Universal Periodic Review of Turkmenistan

  • Broken Chalk drafted this report to contribute to Turkmenistan’s Universal Periodic Review (UPR). Broken Chalk is an organisation that fights against violations of Human Rights and improves the quality of Education around the globe. This report will discuss the main challenges Turkmenistan faces regarding Education and what those issues could be enhanced through Finally, Broken Chalk will offer some recommendations for Turkmenistan in the field of Education based on the problems raised.
  • In the 2018 review, the Turkmenistan side supported 74 out of the 90 recommendations. Overall, Turkmenistan accepted 172 submissions, representing 90% of the total.[1] Those were related to the legal and general framework of implementation, universal and crosscutting issues, civil and political rights, economic, social, and cultural rights, women’s rights, and rights of other vulnerable groups and persons.
  • Turkmenistan has stated that efforts to guarantee the most comprehensive coverage and highest possible quality of education at all levels have been intensified. In that line, the share of total government expenditure increased a 3.01% per cent in 2019, concerning 2012. Twenty-three per cent of the government budget is addressed to Education[2]. This is a relatively high figure compared to other European Countries, such as Germany, Spain, Italy, and France[3].
  • Accordingly, completion rates are generally high for all school levels. Turkmenistan has a 100 per cent of completion rate of primary education, and lower and upper secondary education completion rates remain high. In line, the out-of-school rates remain quiet at all levels of education. Despite this, improvements are still being made, especially in the fields of Education and inclusion and accessibility to equal resources.

by Laura García

Download PDF

44th_Session_UN-UPR_Country_Review_Turkmenistan

[1] OHCHR, 2018. Universal Periodic Review outcomes of Turkmenistan, Burkina Faso, Cabo Verde, and Germany.

Available from:  https://www.ohchr.org/en/press-releases/2018/09/human-rights-council-adopts-universal-periodic-review-outcomes-turkmenistan

[2] World Bank, n.d. Government expenditure on education, total % of GDP -Turkmenistan. Available from:  https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/SE.XPD.TOTL.GD.ZS?locations=TM

[3] Datos Macro, n.d. Gasto público Educación per Capita. Available from: https://datosmacro.expansion.com/estado/gasto/educacion

Cover image by Aboodi Vesakaran on Pexels.

Impact of anti-terrorism laws on sick children – A Turkish perspective

Turkey is bound by several regional and international declarations which require the State to ensure and protect human rights and fundamental rights. However, in practice, there is a serious deficit of the same. This can especially be seen through the draconian measures implemented through the counter-terrorism measures, also known as the anti-terrorism laws in Turkey. While in theory, these laws seem to meet human rights standards, a closer look at their implementation shows an undue curtailment of human rights by these Turkish laws.

 

According to the Turkish constitution, any prisoner who has a child with severe illness has a right to take care of the kids. But the prisoners accused under anti-terrorism law cannot care for their children.[1] This especially poses a problem since it can be seen as a violation of the rights of the children guaranteed under the Constitution of Turkey[2] nor does it ensure that equality is guaranteed[3] as measures taken for the sake of children are not seen as a violation of equality.

 

Multiple cases have indicated that the rights of children have been violated such as the case of Nurefsan Ketenci a differently abled girl who was pressured to leave her school due to her father being accused under the anti-terrorism laws. The family were living as refugees in Germany due to the lack of support received from the government, especially in the case of the sick girl.[4]

 

 

 

 

 

Selman Çalışkan was denied proper and timely treatment abroad due to the travel ban issued to his mother by the Turkish authorities and his father who was a prisoner accused of anti-terrorism.[5]

 

 

Similarly the case of Ahmet Burhan Atac where his father too was a prisoner accused under the anti-terrorism law. The arbitrary detention of the father denying him to be with his son at least during the treatment process coupled with the travel ban issued to his mother as well as arbitrary detention, made him receive treatment in the absence of both his parents and there was a delay in the treatment due to the abuse in the judicial systems.[6]

 

 

 

 

Kübra Kuzan was diagnosed with a brain stem tumour at the age of four. The only wish of the family was for their daughter to overcome this severe illness with their father. The prosecutor did not even allow father Ertuğrul Kuzan to see his painful daughter. After a long time, when a short leave came, it was too late. The innocent girl could not recognize her father.

 

 

 

Mehmet Erdoğan, the 6-year-old son of Rasih Erdoğan, an English teacher with a statutory decree, who has been imprisoned for 2.5 years in Kahramanmaraş, could not be awakened after an operation due to a cyst on his arm and passed away longing for his father in the hospital in Ankara, where he was being treated.

 

 

 

 

İbrahim Kılcan was a child with muscle disease and a heart transplant. It was her only wish to see her teacher father, İrfan Oğuz Kılcan, who was arrested after he was expelled by statutory decree. After receiving treatment, İbrahim passed away longing for his father, whom he could not see after he was arrested.

 

 

 

Hamza Travac, 27 months old, was a 98% disabled baby. He died in Trabzon due to a lung infection. His father, Hasan Travac, who has been imprisoned in Giresun for 28 months, could not attend the funeral of Hamza, whom he could not be with when he was born.

 

 

 

Hakan Dağdeviren is an 11-year-old boy diagnosed with leukaemia whose parents are imprisoned as part of a crackdown in Turkey targeting followers of the faith-based Gülen movement. Hakan needs his parents to be able to battle his disease.

