lowest numeracy levels in their cohort (Araya et al., 2022). The pandemic therefore exacerbated the systemic problems already prevalent in Ethiopia’s education system.

Internal Conflict:

The Tigray War in northern Ethiopia also likely added to the declining exam results. Lasting from November 2020 until November 2022, the conflict caused a humanitarian crisis, human rights abuses and destruction of infrastructure, including educational institutions. The conflict affected around 1.4 million children in the region, with many parents too concerned about their children’s safety to send them to school (Belay et al., 2023). This conflict severely limited access to education, for reasons such as trauma, loss of infrastructure and population movement (Belay et al., 2023). The armed conflict in Tigray has not only impacted on educational achievement in the region but also limited education opportunities. This has been cited as another reason for the extremely low pass rate in Ethiopia in recent years (Belay et al., 2023).

Looking forward:

An overall greater financial investment in education would offer a fast-tracked solution to many of Ethiopia’s’ education systemic problems. Funding for additional, more uniform and up to date learning resources as well as improving school infrastructure would greatly increase educational quality for all students. Higher salaries, a stronger teacher training program and leadership training would encourage and upskill both current and potential teachers in Ethiopia (Tena & Motuma, 2024). Leadership training and a better trainee program can also be achieved via greater investment in university education, which has the potential to play a critical role in overcoming widespread structural issues. Investing in universities encourages innovation and improvement in curriculum, teacher training programs and capacity building within the education system (Tena & Motuma, 2024).

Greater focus on students from disadvantaged backgrounds would also ensure that Ethiopia’s most vulnerable pupils would not miss out on an education. Targeted support for low-performing students, those from low socio-economic backgrounds and students from rural areas would prevent further widening learning inequalities (Araya et al., 2022). When possible, employing technological forms of teaching would keep pupils in school who otherwise would not be able to attend, whether caused by conflict, illness or events like Covid-19. When online learning is not possible, continuing to encourage the importance of education across local communities and providing learning resources would greatly encourage students from disadvantaged backgrounds to continue their education (Araya et al., 2022). Ensuring pupils can still access education, despite conflict, pandemics or remoteness is essential to ensure such high rates of failure do not continue in the future.

Overall, Ethiopia must continue to invest and improve in their education system. This will ensure the robust functioning of not only its economy, but the right to self-determination for all Ethiopians regardless of economic background. Education has the power to reduce inequality and poverty and it is therefore necessary to ensure that future Ethiopian generations are not left behind.

References

Araya, M., Rose, P., Sabates, R., Tiruneh, D.T., Woldeanna, T. (2022). Learning Losses during the COVID-19 Pandemic in Ethiopia: Comparing student achievement in early primary grades before school closures, and after they reopened. Rise Insight Series. Retrieved from https://riseprogramme.org/publications/learning-losses-during-covid-19-pandemic-ethiopia-comparing-student-achievement-early.html

Assefa, S., Asfaw, A., Fufa, D., Zewdie, G., Wodajo, H., Kekeba, H. & Tola, T. (2021). Status of teacher education programs in Ethiopia: Policy, curricula and resources. The Ethiopian Journal of Education, 41(1), 247-296.

Belay, F., Berhane, D., Teshale, H., Mulubrhan, G., Hagos, T., Gebremariam, H., Brhane, T., Islam, Z. (2023). The effect of war on educational institutions of Eastern Tigray zone, Tigray state, Ethiopia. International Journal of Educational Development, 102:102864. Retrieved from

https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/abs/pii/S0738059323001402#:~:text=Children%20did%20not%20attend%20schools,relevant%20to%20the%20war%20experiences.

Gebremeskel, H.H., Ahmed, A.Y., Getahun, D.A., Debele, M.L., Tibebu, D., Wondem, D.T. (2017). Revisiting teacher educators’ training in Ethiopia: Implications for a new approach to curriculum development. Bahir Dar Journal of Education, 17(2), 89-105.

https://www.ajol.info/index.php/bdje/article/view/249011/235474

Hood, L. (2023, November 23). Ethiopia’s education system is in crisis – now’s the time to fix it. The Conversation. Retrieved from https://theconversation.com/ethiopias-education-system-is-in-crisis-nows-the-time-to-fix-it-217817

Ministry of Education (2022). Education statistics annual abstract (ESAA). Federal Republic of Ethiopia. Retrieved from https://moe.gov.et/storage/Books/ESAA%202014%20EC%20(2021-22%20G.C)%20Final.pdf

Tena, B. & Motuma, F. (2024). Policy reforms and unresolved educational challenges in Ethiopia: Implications for the University of Education. Bahir Dar Journal of Education, 24(1), 147-167. https://dx.doi.org/10.4314/bdje.v24i1.10

Tiruneh, D., Hoddinott, J., Rolleston, C., Sabates, R., Woldehanna, T. (2021). Understanding achievement in numeracy among primary school children in Ethiopia: Evidence from Rise Ethiopia study . RISE Working Paper Series. Retrieved from https://www.researchgate.net/profile/John-Hoddinott-2/publication/359826987_Understanding_Achievement_in_Numeracy_Among_Primary_School_Children_in_Ethiopia_Evidence_from_RISE_Ethiopia_Study/links/64676983c9802f2f72ea0135/Understanding-Achievement-in-Numeracy-Among-Primary-School-Children-in-Ethiopia-Evidence-from-RISE-Ethiopia-Study.pdf

Featured image by Emmanuel Ikwuegbu from Unsplash

Freedom of expression in Turkey: Lawyers and Arrests: Dilek Ekmekçi and others

By Panashe Marie Louise Mlambo

Freedom of expression is a fundamental human right that protects the ability to express oneself without unjustified restrictions. It is normally undisputed when dealing with social media presence when individuals share their opinions without erroneous implications. However, in Turkey, despite the Constitution providing for freedom of speech, many laws and legislations have been enacted, and amendments have been made to undermine the very principle of freedom of expression. This article will provide an analysis of freedom of speech and the legal system in Turkey and take a look at the charges against different lawyers in the context of International law, Turkish Law, and countries near it, using the 2024 case of Dilek Ekmekçi as the case study. 


The Arrests of Lawyers

A lawyer named Dilek Ekmekçi was released from prison on October 22, 2024, only to be promptly detained again by police, reflecting the ongoing repression faced by legal professionals in Turkey. This incident follows a troubling trend highlighted by the Court of Cassation’s ruling on September 18, 2020, which upheld the sentences of 14 human rights lawyers from the People’s Law Office, , who were convicted on similar charges. The crackdown continued with the recent arrest of Naim Eminoğlu and Doğa İncesu on July 2, 2024, both prominent members of the Progressive Lawyers Association, accused of being part of the Gülen Movement.  In January 2024, a staggering sentence of over 125 years was handed down to 19 lawyers,  further illustrating the Turkish government’s aggressive stance against those perceived as dissenters. These cases underscore the precarious situation for lawyers in Turkey, where legal actions are increasingly viewed as tools for political suppression rather than justice.