 

 

 

Berk Görmez, a 14-year-old disabled son of a Turkish couple, who was dismissed by a government decree under the rule of emergency, lost his life. Berk’s father Bekir Görmez has not been permitted to visit him for the last 17 months despite his and his mother’s severe health problems.

 

 

 

 

Bilal Burak, his 17-year-old congenitally disabled son, whose father was imprisoned, passed away. The arrested father was able to attend the funeral of his son Bilal Burak, who was buried, with his hands cuffed.

 

 

 

The above-mentioned children are some of the many children who had to undergo severe treatment for their illnesses.[7] These children had to do so in the absence of one or both parents since they were prisoners and were not allowed to be with their children during this difficult period. A lot of these children have since passed away without being able to see their parents since the parent(s) were not given any form of release from prison to be with the ailing child.

 

Currently, Gulten Sayin is a prisoner accused of anti-terrorism and her son, Yusuf Kerim Sayın, is currently suffering from cancer. She is only allowed to visit her son at the hospital for half a day since no steps have been taken by the Ministry of Justice for her release or no arrangement has been made where she can spend sufficient time caring for her child during this painful period.[8] This case is currently garnering huge attention not just from the public but also from renowned leaders from within the country and seeks for the government to make a change in the Constitution for such exceptional cases. Her husband has complained against Turkey with the UN Committee on the Rights of the Child with the assistance of international human rights lawyers David Matas and Sarah Teich. The accused in this case was the primary caregiver and has not been provided with the requested compassionate leave to care for her son.

 

 

 

 

RECOMMENDATIONS

There should be an increase in the internal capacity of the country to address such issues and take immediate and effective steps, especially in the case of arbitrary detention or a travel ban which adversely affects a third party particularly vulnerable groups such as a sick child of a prisoner accused of anti-terrorism.

Humanitarian protection should be given to the prisoner of anti-terrorism and the prisoner’s family members during this difficult time of being physically present for the child and not finding ways to further burden the child. Humanitarian protection given to the prisoner accused of anti-terrorism should not be seen as a form of support for terrorism. Awareness among society and the decision makers within the country that even prisoners are entitled to “rights” despite the crimes that they are accused of having committed.

Adequate remedies need to be put in place at all international, regional and local levels to ensure that in future when situations such as these do arise there is a proper plan of action to prevent unnecessary legal issues and hindrances and have a swift movement to ensure that the other stakeholders such as the sick child are not impacted by the gaping human rights shortcomings seen in the anti-terrorism measures implemented by a country.

An emphasis needs to be laid on the right to privacy and family life, health-related rights, especially in the case of sick children who become innocent victims in the abuse of the system that takes place when human rights law needs to be ensured in the case of prisoners. We need to have an effective and transparent mechanism which can be laid out by international organizations and can then be incorporated as a law by concerned countries. This could potentially reduce the State’s inclination to loosely invoke national security or project the prisoner accused of anti-terrorism being there for his or her sick child as an issue that goes against the State’s national interest.

Lastly, access to human rights experts to expedite such cases should be an option given to prisoners accused of anti-terrorism.

The Universal Declaration of Human Rights clearly states under Article 3 that individuals have a right to life, liberty and security. Under Article 9 no one shall be subject to arbitrary arrest, detention or exile. In Turkey, individuals’ rights are being restricted under the veil of anti-terrorism laws. This escalating repression of rights and political agenda that is taking over has sustained heavy blows on Turkish society.

Written by

Caren Thomas

The above article is submitted to the United Nations for the Call for inputs: Global Study on the Impact of Counter-Terrorism Measures on Civil Society and Civic Space

Here is the submitted report

The_impacts_of_anti-terror_laws_on_the_sick_children_whose_parents_are_accused_by_the_law_in_Turkey_(1)

Sources

  1. Ahmet Burhan Atac: The Story of the Child Who Got Killed Collectively* – Broken Chalk
  2. Disabled girl forced to leave special needs school due to father’s links to Gülen movement dies – Stockholm Center for Freedom
  3. Jailed mother reunites with a son suffering from cancer for half a day – Stockholm Center for Freedom
  4. Kübra Kuzan
  5. [Update] Mother of young cancer patient about to lose an eye: My child will die without seeing his father – Stockholm Center for Freedom
  6. Mehmet Erdoğan
  7. İbrahim Kılcan
  8. Hamza Travaç
  9. Boy struggling with leukaemia needs jailed parents’ support, grandfather says – Stockholm Center for Freedom
  10. 14-year-old disabled Berk dies in absence of his father who is in prison over alleged Gülen links – Stockholm Center for Freedom
  11. Bilal Burak Bozbay
  12. Uğurcan Gençtürk

[1] Law No. 5275 – 17.4, 17.6

[2] Article  41, Constitution of Turkey

[3] Article 10, Constitution of Turkey

[4] Disabled girl forced to leave special needs school due to father’s links to Gülen movement dies, Stockholm Center for freedom, https://stockholmcf.org/disabled-girl-forced-to-leave-special-needs-school-due-to-fathers-links-to-gulen-movement-dies/ July 26th, 2021.

[5] Mother of young cancer patient about to lose an eye: My child will die without seeing his father, Stockholm Center for freedom, https://stockholmcf.org/paralyzed-6-year-old-fights-brain-cancer-without-his-jailed-fathers-support/ July 8th, 2020.

[6] Ahmet Burhan Atac: The Story of the Child Who Got Killed Collectively, Broken Chalk https://brokenchalk.org/ahmet-burhan-atac-the-story-of-the-child-who-got-killed-collectively/

[7] bitenhayatlar.com, stockholmmcf.org

[8] Jailed mother reunites with son suffering from cancer for half a day, Stockholm Center for freedom, https://stockholmcf.org/jailed-mother-reunites-with-son-suffering-from-cancer-for-half-a-day/ January, 27th 2023.

Montenegro Report Summary 2022

Paul Schamp

10.11.2022

  • Education system faces multiple challenges over chronic shortage in science, technology, engineering and mathematics (STEM fields) graduates.
  • While there is an increase in the coverage of Roma children in primary and secondary education, a drop in preschool and university education is apparent.
  • Quality of Roma education remains of great concern
    • Roma registered with the National Employment Bureau, 96% have the lowest level of education and less than 1% are educated to secondary level. This limits the range of employment opportunities.
  • Little improvement post-COVID to advance reforms on quality of education
    • Quality and relevance of education system, including lack of practical experience of graduates from vocational and higher education, remain key challenges
    • Occupational mismatch is high in tertiary education graduates
    • Montenegro must adopt a costed plan for wide ranging education reforms including inclusive education and improving access to quality education at all education levels
    • Implement the new strategy on early and preschool education 2021-2025 to improve preschool enrolment for all children
    • Finalize then initiate the national vocational education and training (VET) implementation plan 2022-2023 of the VET strategy 2020-2024, as well as putting in place the evaluation mechanism of practical learning at VET and higher education levels.
  • Preschool enrolment rate stood at 48.71% in 2020-2021, still well below the EU 95% target
    • Effected by the COVID-context
  • Number of children with disabilities in both preschool and primary education increased by 21% and 7%.
  • Government approved in December 2021 the strategy for digitalization for education (2022-2027), which is fully aligned with the EU digital education action plan
  • Montenegro still does not have a qualitative, budgeted, multi-annual education strategy and plan for sustainable reforms.
  • Free transport was provided for 600 primary school students
  • Montenegro must align more with the Poznan Declaration on Roma integration in order to fully implement the strategy for inclusive education 2019-2025.
  • New strategy on early and preschool education was adopted in Q4 2021 and its implementation started including support to all preschool institutions for conducting campaign on enrolment, capacity building of staff to implement the parenting program, a workshop on partnerships with Roma and Egyptian families.
  • Ministry of Education, Science, Culture and Sports revised strategy for higher education to cover the period 2022-2026 and draft a new law on higher education. However, their adoption is pending and tangible results are not yet in place
  • Developing a structured monitoring and evaluation of practical education in higher education programs remains to be an area that requires specific attention.

The unlawful pushback of refugees and asylum seekers at the borders of the European Union

Human rights are fundamental parts of our social and governance systems. These universal rights are inherent to every individual regardless of nationality, ethnicity, race or sex[1]. According to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR), every individual has the right to life, liberty and security (Article 3), shall not be subject to torture (Article 5) or arbitrary arrest and detention (Article 9)[2]. In addition, Article 13 and 14 of the UDHR lay down that people have the right to leave any country, including their own to seek asylum in other countries due to fear of persecution in their home country[3]. However, despite all the international norms and legal frameworks in place today, the abovementioned rights of many individuals are violated when they seek refuge in foreign countries. In particular, a recent study found that hundreds of refugees and asylum seekers are being pushed back at the borders of the European Union when they try to escape their home countries in the hope of a better life[4].

The refugee crisis in Europe started in 2015 when a huge influx of third-country nationals arrived at the borders of the European Union. According to the statistics of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), more than five million refugees arrived at the borders of the Union by 2016[5]. Although the biggest wave of the crisis is over, still many refugees arrive to Europe nowadays as there were over half a million asylum applications submitted to the European Union in 2021[6].

However, tens of thousands of refugees are pushed back at the borders to prevent them from entering the European Union[7]. For instance, it has been reported that Spain deports unaccompanied minors to Morocco which puts the vulnerable refugee children at risk of exploitation and violates their human rights[8]. Another example is the case of Syrian refugees who wanted to enter Croatia from Bosnia and Herzegovina but were pushed back by the Croatian police officers, were beaten and unlawfully detained[9]. Additional countries that were found to be unlawfully denying entry for refugees and pushing them back at the borders with the use of force and violence include Greece, Hungary, Italy and Malta. In addition, Bulgaria is also one of the countries that unfairly pushes back refugees without any assessment of individual cases. This is illustrated by the case of a Turkish journalist who fled Turkey because he was suspected to be part of the Gülen movement which is perceived as a terrorist organization, he was fired from his workplace and feared further reprisals[10]. When arriving at the borders, Bulgarian officers failed to assess his case, disregarded his fear of persecution and return in Turkey, and forced him to sign documents he did not understand[11]. In less than 24 hours after his arrival he was handcuffed and handed over to the Turkish authorities, was held in detention and later sentenced to seven years of prison for his alleged support of the Gülen movement[12].

This case perfectly demostrates the core idea of the Refugee Convention of 1951 that was signed by all the member states of the European Union and that lays down that refugees must not be returned to a country where they face threats to their life and human rights. This is the principle of non-refoulement which is an essential component of refugees’ and asylum seekers’ protection and is part of customary international law, which means that it also applies to states that have not ratified the Refugee Convention or its 1967 Protocol. The original Convention had a limited geographical and time scope as it was only applicable to refugees of World War II, but its additional Protocol of 1967 removed this restriction and this extention of the treaty was also ratified by all EU states. In this sense, countries that unlawfully push back refugees, deny their entry and reject their asylum application without assessment not only violate their human right to life, security, movement and not being subject to torture, arbitrary arrest and detention as laid down in the UDHR, but also breach international law and norms since many of these refugees fled their country due to fear of persecution.