The law against the people

Under The Social Media Law (2020), the Turkish government can restrict and monitor any social media interactions and online free speech if necessary  and this is one of the ways in which all these lawyers mentioned above had their data used for a case to be made against them. Coupled with Turkey’s Anti-Terror Law (Law No. 3713), which penalises individuals who disclose or publish the identity of officials on anti-terrorist duties or who identify such persons as targets, this is used broadly, and in most cases of online discourse, the different individuals are arrested for incitement and spreading of terrorism rhetoric.  


In addition to the above, law enforcement usually limits freedom of speech with Article 125 of the Penal Code, which criminalises defamation and slander. In 90% of the cases above, the three legislations are cited together to justify the limitation of freedom of speech and arrest individuals who use online platforms to share their opinions on fraud, murder, and many more. Recent developments, such as the passing of the controversial “disinformation law” in October 2022, exemplify this trend by criminalising the dissemination of false information, which is determined by the government. 


As can be deduced from the above cases and legal frameworks in Turkey, the country’s laws are against international laws of freedom of speech, particularly breaches Article 10 of the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR), which guarantees the right to freedom of expression, including the freedom to hold opinions and to receive and impart information without interference by public authority.  The disinformation law also violates Article 19 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), which protects the right to seek, receive, and impart information.  


In 2021, the ECHR ruled that Turkey violated freedom of expression rights in the case of Vedat Şorli, who faced criminal charges and pre-trial detention for criticising the president on social media.  The ECHR concluded that this conviction represented unjustified interference with Şorli’s freedom of speech and in a 2014 case, journalists Ahmet Şık and Nedim Şener were detained as part of the OdaTV investigation after publishing material critical of government-linked entities. The ECHR ruled that their detention violated both their rights to a fair trial and freedom of expression. 


Despite these findings, he Turkish government continues utilising the legal frameworks to arrest and detain different individuals who use social media to criticise the government. 

Lawyer Dilek Ekmekçi

The case of Dilek Ekmekçi highlights the ongoing challenges to judicial independence and freedom of expression in Turkey. Ekmekçi, after accusing prominent leaders of the Nationalist Movement Party (MHP) of being involved in the assassination of former Grey Wolves leader Sinan Ateş, was arrested; her allegations targeted high-ranking MHP members, including figures close to Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan; she was charged with defamation and insulting public officials through social media posts. Despite an initial release, the prosecutor’s appeal led to her re-arrest by the Istanbul 25th High Criminal Court. 


In her court statements, Ekmekçi claimed that her detention was due to a fabricated indictment and referenced other government actions intended to undermine her legal standing. She cited instances where she was pressured, including through threats of psychiatric evaluations and multiple lawsuits. Ekmekçi’s defence argued that her prosecution was a retaliatory measure aimed at silencing her criticism, categorising the case as a SLAPP (Strategic Lawsuit Against Public Participation), often used to intimidate and suppress dissenting voices. 


The state of freedom of expression 

The state of freedom of expression in Turkey has reached a critical juncture, characterized by systemic repression and legal frameworks that stifle dissent. Recent legislative measures, such as the controversial “disinformation law” passed in October 2022, exemplify the government’s tightening grip on free speech, allowing for the criminalisation of information deemed false and imposing severe penalties for those who share it (Amnesty International, 2022).  


This law has been criticised for creating a chilling effect, deterring individuals from expressing their opinions, or engaging in public discourse for fear of prosecution. Additionally, the Turkish judiciary has increasingly become an instrument of political control, often disregarding rulings from the European Court of Human Rights that emphasise the protection of free expression (English PEN).  


The cases of lawyers like Dilek Ekmekçi, who faced charges under anti-terrorism laws for their advocacy work, highlight the precarious position of legal professionals in Turkey. As the government continues to utilise vague legal definitions to target critics, it undermines not only national constitutional guarantees but also international human rights obligations, effectively rendering freedom of expression nearly non-existent in Turkey’s current political climate (Freedom House).


Conclusion

It is evident that the Turkish government’s restructuring of the legal system aims to suppress all criticism of its officials and minimise freedom of expression. The excessive measures employed to address issues such as slander against officials do not resonate with the general public, and the blatant disregard for international law and democratic principles raises serious concerns that must be addressed. The legal profession, much like activism, journalism, and other sectors of society, deserves to uphold its freedom of expression. The direct targeting of the judicial system, evidenced by the significant number of lawyers arrested in less than a decade, signals a broader issue within the system and undermines the Turkish government’s claims of democracy. The case of Dilek Ekmekçi is not an isolated incident; rather, it reflects a troubling pattern of similar cases occurring throughout the country.

Featured Photo by Wesley Tingey on Unsplash

References

 i       Front Line Defenders. (n.d.). 14 lawyers arrested and charged. Front Line Defenders. Retrieved from https://www.frontlinedefenders.org/en/case/14-lawyers-arrested-and-charged 

 ii       International Observatory for Lawyers in Danger. (n.d.). Joint statement of international protest condemning Turkey’s arrest of Naim Eminoglu and Doğa İncesu of the Progressive Lawyers Association (CHD). International Observatory for Lawyers in Danger. Retrieved from https://protect-lawyers.org/en/joint-statement-of-international-protest-condemning-turkeys-arrest-of-naim-eminoglu-and-doga-incesu-of-the-progressive-lawyers-association-chd-2/ 

 iii      The Arrested Lawyers Initiative. (2024). Ankara appeal court defies ECHR, sentences 19 lawyers to 125 years. The Arrested Lawyers Initiative. Retrieved from https://arrestedlawyers.org/2024/01/31/ankara-appeal-court-defies-echr-sentences-19-lawyers-to-125-years/ 

 iv      Kandemir, E., & Hudson, M. (2022). Turkey’s new media law is bad news, but don’t report it. Brookings Institution. Retrieved from https://www.brookings.edu/articles/turkeys-new-media-law-is-bad-news-but-dont-report-it/ 

 v      Republic of Turkey. (1991). Anti-Terrorism Law (Law No. 3713) on crimes committed by terrorist organizations. Official Gazette of the Republic of Turkey.

 vi      United Nations. (1966). International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR). United Nations Treaty Collection.  

  European Court of Human Rights. (2021). Şorli v. Turkey. European Court of Human Rights.

 vii    JURIST. (2021). Europe rights court: Turkey liable for freedom of expression right violation. JURIST News. Retrieved from https://www.jurist.org/news/2021/10/europe-rights-court-turkey-liable-for-freedom-of-expression-right-violation/ 

 ix    Turkish Minute. (2024). Lawyer arrested after accusing Erdogan, far-right ally of ex-Grey Wolves leader’s murder. Turkish Minute. Retrieved from https://www.turkishminute.com/2024/09/02/lawyer-arrested-after-accusing-erdogan-far-right-ally-ex-grey-wolves-leaders-murder/ 

 x    Amnesty International. (2022). Turkey: New disinformation law poses serious threat to freedom of expression. Amnesty International.  

 xi      English PEN. (n.d.). Turkey: Freedom of expression in jeopardy. English PEN. 



Current Issues The conflict in Congo: impact on education

By Zoe Alford

The Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) is undergoing a major humanitarian crisis, that is severely impacting education and human rights. Due to the ongoing conflict in the region, millions of people have been displaced, teachers kidnapped and schools turned into battlegrounds. Escalation of the conflict in the North Kivu region of the DRC has forced 540 schools to close in the past year, removing pivotal educational opportunities from many students (Save the Children, 2024).

Education in the DRC:

This current situation unravels decades of progress in the DRC, where great strides had been made in recent decades to create universal access to education. Access to primary school education has increased significantly in the last few decades, with net attendance rates increasing from 52% in 2001 to 78% in 2018 (UNICEF, 2024).

Nonetheless, the country still faces major structural issues regarding access to education. 7.6 million children and half of all girls between age 5-17 are not in school, with the cost of school for families living in poverty being a major reason (UNICEF, 2024). Despite the promise of free primary education from the DRC government, households facing extreme poverty struggle to pay for registration fees, school uniforms and school supplies (UNICEF, 2024). Secondary school enrolment rates further reflect this education gender gap, with 44% of girls enrolled compared to 70% of boys (UNESCO, 2024). This is further reflected in secondary school completion rates with just 51.4% of girls and 63.5% of boys continuing onto graduation (UNESCO, 2024). For higher education, 5% of women and 8% of men were enrolled in tertiary education in 2020 (UNESCO, 2024).

Payroll fraud, insufficient budgets, and a lack of materials and infrastructure also create challenges for the educational system in the DRC. Many of the 500,000 teachers in the country have gone without government pay for many years, leaving parents responsible to supplement their pay (Brant et al., 2021). In a country with already high levels of poverty, this creates a major financial obstacle to education. Teachers often must supplement their low incomes with second or even third jobs, reducing their time, energy, and passion and consequentially the quality of teaching (Brant et al., 2021).

The gender gap in school enrolment, the socio-economic disparities in educational access, as well as financing issues, are only worsened by the escalating conflict in the DRC. With the closing of hundreds of schools in the country, these systemic issues have and will continue to exacerbate, leaving hundreds of thousands more and more children without education opportunities.

Violence in North Kivu:

Since the beginning of the conflict in DRC in 1996, more than 6 million people have died and many millions more displaced (CFR, 2024). Beginning in the aftermath of the Rwandan genocide, the First Congo War saw the invasion of the eastern part of the DRC by Rwandan troops and Congo-based Tutsi militias. The invasion of the north Kivu region was supported by Uganda, Burundi and Congo’s then opposition leader and future leader Laurent Kabila. Rwandan officials justified the invasion, arguing that Hutu groups in eastern DRC were still a threat to their Tutsi population who had been decimated during the genocide. While some Hutu militants were killed, the majority of the thousands of causalities were refugees and non-combatant Congolese (CFR, 2024). In 1998, the second Congo War saw worsening political tensions between armed groups and governments in the region. With targeted campaigns against the Huti amounting to war crimes, it caused international outrage. In a failed coup attempt, DRC’s leader, Kabila, was assassinated and replaced by his son (CFR, 2024). The following years saw peace agreements between DRC, Rwanda and Uganda implemented, however rebel groups continued to emerge creating tensions and flashpoints in the last two decades. Most notability, is M23, a mostly Tutsi rebel group with ties to the Rwandan and Ugandan governments. The name is taken from March 23 2009, when the National Congress for the Defence of the People (CNDP) signed a peace treaty with the DRC government, becoming a political party and the M23 soldiers integrated into the Armed Forces of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (FARDC). The Allied Democratic Forces (ADF), and Islamic State (ISIS) are two major Islamist rebel and affiliated militia groups (Lawal, 2024). The DRC’s abundance of natural resources, especially their large reserves of rare earth minerals and metals essential for modern technology, has propelled their local problems onto the international stage. The involvement of China and historically, large US tech companies has only created further tensions and deepened inequality.

The violent and fraudulent national elections in 2023 saw major clashes between M23 and ADF. This again escalated in February 2024, creating a humanitarian disaster, political chaos and insecurity across the region. Education is not only indirectly affected by this conflict, but also actively targeted. Armed groups have seized 23 schools in the north Kivu region and directly attacked 10 schools (Save the Children, 2024). Teachers have also been kidnapped and students abducted on the way to school or in class. A further 29 schools have also been turned into emergency shelters for displaced civilians (Save the Children, 2024).

Conflict and its impacts on education:

Conflict also indirectly impacts on the right to education. Economic hardship often leaves children forced to work instead of going to school, with girls disproportionally affected. The long-term consequences of conflict can be felt by generations to long-term development setbacks and lack of opportunity (Mlaba, 2023). This leads to long term economic and social disruption, which in turn can trigger further conflicts in the future. Education and its relationship to conflict is often “complex, multi-scalar and non-linear” (Novelli & Cardozo, 2008), meaning that the impacts of conflict are often not immediately noticeable.

Emergency Education:

International efforts have been made to mitigate these effects by protecting education during conflicts and promoting conflict-sensitive education strategies (Mlaba, 2023). As an example of such mitigation efforts, UNICEF, the European Commission’s Civil Protection and Humanitarian Aid department (ECHO) and the Central Emergency Response Fund (CERF) have partnered up to construct three temporary learning spaces (UNICEF, 2024). In just a few weeks, with support from local communities, classrooms were constructed using wood and other readily available materials. These new spaces have allowed several dozen additional pupils to enrol. The temporary classes provide displaced children the opportunity to continue their education and benefit children from nearby families (UNICEF, 2024). On top of their academic studies, students are also learning essential social skills, such as interacting and building relationships with others outside their immediate community. Unfortunately, however, with around 3 quarter of a million children out of school because of this conflict, a lot more must be done to ensure all Congolese children have access to education (UNICEF, 2023).

Conclusively, To to ensure peace and development not only in the DRC, but across the globe, it is of paramount importance that education is prioritised for all children. By protecting education, investing in quality teachers, educating future generations about history and financing rebuilding projects, a more stable and equal society can be reached. While access to education is perhaps not the first issue that comes to mind when discussing the conflict in the DRC, it is highly important to use education as a tool to safeguard long-term stability and peace.

References

Brandt, C.O., Marchais, G., Mwakupemba, J.T., Moshonas, S. De Herdt, T. (2021). Why payroll fraud in the DRC’s education sector will be hard to fix. The Conversation.

https://theconversation.com/why-payroll-fraud-in-the-drcs-education-sector-will-be-hard-to-fix-162257

Center for preventative action (CFR). (May 15, 2024). Conflict in the Democratic Republic of Congo. https://www.cfr.org/global-conflict-tracker/conflict/violence-democratic-republic-congo

Lawal, S. (February 21, 2024). A guide to the decades-long conflict in DR Congo. Aljazeera. https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2024/2/21/a-guide-to-the-decades-long-conflict-in-dr-congo

Mlaba, K. (June 26, 2023). How do war & conflict impact education? Global Citizen. https://www.globalcitizen.org/en/content/how-do-war-conflict-impact-education/

Novelli, M., & Cardozo, M.T.L. (2008). Conflict, education and the global south: New critical directions. International Journal of Educational Development, 28(4), 473-488. doi.org/10.1016/j.ijedudev.2008.01.004

Save the Children. (2024, March 28). DRC: Violence in North Kivu forces over 500 schools to close, with teachers kidnapped and students terrified [Press release].

https://www.savethechildren.net/news/drc-violence-north-kivu-forces-over-500-schools-close-teachers-kidnapped-and-students-terrified