What even further exacerbates the problem is the fact that often times the European Union itself is indirectly funding these pushbacks, thereby supporting human right violations and going against the Union’s core values. The pushbacks were found to often be carried out with the help of Europe’s border agency Frontex which uses the Union’s financial resources. The European Ombusdman found that the European Commission has been providing funding for border control since 2018 but only established an independent monitoring mechanism to safeguard human rights at the borders in the middle of 2021[13]. The Ombudsman ruled that while the Commission lacks the authority to investigate the protection of human rights at border activities, it has the authority as well as the obligation to ensure that the Union’s funds are spent in compliance with EU law and human rights law[14]. Therefore it is the Commission’s responsibility to make sure that funds are not allocated to activities that are not in line with the European Union’s values and international law, such as the unlawful pushback of refugees. Furthermore, according to Article 258 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU), the Commission can initiate so-called infringement prodecures which are legal procedures to ensure that member states are complying with EU law[15]. This means that the European Commission can fulfil its obligation of overseeing the protection of human rights inside member states by establishing and funding monitoring bodies and in case of a breach it can initiate such an infringement prodecude and bring the case to the Court of Justice of the European Union. In addition, the Commission can also introduce conditionality between human rights protection and funding, which means that it can establish a system to make funds conditional and withhold funds from member states that do not comply with EU laws and values[16].

 

In conclusion, fundamental human rights are violated at the borders of Europe and the EU as refugees and asylum seekers are often pushed back and experience violence. Refugees are threatened, assaulted, abused and detained, left to die on their boats or thrown into the sea, which results in thousands of tragic deaths that could have been easily prevented[17]. This violates their human rights, namely the right to life, security and movement, as well as the right to be free from torture, arbitrary arrest and detention, which poses a severe threat to these innocent people’s physical well-being. Lastly, the European Commission is not only ignoring but also funding these human right violations which contradicts the values of the Union. Refugees are inherently a highly vulnerable group and have less access to national courts to enforce their rights and make their voice heard. Therefore it is the responsibility of the EU and its member states to ensure that refugees’ fundamental rights, and it is the European Commission’s obligation to make sure that the funds allocated to member states for border control and asylum application procedures are spent in compliance with the Union’s values as well as international law and norms.

 

Written by Réka Gyaraki

 

References

 

Bulgaria’s pushback practice censured by ECtHR. (n.d.). European Center for Constitutional and Human Rights. https://www.ecchr.eu/en/case/bulgarias-pushback-practice-condemned-by-ecthr/

European Center for Constitutional and Human Rights. (2020). Dossier Migration. https://www.ecchr.eu/fileadmin/Sondernewsletter_Dossiers/Dossier_Migration_June2020.pdf

European Ombudsman. (2022). Decision concerning how the European Commission monitors and ensures respect for fundamental rights by the Croatian authorities in the context of border management operations supported by EU funds (case 1598/2020/VS). https://www.ombudsman.europa.eu/en/decision/en/152811

European Union. (1957). Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union. https://eur-lex.europa.eu/legal-content/EN/TXT/?uri=celex%3A12016ME%2FTXT

OHCHR. (n.d.). What are human rights? https://www.ohchr.org/en/what-are-human-rights

Refugee Crisis in Europe: Aid, Statistics and News | USA for UNHCR. (n.d.). https://www.unrefugees.org/emergencies/refugee-crisis-in-europe/

Rijpma, J., & Fotiadis, A. (2022). Addressing the Violation of Fundamental Rights at the External Borders of the European Union. https://www.greens-efa.eu/en/article/study/addressing-the-violation-of-fundamental-rights-at-the-external-borders-of-the-european-union. The Greens/European Free Alliance.

Statistics on migration to Europe. (2020). European Commission. https://ec.europa.eu/info/strategy/priorities-2019-2024/promoting-our-european-way-life/statistics-migration-europe_en

United Nations. (1948). Universal Declaration of Human Rights. https://www.un.org/en/about-us/universal-declaration-of-human-rights

 

[1] OHCHR. (n.d.). What are human rights?

[2] United Nations. (1948). Universal Declaration of Human Rights

[3] Ibid.

[4] Rijpma & Fotiadis. (2022). Addressing the Violation of Fundamental Rights at the External Borders of the European Union

[5] USA for UNHCR. (n.d.). Refugee Crisis in Europe

[6] European Commission. (2020). Statistics on Migration to Europe

[7] Rijpma & Fotiadis. (2022). Addressing the Violation of Fundamental Rights at the External Borders of the European Union

[8] European Center for Constitutional and Human Rights. (2020). Dossier Migration

[9] Ibid.

[10] European Center for Constitutional and Human Rights. (n.d.). Bulgaria’s pushback practice condemned by ECtHR

[11] Ibid.

[12] Ibid.

[13] European Ombudsman. (2022). Decision concerning how the European Commission monitors and ensures respect for fundamental rights by the Croatian authorities in the context of border management operations supported by EU funds (case 1598/2020/VS)

[14] Ibid.