UNICEF. (March 29, 2023). Conflict in eastern DRC is having a devastating impact on children’s education. UNICEF [Press release].

https://www.unicef.org/press-releases/conflict-eastern-drc-having-devastating-impact-childrens-education

UNICEF. (2024). Education: every child has the right to go to school and learn.

https://www.unicef.org/drcongo/en/what-we-do/education

UNICEF. (February 22, 2024). A wish to return to school is realized. UNICEF

https://www.unicef.org/drcongo/en/stories/wish-return-school-realized

UNSECO. (January, 2024). Congo, Democratic Republic (DRC): Education Country Brief. International Institute for Capacity Building in Africa.

https://www.iicba.unesco.org/en/node/80#:~:text=According%20to%20the%20UNESCO%20Institute,and%2063.5%20percent%20of%20boys

 

Featured image by Doug Linstedt  from Unsplash

ان دیکھے اور ان سنے: گمشدہ بچوں کا عالمی بحران اور ایپسٹین کیس کے اثرات

تحریر: لیٹیشیا کاکس

مترجم: ماہ نور علی

ان دیکھے اور ان سنے: گمشدہ بچوں کا عالمی بحران اور ایپسٹین کیس کے اثرات
تحریر: لیٹیشیا کاکس
مترجم: ماہ نور علی
ہر سال، دنیا بھر میں الکھوں بچے غائب ہو جاتے ہیں۔ اس کی وجوہات کئی طرح کی ہوتی ہیں: اغوا، اسمگلنگ، گھر
سے بھاگنا، اور افسوسناک صورتحال جہاں حادثات یا قدرتی آفات کے باعث معصوم جانیں ضائع ہو جاتی ہیں۔ ان
گمشدگیوں کی وجہ سے خاندانوں اور کمیونٹیز میں جو درد اور انتشار پیدا ہوتا ہے، وہ ناقابل تصور ہے، لیکن اکثر یہ
کیسز حل نہیں ہو پاتے، بچے نظر نہیں آتے، اور ان کی کہانیاں سنی نہیں جاتیں۔
جیفری ایپسٹین کا کیس، اگرچہ زیادہ تر دیگر سنگین جرائم کی وجہ سے جانا جاتا ہے، اس عالمی بحران کے ساتھ
ایسے طریقوں سے جڑا ہوا ہے جو بہت زیادہ پریشان کن ہیں۔ ایپسٹین کا کیس نہ صرف انفرادی جرم کو سامنے التا
ہے بلکہ اس سے کہیں بڑا ایک نظامی ناکامی کا مسئلہ بھی ہے جس کی جڑ میں کمزور لوگوں کا استحصال شامل ہے۔
اس بات کا جائزہ لے کر کہ کس طرح نظامی ناکامیاں ایپسٹین کے جرائم کو دہائیوں تک جاری رکھنے کی اجازت دیتی
رہیں، ہم دنیا بھر میں گمشدہ بچوں کے مسئلے کے بارے میں بہت کچھ سیکھ سکتے ہیں۔

مسئلے کا دائرہ کار
کے اندازے کے مطابق کسی بھی وقت دنیا بھر (ICMEC (بین االقوامی مرکز برائے گمشدہ اور استحصال شدہ بچوں
میں الکھوں بچے گمشدہ سمجھے جاتے ہیں۔ صرف امریکہ میں، نیشنل سینٹر فار مسنگ اینڈ ایکسپلوئٹڈ چلڈرن
کے مطابق، ہر سال تقریبا 800,000 بچے گمشدہ ہونے کی اطالع دی جاتی ہے، جو روزانہ 2,000 ً (NCMEC(
سے زیادہ کی اوسط بنتی ہے۔ عالمی سطح پر، یہ تعداد کہیں زیادہ بڑی اور بہت کم درست ہوتی ہے کیونکہ مختلف
ممالک میں ڈیٹا اکٹھا کرنے اور رپورٹنگ کی صالحیتیں مختلف ہوتی ہیں۔


نظامی ناکامیاں: ایپسٹین کیس ایک آئینہ کی طرح
جیفری ایپسٹین کی مجرمانہ سرگرمیاں، جن میں نابالغوں کی اسمگلنگ اور ان کا استحصال شامل تھا، کسی حد تک
مختلف حکام اور افراد کو معلوم تھیں جو جان بوجھ کر یا الپرواہی سے انہیں نظر انداز کرتے رہے۔
ایپسٹین کا کیس معاشرتی اور نظامی مسائل کی عکاسی کرتا ہے: ان اداروں کی اکثر ناکامی جو کمزور لوگوں کی
حفاظت کے ذمہ دار ہوتے ہیں۔ اس کے جرائم کی سنگینی کے باوجود، ایپسٹین کا اتنی دیر تک انصاف سے بچنے کی
صالحیت ظاہر کرتی ہے کہ کس طرح وہ لوگ جو طاقت اور وسائل رکھتے ہیں، نظاموں کو اپنی مرضی کے مطابق
ڈھال لیتے ہیں۔
ایپسٹین کی کہانی یہ بھی ظاہر کرتی ہے کہ بین االقوامی قانون نافذ کرنے والے اداروں کے تعاون اور قانونی ڈھانچوں
میں نابالغوں کے ساتھ سرحد پار جرائم سے نمٹنے میں کیا مسائل ہیں۔ ایپسٹین کا نجی جزیرہ کیریبین میں اور اس کے
دنیا بھر کے دورے، جو اس کی دولت اور تعلقات کی بدولت ممکن ہوئے، ظاہر کرتے ہیں کہ جب کوئی شخص وسائل
رکھتا ہے تو سرحدوں کو عبور کرنا کتنا آسان ہو جاتا ہے، جس سے نابالغوں کو محفوظ رکھنا اور ان کا پتہ لگانا مزید
مشکل ہو جاتا ہے۔

عالمی نیٹ ورکس کا رابطہ
ایپسٹین کیس میں اجاگر کیے گئے مسائل کسی ایک ملک تک محدود نہیں ہیں؛ یہ عالمی ہیں۔ بچے سرحدوں کے پار
اسمگل کیے جاتے ہیں، اور ان کی گمشدگیاں اکثر عالمی برادری کی نظر سے اوجھل رہتی ہیں۔ ممالک کے درمیان
گمشدہ بچوں کو تالش کرنے اور واپس النے کے لئے مضبوط طریقہ کار کی عدم موجودگی عالمی حفاظتی جال میں
ایک بڑی دراڑ ہے۔
میں جب جنوب مشرقی ایشیا میں سونامی آئی، ہزاروں بچے الپتہ ہو گئے۔ نہ صرف یہ تباہی بلکہ اس کے بعد 2004
پیدا ہونے والی بدانتظامی کو اسمگلروں نے کمزور بچوں کو اغوا کرنے کے لیے استعمال کیا۔ اسی طرح کے واقعات
دیگر بحرانوں میں بھی دیکھے گئے ہیں، جن میں قدرتی آفات، جنگیں، اور اقتصادی بحران شامل ہیں۔