[15] European Union. (1957). Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union

[16] Rijpma & Fotiadis. (2022). Addressing the Violation of Fundamental Rights at the External Borders of the European Union

[17] Rijpma & Fotiadis. (2022). Addressing the Violation of Fundamental Rights at the External Borders of the European Union

Summary of the Education Under Attack 2022 Report

In 2020 and 2021, education continued to face various types of aggression in several countries. Students, teachers, schools, and universities encountered harmful and wrongful acts committed either by armed groups or generated by political circumstances, such as wars and armed conflicts. Numerous incidents of atrocities were reported to be committed against thousands of students, staff members, and teachers. The Global Coalition to Protect Education from Attack (GCPEA) identified many attacks that resulted in the abduction, injury, or death of thousands of students and educators who were kept as hostages or were arrested. Other acts of violence also took a place, such recruiting and training children to participate in armed conflicts, sexual violence, and the use of heavy arms and explosives against hostages.

 

The Education under Attack 2022 report by GCPEA[i] reviews the challenges many countries’ education systems face, as well as how students, teachers, and staff members in education are affected by such issues, what kind of dangers they are subjected to, and why, in many cases, their studies or career are interrupted.

 

According to this report, more schools suffer from violent actions and attacks compared to universities. Moreover, due to the Covid-19 pandemic, schools became easier targets for state militaries and other armed groups to occupy, as remote teaching left the buildings empty. Consequently, according to the report, the number of attacks on educational institutions increased noticeably in 2020 and 2021, but the number of people affected by these attacks declined. According to the GCPEA, this can be explained by the decreased number of people present in school buildings due to the pandemic.

 

In the following, this article provides a summary of the Education Under Attack 2022 report’s findings on several countries where such attacks and issues occurred.

 

  • Afghanistan:

The GCPEA identified more than 130 attacks in 2020 and 2021, targeting schools in different parts of Afghanistan, where explosive weapons were used against educational institutions, and schoolteachers and students were terrorised [p.92]. Attacks were committed by groups with different profiles, such as the Afghan Air Force which bombed schools in 2020 [p.93], the ISIS in Khorasan Province, and the Taliban which increased their criminal activity in 2021 seeking territorial dominance. Moreover, after the Taliban took control of the country in May 2021 with the withdrawal of US troops from Afghanistan, there was a significant increase in atrocities targeting different civilian groups, women, and journalists meanwhile more than 250 schools closed in Afghanistan or were exposed to military occupation [p.92]. The rise to power of the Taliban severely affected Afghan education, leaving more than 4 million children out of school, 60% of whom were girls. This is because the Taliban prohibited girls from attending schools in some of the regions under their control, although in some other areas girls were allowed to go to school. Unfortunately, the report does not give any specific explanation for the different rules on girls’ education among different regions ruled by the Taliban.

 

  • Azerbaijan:

The six-week conflict in 2020 between Azerbaijan, Armenia, and the de facto Nagorno-Karabakh security forces resulted in the destruction of more than 130 schools in and around Nagorno-Karabakh, as well as several other schools faced obstruction due to the conflict. While the Nagorno-Karabakh authorities reported damage to more than 70 schools during the conflict, the Azerbaijani authorities reported 54 cases [p.98]. However, the Armenian authorities did not report clear numbers on school damage or attacks on educational institutions during the conflict period. According to Human Rights Watch, both Azerbaijani and Armenian forces either attacked schools using explosives or initiated air-striking targeting educational institutions. Furthermore, some schools were used as barracks or for military purposes in all territories involved, according to the GCPEA [p.99].

 

  • Burkina Faso:

Burkina Faso witnessed one of its fastest-growing crises in 2020 and 2021. A serious conflict escalated among different non-state armed groups fighting against each other as well as the state security forces. Brutality against civilians was not only committed by non-state armed groups but by security forces too who also arrested and killed many civilians whom they suspected to be associated with the non-state armed groups.

 

In Burkina Faso too, schools were easy targets for perpetrators and several schools suffered armed attacks or were reported to be occupied and used as military bases. In 2020-2021, there were more than 145 attacks on schools reported in the country according to the GCPEA, during which attacks more than 250 students and school personnel were killed, suffered injuries, or were abducted. In 2020, 70 attacks [p.101], while in 2021, 46 attacks on schools were confirmed by the UN [p.102]. However, the GCPEA identified at least 78 attacks in 2021 [p.102].

 

Higher education institutions also faced violence, but the reported number of attacks on universities was way lower than that of schools. Nevertheless, according to the GCPEA, both general education and university students experienced sexual violence while going to or coming back from their schools or universities.

 

  • Cameroon:

Attacks on schools and students are not new phenomena in Cameroon, and the period from 2020 to 2021 was no different from previous years. Attacks were committed by different armed groups, such as Boko Haram, and the ISWAP group which is a splinter group from Boko Haram in the Far-North region. [p.105].

 

In 2020 and 2021, schools were often used as military bases in different parts of the country, such as the Far North, the North-West, and the South-West regions [p.105]. Furthermore, the GCPEA confirmed more than 55 attacks on students and more than 65 attacks on schools in those two years.  However, these numbers are still significantly decreased compared to prior years, like 2019, when the number of reported attacks against students reached almost 4000 cases while teachers experienced atrocities on 1124 occasions.

 

In 2020 and 2021, cases of sexual violence and sexual abuse targeting higher education students and teachers were also reported [p.108], while in 2021, there were also several reported cases of abducting students and staff [p.109].