ٹیکنالوجی اور ڈیٹا کا کردار
جدید ٹیکنالوجی بچوں کی گمشدگی کے بحران کو حل کرنے میں نمایاں مدد دے سکتی ہے۔ ڈیٹا مینجمنٹ، چہرے کی
پہچان، اور حقیقی وقت میں معلومات کے تبادلے کی جدید ایجادات اس بات کو تبدیل کر سکتی ہیں کہ کس طرح حکام

اور تنظیمیں گمشدہ بچوں کا سراغ لگاتی اور انہیں بازیاب کرتی ہیں۔ تاہم، اسی ٹیکنالوجی کو مجرم بھی استعمال کر
سکتے ہیں، جیسا کہ اسمگلروں اور مجرموں کے ذریعہ آن الئن بچوں کو نشانہ بنانے کے طریقے میں دیکھا گیا ہے۔

عالقائی اور بین االقوامی قانونی سفارشات اور اقدامات
اس بحران سے نمٹنے کے لیے مربوط عالمی اقدامات کی ضرورت ہے۔ سب سے پہلے، بچوں کی گمشدگی کے کیسز
کی اطالع دینے اور ان کا جواب دینے کے لیے ایک بین االقوامی معیار ہونا چاہیے، جیسا کہ امریکہ میں امبر الرٹ
سسٹم ہے، لیکن عالمی سطح پر۔ اس نظام کو بین االقوامی قانون نافذ کرنے والے اداروں کے تعاون سے تعاون کرنا
چاہیے اور ایسے معاہدوں سے تقویت ملنی چاہیے جو بچوں کی فالح و بہبود کو قومی مفادات اور سرکاری
بیوروکریسی سے باالتر رکھیں۔
مزید یہ کہ احتیاطی تدابیر بھی اہم ہیں۔ تعلیمی پروگرام جو بچوں کو ممکنہ خطرات کے بارے میں سکھاتے ہیں، اور
والدین اور کمیونٹی کے افراد کو گمشدگی اور اسمگلنگ کے نشانات پہچاننے کی تربیت دیتے ہیں، انتہائی اہم ہیں۔ اس
کے عالوہ، اقتصادی اور سماجی ڈھانچوں کو مضبوط بنانا بھی ضروری ہے تاکہ خاندان ایسے فیصلے نہ کریں جو ان
کے بچوں کو خطرے میں ڈال سکتے ہیں۔

نتیجہ
گمشدہ بچوں کا مسئلہ ایک کثیر الجہتی مسئلہ ہے جو مقامی، بین االقوامی اور نظامی عوامل سے جڑا ہوا ہے۔ جیفری
ایپسٹین کا اسکینڈل اس بات کی واضح مثال ہے کہ کس طرح وہ نظام جو کمزوروں کی حفاظت کے لیے بنائے گئے
ہیں، ناکام ہو سکتے ہیں، اور طاقت اور اللچ کے اثرات سے متاثر ہو جاتے ہیں۔ ان ناکامیوں کا جائزہ لے کر اور ہر
بچے کے تحفظ کے لیے از سر نو عزم کر کے، معاشرہ اس سنگین بحران سے نمٹنے کے لیے پیش رفت کر سکتا
ہے۔
بروکن چاک ہائی پروفائل کیسز جیسے ایپسٹین کیس سے سبق حاصل کرتا ہے تاکہ مجرموں کو انصاف کے کٹہرے
میں النے اور مستقبل میں ہونے والے استحصال کو روکنے کے لیے نظامی اصالحات کی ضرورت پر زور دیا جا
سکے۔
ہر گمشدہ بچہ کئی ناکامیوں کی نمائندگی کرتا ہے—حفاظت میں کوتاہی، نظام میں خال، یا بحران میں مبتال خاندان یا
کمیونٹی۔ یہ ضروری ہے کہ ان کی کہانیاں، ایپسٹین کی کہانی کی طرح، سائے میں نہ رہیں بلکہ انہیں روشنی میں الیا
جائے تاکہ وہ تبدیلی کا محرک بنیں اور عمل کو متاثر کریں۔
بروکن چاک کی گمشدہ بچوں کے بارے میں تفصیلی رپورٹ جو جلد شائع ہو گی، ایپسٹین کیس کو ایک مرکزی نقطہ
کے طور پر استعمال کرے گی تاکہ وسیع تر نظامی مسائل کا جائزہ لیا جا سکے اور بہتری کے لیے موثر حکمت
عملیوں کی تجویز پیش کی جا سکے۔

حال ہی میں ہائی پروفائل کیسز جیسے کہ شان “ڈیڈی” کومبس کی تحقیقات کے پیش نظر انسانی اسمگلنگ کے بارے
میں آگاہی بڑھانے کی ضرورت ہے۔ ان کہانیوں کو کور کرنا ضروری ہے کیونکہ یہ ایک تعلیمی ذریعہ کا کام کرتی
ہیں اور اس تباہ کن مجرمانہ صنعت کے بارے میں عالمی شعور بڑھانے میں مدد دیتی ہیں۔

Sources:
International Missing Children statistics
https://www.google.com/search?client=safari&rls=en&q=children+missing+around+the+
wolrd&ie=UTF-8&oe=UTF-8


Child Sexual Abuse Material: Model Legislation & Global Review 10th Edition, 2023
Who was Jeffrey Epstein, and what are the court documents about?
https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2024/jan/03/who-is-jeffrey-epstein-list-courtdocuments-explained


Jeffrey Epstein’s Island Visitors Exposed by Data
Brokerhttps://www.wired.com/story/jeffrey-epstein-island-visitors-data-broker-leak/


Epstein Files: Full List Of High-Profile People Named In Unsealed Docs
https://www.ndtv.com/world-news/jeffrey-epstein-epstein-files-full-list-of-high-profilepeople-named-in-unsealed-court-docs-4810003
FBI’s $139M settlement with Larry Nassar victims breathes life into Epstein accusers
lawsuit https://www.foxnews.com/us/fbis-139m-settlement-larry-nassar-victimsbreathes-life-epstein-accusers-lawsuit

 

Academic Freedom in Zimbabwe: A concerning trend 

Introduction 

Academic freedom in Zimbabwe is currently at one of its lowest levels in history. Regionally, the country also ranks as having one of the lowest academic freedom index in sub-Saharan Africa (Academic Freedom Index, 2024). As a cornerstone for democratic and free societies, it is essential that students and scholars can pursue education, research and knowledge without the fear of repercussion. However, in Zimbabwe, academic freedom remains precarious, constrained by political interference, economic hardships, and legal ambiguities. This has profound implications for both human rights and education, as the suppression of academic freedom not only limits individual expression but also undermines the development of a society that values knowledge, critical thinking, and innovation.  

 

A Historical Context of Suppression 

Zimbabwe’s struggle with academic freedom has deep historical roots, tracing back to its colonial past. During the era of British colonial rule, the government employed various strategies to control academic discourse, including surveillance and deportation of academics deemed subversive (Mushawatu, 2023). This tactic continued post-independence, with the government of Robert Mugabe using similar methods to silence critics and maintain control. A major way in which Mugabe curtailed academic freedom was though the University of Zimbabwe Amendment Act of 1990, which reduced democratic freedom within universities, and made Mugabe officially the chancellor of all state universities in the country (Mashininga and Mukeredzi, 2019).  

 

Since Mugabe’s ousting in the 2017 coup, academic freedom has continued to decline. In the last 7 years, deportation has resurfaced as a tool for stifling academic inquiry. This can be seen in case of the Good Governance in Africa (GGA) researchers being deported in 2023. These researchers, intending to study the political landscape around the critical August elections, were barred entry into the country (Mushawatu, 2023). This example illustrates a broader trend of how the current Zimbabwean government considers academic scrutiny as a threat, and not as an opportunity for greater societal freedom. This alarming use state power to limit academic freedom has far reaching consequences and without change, will continue to tarnish the right to education and freedom of opinion in Zimbabwe.  

 

Legal and Constitutional Ambiguities 

Zimbabwe’s constitution, which was adopted in 2013, clearly outlines fundamental rights regarding education and its protection as well as academic freedom. Section 75 of the constitution explicitly mentions the right to education, and that every citizen and permanent resident of Zimbabwe should have access to it (Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights, 2019). Section 61 enshrines the right to freedom of expression, including the freedom of scientific research and creativity, however, Section 62 conversely restricts the right to access information for citizens and permanent residents only (Zimbabwe 2013 Constitution, 2013). This contradictory legal framework creates a loophole that allows the government to restrict foreign researchers’ activities under the guise of legal compliance (Mushawatu, 2023). 

 

This legal ambiguity poses a significant threat to academic freedom, as it gives the government power to exclude foreign academics from participating in research on public institutions. This therefore restricts diverse opinion and discourse, and greater research on governance, human rights, and development in Zimbabwe. By limiting access to information and deporting researchers, the government not only contravenes the spirit of academic freedom but also undermines the pursuit of transparency and accountability. 

 

Impact on Education and Human Rights 

The suppression of academic freedom in Zimbabwe extends beyond the academic community, affecting the broader education system and society at large. Education is a fundamental human right, essential for the fruition of other rights and for the empowerment of individuals and communities. When academic freedom is curtailed, the quality of education suffers, as does the ability of students and scholars to engage critically with societal issues. 

 

In Zimbabwe, the interference in academia illustrates a broader symptom of a culture of government suppression of opinion. In 2020, the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) voiced concern over allegations that the authorities in Zimbabwe may have used the COVID-19 pandemic to limit freedom of expression and the right to peacefully assemble (UN News, 2020). While health workers were protesting for better working conditions and salaries, violent force was used against them, with many being arbitrarily arrested, including some journalists and members of the opposition party (UN News, 2020). 

 

The recent elections further highlight a system that is suppressing human rights, political opposition and a peaceful democratic process. Although there were 11 candidates for the presidential campaign, the competition was seen as a contest between two main leaders. The first being Coalition of Change (CCC) leader Nelson Chamisa, and the second being Emmerson Mnangagwa, from the governing Zimbabwe African National Union – Patriotic Front (Zanu-PF) party (Nyoka, 2023). The Zanu-PF party has been in power since Zimbabwe’s independence and while they did oust Mugabe in 2017, many human rights advocates, such as Amnesty International and Human Rights watch have argued that little has changed politically (Nyoka, 2023). During the campaigning, CCC activist, Tapfumaneyi Masaya was kidnapped and murdered while another member of the party, lawmaker Takudzwa Ngadziore, was abducted and tortured (The Guardian, 2023). Chamisa later resigned, citing Zanu-PF infiltration of the CCC and corruption as the reason for his decision, ultimately leading Mnangagwa and the Zanu-PF party to victory (BBC News, 2024).  

 

Parallels with Broader Human Rights Issues 

The situation of academic freedom in Zimbabwe is reflective of broader human rights challenges in the country. Freedom House classifies Zimbabwe as “not free”, highlighting issues such as restrictions on freedom of speech, assembly, and the press (Freedom House, 2024). The suppression of academic freedom is part of this broader pattern of limiting civil liberties, which is characteristic of authoritarian regimes that prioritise control and power over openness and accountability. Therefore, Zimbabwe’s repression of academic freedom represents an assault on the right to education. In these contexts, education is not merely a victim of conflict and authoritarianism but a critical battleground where the struggle for rights, justice, and democracy plays out. 

 

The Way Forward 

To improve academic freedom in Zimbabwe, there must be a commitment to broader political and legal reforms. This includes revising the constitution and Zimbabwe’s legal framework, to provide unequivocal protection for academic freedom, including the rights of foreign researchers. Furthermore, the Zanu-PF government must recognise the value of academic freedom as a vital component of a thriving, democratic society and take steps to ensure that universities can operate free from political interference. If that is not possible, then the international community, including academic institutions, human rights organisations, and governments, should continue to condemn and act against infringements on academic freedom. By advocating for academic freedom in Zimbabwe, the global fight for the protection of education and human rights will be strengthened.    

 

References: 

  1. Academic Freedom Index. Academic Freedom Index. 2024. https://academic-freedom-index.net/. 
  1. Mushawatu, Zachariah. Deportation as a Tool to Stifle Academic Freedom. University World News, August 25, 2023.  https://www.universityworldnews.com/post.php?story=202308242015511. 
  1. Mashininga, Kudzai and Mukeredzi, Tonderayi. Mugabe: From Glory to Misery, Especially for Students. University World News, September 14, 2019. https://www.universityworldnews.com/post.php?story=20190911161959567. 
  1. Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights. What Is the Right to Education? Fact Sheet. 2019. https://www.zlhr.org.zw/wp-content/uploads/2017/01/2015-Right-to-Education.pdf. 
  1. Zimbabwe 2013 Constitution. Constitute Project. 2013. https://www.constituteproject.org/constitution/Zimbabwe_2013. 
  1. UN News. Zimbabwe: COVID-19 Must Not Be Used to Stifle Freedoms, Says UN Rights Office. United Nations, July 29, 2020. https://news.un.org/en/story/2020/07/1069011. 
  1. Nyoka, Shingai. Zimbabwe Elections 2023: What You Need to Know. BBC News, August 22, 2023. https://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-65775996. 
  1. The Guardian. “Abducted Zimbabwe Opposition Activist Tapfumaneyi Masaya Found Dead.” The Guardian, November 14, 2023.  https://www.theguardian.com/world/2023/nov/14/abducted-zimbabwe-opposition-activist-tapfumaneyi-masaya-found-dead. 
  1. BBC News. “Nelson Chamisa: Zimbabwe Opposition CCC Leader Quits ‘contaminated’ Party.” BBC News. January 25, 2024. https://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-68095685. 
  1. Freedom House. Zimbabwe. Freedom House, 2024. https://freedomhouse.org/country/zimbabwe/freedom-world/2024. 

 

Featured  Photo by Santi Vedrí on Unsplash

Seven Turkish Citizens Abducted in Kenya Press RELEASE

Panashe Mlambo and The Journalism Department.