 

 

  • Central African Republic:

The Central African Republic experienced significant brutality associated with elections. Conflict emerged between non-state armed groups and state forces supported by pro-government allied groups. All of these conflicting parties, including the police, occupied or attacked schools during the period from 2020 to 2021 at least on 85 occasions [p.110]. The GCPEA reported 2 attacks targeting students, teachers, and academic personnel. Furthermore, the GCPEA reported 45 cases of using schools for military purposes in the highlighted period [p.111].  In 2021, the UN verified that multiple dozens of schools were occupied by different military or armed forces, but the GCPEA identified only 5 cases in the same year, which resulted in unclear numbers and information [p.112].

 

  • Colombia:

Armed conflict continued to be present in Colombia in 2020 and 2021. The conflicted parties were the Columbian government, the Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia (FARC), and other armed groups that escalated chaos in the country in 2020. Due to these issues, accessibility to education suffered major limitations which were exacerbated by the spread of Covid-19. Because of the pandemic, large numbers of children were out of school and have become easy targets of recruiters for groups participating in the armed conflict [p.113].

 

According to GCPEA reports, at least 35 schools, mostly in rural areas, were targeted by different non-state armed groups, who often used explosives and engaged in fights with each other or with state forces near schools [p.113, 114]. Some schools ended up being used for military purposes. However, while the GCPEA identified 6 cases in the 2020 to 2021 period, the UN confirmed only 1 incident in 2020 [p.116] which makes it difficult to access clear and certain information on the number of attacks.

 

Higher education institutions were not safe from attacks either; in 2020 and 2021, 19 cases were reported [p.118]. Furthermore, the GCPEA identified more than 60 attacks targeting students and members of staff in 2020 and 2021, with most of these incidents occurring in 2020. Furthermore, 2 cases of sexual violence were reported by the GCPEA in 2021 [p.117].

 

Eventually, some teachers received threats from non-state armed groups for their involvement in teachers’ unions, while also threatening non-local teachers to keep them out of certain regions. This prompted state authorities to move some teachers to safer locations [p.115].

 

  • Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) :

Armed conflict has been significantly affecting the Democratic Republic of Congo, where clashes among state forces and 130 different non-state armed groups are spreading chaos around the country. The fighting negatively affected thousands of students and prohibited them from attending school, which was further exacerbated by the spread of Covid-19, leaving millions of students without education.

 

More than 600 attacks by armed groups on schools were confirmed by the GCPEA in 2020 and 2021. The organisation also reported on the occupation of 25 schools that were used for military purposes [p.120, 123], while higher education institutions were targeted 12 times in this period [p.124].

 

  • Ethiopia:

Ethiopia has been suffering from political-regional clashes among different governmental and non-state groups, such as the Central Government Troops, the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), militias from the Amhara region, and others [p.126].

Attacks on schools committed by several different armed groups noticeably increased from 15 cases in the period 2018 to 2019 to 32 cases in the period from 2020 to 2021. Furthermore, almost 70 cases of schools used as military bases were identified by the GCPEA in 2020 and 2021. In addition, the GCPEA reported 14 incidents of proceeded attacks on higher education institutions during this period [p.129].

 

  • India:

Increasing political tension between India and Pakistan, as well as other domestic issues in India, have triggered some armed clashes and attacks in the country. In 2020 and 2021, attacks on students and teachers were reported in Jammu, Kashmir, and some eastern states more than 55 times according to GCPEA estimates. Attacks on schools included threatening, arresting, and detaining more than 1600 students and educators [p.131]. As for the military use of schools, the UN confirmed that a total of 7 schools were used for these purposes in 2020 [p.132].

The Covid-19 pandemic further exacerbated issues regarding the accessibility of education in India. The government’s measures to contain the virus and stop its spreading included shifting in-person teaching to remote education which resulted in severe negative effects on more than 290 million students [p.130]. Among other issues, many of these students did not have internet access to participate in online classes.

In the period from 2020 to 2021, students and higher education staff also encountered almost 65 attacks, 28 of which were committed by the government to suppress protests [p.133]. However, the reported number of incidents targeting higher education institutions was lower than in 2018 and 2019.

 

  • Iraq:

Iraqi educational institutions experienced an increasing number of attacks in the 2020 to 2021 period, some of which were committed by the Iraqi government itself. Several attacks targeted protestors who were demonstrating against corruption, the poor quality of public services, and low wages. In some regions of the country, teachers participated in the protests because of immense delays in receiving their wages. Multiple attacks targeted higher education students and staff too; altogether 10 cases were recognised by the GCPEA [p.137].

In 2020 and 2021, 11 attacks were reported by the GCPEA on schools used as polling centres in the Iraqi elections. Attacks were executed by planting explosive devices in schools or nearby them to disrupt the elections or to target police guarding the building [p.135]. Furthermore, the GCPEA reported the use of schools for military purposes on 33 occasions.

 

  • Kenya:

The decade-long conflict in the North-Eastern region of Kenya between the government and the Al Shabab Islamic fundamentalist armed group has spread instability across the country and negatively affected the education sector, among others.

Teachers were in particular danger in Kenya in 2020 and 2021, as the Al Shabab repeatedly attacked teachers who the group considered to be outsiders and/or Christians. This aggression led to the closing of hundreds of schools, thousands of teachers fled, while teachers originally from the area where the attacks occurred were transferred from the region. The GCPEA also recorded 5 incidents where the Al Shabab targeted students [p.139].

The GCPEA identified only 1 case of a school being used for military purposes between 2020 and 2021. However, attacks on higher education institutions reached a much higher number of 10 incidents [p.140]. These attacks were committed by the government which ordered the police to use teargas against protesters demonstrating against the government [p.141].