Broken Chalk is deeply concerned about the proposed amendments to the Iraqi Personal Status Law No. 188 of 1959 and appeals to the government to safeguard the interests of children. If enacted, these amendments would pose a significant threat to the rights of women and children in Iraq.The proposed changes aim to reinstate religious laws over the current constitutional laws that govern Iraq. A particularly alarming aspect of this proposal is that it would allow for the legal marriage of girls to be 9 years and boys 15 years. Currently, Iraqi law prohibits marriage under the age of 18, ensuring a level of protection for children.The enactment of this proposal would have far-reaching consequences, not only economically and politically but also in terms of education. Every child has the right to education and to be treated as a child. As a signatory to the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child, Iraq is obligated to protect the interests of its children. This proposal represents a serious deviation from Iraq’s commitments under the UN Convention and would likely result in grave human rights violations.Research has consistently shown that child marriages reduce educational opportunities, increase school dropout rates, and restrict the freedom of children. Moreover, this law would likely exacerbate gender-based violence and further diminish accountability for perpetrators who target children.Broken Chalk strongly urges the Iraqi government to safeguard the interests of children and to protect their childhood and freedom by rejecting this harmful proposal.

Seven-Turkish-Citizens-Abducted-in-Kenya-Press-RELEASE

From Pollution to Education: How Environmental Degradation in Lebanon Impacts the Education System

Written by Iasmina-Măriuca Stoian

Introduction

For the past two centuries to the present day, Lebanon has been subjected to the ever ongoing global environmental disasters and degradations, which have threatened the country’s infrastructure, national health and wellbeing as well as the overall economic climate. Most of them are also a result of the conflict period, more specifically from 2006. This article looks at the effects that environmental disasters have on education (such as destroyed school buildings and even threats to the health or the lives of students and teachers) . In country suffocating in the hazardous fog of pollution whilst suffering the effects of an extreme rise of commodity prices in their market economy, citizens live in a country that where health hazard is omnipresent and inevitable creates a population of sick and diseased people who have to then spend most of their income on healthcare, rendering them unable to afford any sort of education . It has become evident that there is an urgent need for the implementation of sustainable practices and policies in Lebanon, if the country hopes to improve its social welfare and economy. It is the responsibility of the Lebanese government to take the appropriate actions that will answer all needs of the Lebanese community. The pivotal question arises about whether our environment is being managed sustainably or if environmental concerns, along with the education sector, continue to be deprioritized. In order to have a sustainable future, both should be among the top priorities.

Current situation

Lebanon is facing severe environmental degradation due to systemic corruption, lack of effective regulation, unsustainable practices in agriculture and industry, but also from conflicts. From July 2006, the Post-Conflict Branch of the UN Environment Program started to monitor environmental issues associated with the conflict in Lebanon, by tracking potential environmental impacts on both sides of the border, in Lebanon and Israel. The assessment, conducted by the UN Environment and local partners, investigated issues related to solid and hazardous waste, industrial contamination, coastal and marine pollution, water resources, asbestos, and weapons used. The report found no evidence of depleted uranium or radioactive materials, but concerns remain about cluster bombs. In addition, the country heavily depends on generators for power consumption, and water and land have been polluted severely through human activities (deforestation). There is a large amount of disposal too. This has led to health problems, loss of biodiversity and increased exposure to natural disasters. Global cooperation and assistance, as well as the application of environmental legislation are indeed indispensable in helping Lebanon address its most pressing environmental challenges towards a healthier future.

Limited Access to Clean Water and Sanitation

According to the statistics made by USAID, Lebanon faces a significant water deficit, with only 48% of the population having access to safely managed water and 20% having access to safely managed sanitation. In schools, this lack of clean water and sanitation directly affects students who may not have access to safe drinking water or suitable sanitary facilities. These health risks, especially when specific ones recur time and again within a child’s life stream, can culminate in physical symptoms that keep sick children out of school. Schools also face challenges of providing their students and staff a safe environment as they lack access to water/sanitation with good quality infrastructure. USAID, among other organizations, along with local communities in Lebanon (plus other donors), are taking steps to provide populations access to safe drinking water and sanitation sources which would positively impact the students of tomorrow.

2020 Beirut explosion

On the 4th of August 2020, in the Port of Beirut, an explosion killed more than 200 people, injured more than 500 people, and affected approximately 280 educational institutions. What started as a simple warehouse fire of 2,750 tons of improperly stored ammonium nitrate, later caused significant environmental damage, including air and water pollution due to the release of hazardous chemicals. Beirut, previously a cultural hub with famous universities, was heavily affected by the blast, worsening its pre-existing financial struggles and threatening faculty with job loss. Thus, the Beirut explosion remains a symbol of Lebanon’s deep-seated political corruption, negligence, and the broader issues existing in the country, also recognized as one of the largest non-nuclear explosions in history.

Impact on health for students and teachers

The environmental disaster in Lebanon has significant health impacts on both students and teachers. The Beirut explosion released toxic chemicals into the air, leading to respiratory problems in nearby schools. Additionally, the country’s inadequate waste management has resulted in polluted water supplies, causing gastrointestinal illnesses among children. Schools located near landfills or industrial areas are particularly at risk, exposing students and teachers to harmful pollutants daily. These environmental challenges exacerbate existing health issues, leading to higher dropout rates and lower educational outcomes.

Existing initiatives and responses

In response to the current situation in Lebanon, several projects and initiatives have been launched and are still in the process of implementation, in order to address these challenges. Multiple international organisations, some of them being USAID or the United Nations. USAID’s project named Lebanon Water Project (LWP) finished in 2020 and aimed to improve access to safe drinking water, and to develop wastewater management. Other projects are also notable, for instance, the UNDP’s reforestation initiative aims to restore 10,000 hectares of forestland by planting 10 million trees, while UNICEF’s WASH programs have provided clean water and sanitation to over 200,000 people.

Conclusion

In summary, severe environmental degradation in the face of systemic corruption, conflict, and poor regulation has left deep impacts on both the infrastructure and health of the country, notably education. The explosion at Beirut and unrelenting problems with water scarcity and pollution raise awareness and underscore the acute need for effective environmental management and sustainable practices. Whereas most of the giant strides have been traversed by international organizations—the USAID, United Nations, or any other organization—through focused projects related to reforestation, water management, and sanitation, these must be scaled and folded into broader systemic reforms. Intervention in environmental crises in Lebanon is not only significant for natural and urban landscapes but also a healthy and fair educational environment. This shall ensure that in the securing of a sustainable future, the environmental and educational priorities of Lebanon align and are robustly attended to by comprehensive and long-term strategies and international cooperation.

References

    Cover Image by Tripoli, Lebanon on 1/31/2021 © Zwein Florient / Shutterstock

     

    Missing children of Dutch asylum shelters

    By Mayeda Tayyab

    In May 2024, Lost in Europe released the findings of their investigation into the disappearance of unaccompanied children in Europe. This investigation revealed that 51,433 children disappeared from refugee centres across Europe between 2021 and 2023, with Italy having the highest number of missing unaccompanied minors at 22,899 children (Van den Hof, 2024). Unfortunately, this is not the first time such a discovery has been done.

    Netherlands:

    15,404 unaccompanied refugee minors registered in the Netherlands in the last three years (Dutch News, 2024). 850 of these children have disappeared from asylum shelters without any trace (Van den Hof, 2024).

    Before 2024:

    This is not the first time the Dutch authorities have found themselves in this situation. In 2023, 360 minors had disappeared from refugee shelters in the Netherlands between 2022 and 2023, all of whom vanished from the Ter Apel reporting centre. That year, 4449 minors without parents or guardians had applied for asylum in the Netherlands (Dutch News, 2023).

    Government response: 

    The Human Rights Committee has asked the Dutch government to take urgent measures in investigating the trend of missing unaccompanied minors as well as addressing the root issues causing these disappearances. The Dutch government has also been asked to improve the quality of living standards and resources provided to children in the asylum shelters.

    The Dutch national rapporteur on human trafficking, Hermann Bolhaar, has criticised the Dutch refugee system and the government for their lack of implementing any protective and safeguarding measures, given the urgency of the situation and the danger unaccompanied children are finding themselves in.

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    Poland’s Education System: Striving for Equity and Inclusion to Fulfill the Right to Education

    By Iris Karoli

    The modern Polish  emerged in the aftermath of World War II, addressing the significant challenge of rebuilding the country’s social and economic frameworks. Since then, it has undergone extensive reforms, particularly since the fall of communism in 1989. Significant adjustments to educational policies were required due to this crucial shift to a market economy to better reflect democratic values and satisfy the needs of a society that was changing quickly.

    Since September 1, 2017, the Polish educational system has been undergoing reform. The Law on School Education and the Provisions introducing the Law on School Education are two significant Acts passed by the Parliament in December 2016.

    Providing teachers with sufficient resources, training, and support will help Poland prioritize integrating students with special educational needs (SEN) into regular classrooms. SEN students can flourish in the classroom and contribute to their overall success by emphasizing inclusive education practices and customized support plans.

    Overall, Poland needs to take a multifaceted approach to achieve universal access to education that tackles structural inequalities, advances equity, and cultivates an inclusive culture within the educational system. Poland can get closer to achieving its goal of a society in which every person has the chance to learn, develop, and prosper by keeping these initiatives as a top priority and making investments in the future of its students.

    Polands-Education-System-Striving-for-Equity-and-Inclusion-to-Fulfill-the-Right-to-Education-1Download

    The working children of Tanzania: poverty and labour 

    Written by Mayeda Tayyab

    Tanzania is a country with a population of 45 million people, half of which are under the age of 18. According to the International Labour Organisation (ILO), about 4.2 million of Tanzania’s children (5-17 years old) engage in child labour, almost evenly split between boys and girls. Unfortunately, these children rarely earn anything for their labour as 92.4% work as unpaid family helpers while only 4% work in paid employment (International Labour Organisation and National Bureau of Statistics Tanzania, 2024). It is important to note that these numbers exclude any illegal activities involving children, like child trafficking, commercial sexual exploitation, and child slavery.

    Why are these children working?

    The main cause leading to child labour in Tanzania is poverty. As of 2022, half of Tanzania’s population – 26 million people – lived in extreme poverty (Cowling, 2024). Thus these families rely heavily on child labour to meet the financial needs of their home.

    Poor families in rural areas dependent on farming for their livelihood cannot afford to buy machinery or hire help to assist with farming. Hence, children from these families take on a big part of the responsibilities that come with farming. This kind of child labour falls under the category of unpaid family work. Most of these children are exposed to harsh climates while working on farms and work gruellingly long hours.

    In addition to carrying out unpaid family work to help with finances, these children simply cannot afford to go to school. Many children from such backgrounds, particularly those living in rural areas, also need schools within safe distance of their homes. With no access to public transport and the inability to afford private transport, children who go to school must walk long distances to do so. Therefore, many children in these cases end up dropping out of school, unable to keep up with the work at home as well as studies.

    Unpaid family work: tobacco farms

    Child labour itself is not the only problem faced by Tanzanian children, their safety and well-being in performing hazardous work for low to no pay is also a critical matter. A good example of this is child labour in tobacco-growing communities. This work takes the form of unpaid family work.

    Children working in this industry perform a wide range of duties from field preparation to construction of barns, packaging, and cutting firewood. Working in open tobacco fields exposes these children to extreme weather conditions: scorching heat from the sun. On top of that, children spend hours working in unsanitary and unventilated sheds used to manage and store tobacco. All of this work involves handling tobacco and toxic fertilizers without any protective gear, having detrimental effects on the health of these developing children. There is also limited access to first aid kits in cases of injury while working on the farm.

    In 2016, ILO and ARISE conducted an assessment on children working in hazardous conditions and its impact on their health. During the research, it was found that half of the children interviewed for the study were working 5-8 hours a day, while one-third were working more than 8 hours a day – exceeding the standard working limit for adults – in dangerous conditions. Hence, in addition to the health risks associated with working in tobacco fields without protection, these children also suffer from extreme exhaustion due to the long hours and the physical demands that such work requires.

    Child domestic workers

    Another type of child labour common in Tanzania is in the form of child domestic workers. According to Anti-slavery International (2024), around 3% of the urban homes in Tanzania have child domestic workers. Almost a third of these child workers are between the ages of 10 to 14 and most of them (more than 80%) are girls (Anti-slavery International, 2024).

    Tanzanian children end up in domestic servitude in two main ways: 1) Girls who run away from their families escaping domestic violence or forced marriages – a common practice in rural Tanzania where daughters are married off at a very young age for ‘the bride price’ to reduce the financial burden on the family, 2) Girls who are sent to cities to work as domestic workers by their families as an alternative to child marriage.

    This kind of child labour comes with its risks. Unfortunately, many child domestic workers suffer physical and sexual abuse at the hands of their employers. Parents who send their kids to cities for this kind of work are often unaware of the abuse and exploitation faced by the children at the hands of their employers. These child domestic workers find themselves in extremely vulnerable positions and under the complete control of their employers as most of them do not have any formal work contract (only about 0.5 % of them have formal contracts), little to no pay for working up to 60+ hours a week, and no access to proper schooling (Anti-slavery International, 2024). With no financial independence and isolation from family, these children have no means of escaping the abuse they suffer at the hands of their employers. According to Anti-slavery International (2017), 40% of children working as domestic workers suffered physical abuse, 17% experienced sexual abuse, and more than 60% were illiterate.

    Education and child labour

    Child labour has a direct impact on children’s early education and a long-term impact on decent employment in adulthood. According to the International Labour Organisation (2018), most of the children engaged in child labour (nearly 95%) work in agriculture and almost all agricultural labour (92.5%) is unpaid family work. This type of work entails long hours, leaving no time for studies, hobbies, and activities with friends. Hence, Tanzanian children in child labour have a much higher school dropout rate than children who are not working. These working children, even if enrolled in school, are at a disadvantage in maintaining their studies and grades than children who are not in child labour.

    Furthermore, 8% of Tanzanian children within the compulsory schooling age (7-13 years) are not enrolled in school (International Labour Organisation, 2018). 40% of these children have either never been to school or have dropped out of school due to several reasons such as the distance of the school from home, and the cost of attending school (International Labour Organisation, 2018). Some of these children are not interested in attending school, while some of them are looking for work, others cannot go to school due to family responsibilities such as caring for sick family members or children.

    Thus Tanzania’s child labour has a detrimental impact on its children’s early education and development, creating adults with little to no basic skills needed to secure decent employment, therefore creating an endless cycle of poverty and child labour.

    References

    Cover Image “Helping Hands” by USAID/Tanzania via Flickr