 

  • Libya:

In 2020, violent acts committed by non-state armed groups increasingly targeted schools and universities leading many of them to close which negatively affected more than 127,000 students. The GCPEA reported 22 attacks on schools in the period from 2020 to 2021, most of which were committed by shelling school buildings [p.142]. According to the UN, between 2019 and 2021 around 700 schools were closed because of conflict. Furthermore, 8 attacks on higher education institutions were reported by the GCPEA [p.144].

 

  • Mali:

Clashes between non-state armed groups, state forces, and international forces [p.145] continued in the 2020 to 2021 period in Mali, particularly in the northern, central, and southern territories of the country. In these 2 years, the hostility rate, and the number of victims dramatically increased: the GCPEA identified more than 620 attacks on educational facilities and teachers. Moreover, several cases of schools being used as military bases were reported by the GCPEA and the UN. There were also numerous cases of recruitment of children for armed conflict in schools which majorly reduced the willingness of parents to send their children to school [p.147].

 

  • Mozambique:

In 2020 and 2021, armed conflict continued between government forces, non-state armed groups, and the Al Shabab Islamic terrorist organisation in Mozambique. The GCPEA identified several cases of attacks on educational facilities, particularly in Delgado province, which has been the most affected by the conflict. Delgado experienced more than 100 violent attacks against schools, which led to the severe damage and destruction of educational institutions, leaving many children without access to education. However, schools in the rest of the country were not free from atrocities either: according to the UN, a minimum of 220 schools encountered violent attacks in 2021 in Mozambique [p.149]. Moreover, according to Human Rights Watch there have been incidents of kidnapping children and women, and enslaving them or sexually abusing them [p.148].

 

  • Myanmar:

The country witnessed severe political instability in the period from 2020 to 2021: a military coup overthrew the government, and in reaction to this, anti-coup protests began, while wide-scale strikes left the country in a state of chaos and insecurity.

According to the GCPEA, more than 200 attacks on schools took place, most of which included the use of explosive weapons, while using arson, bombing, and airstrikes were frequent too. Furthermore, students, teachers, and educational personnel were targeted in several attacks, while the GCPEA also confirmed more than 220 cases of schools and universities being used for military purposes [p.153].

 

  • Niger:

Conflict among several armed groups continued in Niger in 2020 and 2021, which significantly impacted the safety of the civilian population of the country. The western Tillabéri and Tahoua regions and the eastern Diffa region are the most affected by the conflict, which also affects the education sector. According to the GCPEA, more than 40 schools were attacked, threatened, or set on fire in 2020 and 2021 [p.156]. Students, teachers, and educational staff also faced violent atrocities on 17 reported occasions [p.157].

 

  • Nigeria:

Armed conflict among the state military forces, the Islamic State militias in West Africa Province, and other fragmented armed groups continued to be present in Nigeria in 2020 and 2021. The conflict seriously affected general safety in the country as well as the education sector, among others [p.159]. According to the GCPEA, 21 attacks on schools occurred in 2020 and 2021, and more than 1850 students, teachers, and educational personnel were injured, killed, or abducted. Since some of the injured or abducted students were relatives of “high-profile” personnel, the government developed stricter measures and closed more than 600 schools to prevent similar tragic incidents [p.160]. However, cases of abduction and murder targeting higher education staff and students also rose, which affected more than 100 people in 2020 and 2021 [p.162]. The GCPEA also reported multiple cases of sexual violence committed by all parties in the conflict, including state authorities, such as the police.

 

  • Pakistan:

Violent attacks targeting the education sector, as well as students, teachers, and educational staff, were committed by various actors in Pakistan. While the conflict of non-state armed groups significantly affected the education sector, the government did also stand behind some atrocities targeting protesting students and educational staff. More than 250 students, teachers, and educational staff were arrested in 2020 and 2021.

The GCPEA confirmed 7 attacks on schools by armed groups in the period from 2020 and 2021. One of these incidents was a bomb attack which injured more than 130 people and caused 7 deaths [p.164]. Moreover, higher education institutions were also terrorised: 18 attacks were reported by the GCPEA which resulted in the death of 4 female vocational trainers and the arrest of more than 140 students and staff members [p.166].

 

  • Palestine:

Clashes between Palestinian armed groups and the Israeli state authorities continued in 2020 and 2021. As a result of the conflict, 429 kindergartens, schools, and universities became victims of violent attacks according to the GCPEA. However large this number may seem, it is still less than the number of attacks committed in 2019, when the Coronavirus pandemic also severely affected the education sector [p.168].

The GCPEA reported at least 85 attacks on students and educational staff in the observed period. Intimidation, detention, and opening fire on unarmed school students and staff on the way to or from school were among the most common types of atrocities [p.171]. Furthermore, the GCPEA identified 19 attacks on higher education students, staff, and facilities too [p.173].

 

  • The Philippines:

The conflict between state forces and non-state armed groups continued in 2020 and 2021, as the Philippine government began a campaign to combat the spread and trade of illegal drugs. The armed clashes largely affected the education sector, among others, which prevented thousands of students from accessing appropriate education and educational facilities. The period from 2020 to 2021 showed a decline in the number of attacks targeting schools with only 8 attacks reported by the GCPEA, while, from 2017 to 2019, 62 attacks were recorded by the UN [p.175]. Students, teachers, and educational staff were also targeted on 5 different occasions and suffered from detention and shootings [p.176].

 

  • Somalia:

Somalia has been experiencing a series of crises in the forms of armed conflicts between non-state armed groups and international forces, political instability and poor general security, as well as natural crises, such as floods and the Covid-19 pandemic. While all of these issues severely affected the education sector, the armed conflicts were particularly damaging in 2020 and 2021, as they left over 3 million children without education. Moreover, different armed forces recruited more than 1716 boys to join fights, while many girls became victims of sexual violence [p.178].

In 2020 and 2021, the GCPEA confirmed 84 attacks on schools by using explosive weapons planted at or near schools [p.178]. Students, teachers, and educational personnel were also targeted on several occasions, and the GCPEA identified 146 abduction cases.

 

  • South Sudan:

Despite the peace agreement that was signed to settle the conflict between the government and oppositional groups and to facilitate the establishment of a transitional government, political tension continued to be present in South Sudan in 2020 and 2021. The conflict affected the education sector as well; the GCPEA identified 11 attacks in this period, which, however, were fewer than the 18 attacks committed in the period from 2018 to 2019 [p.180]. A similar declining pattern can be observed in the number of schools used for military purposes: in 2020 and 2021, only 10 cases were reported, while 35 incidents occurred in 2018 and 2019 [p.181]. Furthermore, in 2020 and 2021, the GCPEA reported an attack on a higher education facility while another targeted university students [p.182].

 

  • Sudan:

Sudan experienced political transitions in 2020 and 2021 which severely affected general safety in the country. In reaction to several issues regarding both the oppressive Sudani government and the education system, such as the lack of suitable facilities for disabled students, widespread protests started among students, teachers, and educational personnel in 2021. The government decided to apply harsh measures to suppress the uprisings: protesters were targeted in 6 attacks in the form of detention and the use of teargas according to the GCPEA.

However, not only armed conflicts disturbed the education sector in Sudan: the spread of Covid-19, natural disasters, such as floods damaging 559 schools, and food insecurity severely affected children’s education. These disasters lead to millions being in need of humanitarian assistance, and most of the victims were children according to the UN.

 

  • Syria:

As armed conflicts continue in Syria between non-state armed groups and government forces, schools still suffer numerous attacks all around the country. However, the intensity of these attacks declined in 2020 and 2021: this period recorded 85 attacks on schools according to the GCPEA, which is a significant decrease compared to the 260 recorded incidents in the previous 2 years. Most of the attacks in 2020 and 2021 occurred in the forms of shelling and air strikes in northwest Syria, in Aleppo and Idlib [p.186], however, Damascus, Homs, Al Hasaka, Deir-Ez-Zor, and Quneitra were also largely affected [p.187]. In addition, over 35 cases of schools and universities used for military purposes were reported [p.190]. Furthermore, the GCPEA also reported 17 incidents targeting students, teachers, and educational personnel, who were victims of intimidation, threats, arrests, and detention [p.188, 189].

 

  • Thailand:

Instability continued to be present in Thailand due to the non-state armed groups in the southern provinces of the country, putting people’s lives at risk. The GCPEA identified 5 attacks on schools in 2020 and 2021, while 6 attacks were reported targeting students, teachers, and educational personnel. While the exact number of attacks on schools did not change compared to the 2018 to 2019 period, attacks on students and teachers have decreased compared to previous years [p.192, 193].

In addition, atrocities targeting students and education staff have also been committed by state authorities. In the 2020 to 2021 period, the Thai police arrested students who protested against the education minister for his incompetence in preventing and appropriately handling cases of harassment and beatings in schools and kindergartens.

 

  • Turkey:

Since the 2016 coup in Turkey, several sectors, such as the media, business, and education sectors have faced drastic changes. The Turkish government has been targeting institutions, platforms, and people, who have any real or claimed connection to an Islamic scholar and American Turkish millionaire, Fetullah Gülen, who the government accuses of standing behind the coup. The education sector has particularly been affected by the government’s purges: schools and universities were shut down, thousands of teachers lost not only their jobs but also their teacher certificates, and academics have been imprisoned for alleged connections to the Gülen Movement.

In 2020 and 2021, the GCPEA confirmed 3 attacks on schools [p.194], while school students, teachers, and education personnel were also attacked on 3 occasions. Using schools for military purposes reached a minimum of 7 cases which indicates an increase compared to previous years [p.195]. One case of sexual violence was also confirmed by the GCPEA in the 2020 to 2021 period. As for attacks on higher educational institutions, a total of 30 incidents were reported resulting in the injury or arrest of more than 600 university students. Most of these attacks and arrests targeted students, teachers, and educational staff who were participating in education-related protests [p.196].

 

  • Ukraine:

The eastern part of the country experienced shelling and small armed clashes on several occasions in 2020 and 2021. These attacks resulted in the destruction of several schools: 30 attacks were identified by the GCPEA in that period, which damaged a total of 25 schools. The number of attacks shows an increase compared to the 2018 to 2019 period [p.198].

As for attacks on students, teachers, and educational personnel, 5 incidents were identified by the GCPEA in 2020 and 2021. This number marks a decrease compared to incidents reported from 2018 to 2019, which were a total of 15 cases [p.199].

 

  • Yemen:

The intensity of the conflict in Yemen increased in 2020 and 2021 and clashes between state forces and non-state armed groups escalated. The GCPEA reported 48 attacks on schools in that period, in the form of air strikes, shelling, and the use of explosives [p.200]. As for attacks on students, teachers, and education staff, the GCPEA reported 13 large-scale cases one of which included the abduction and assault of more than 100 students and teachers [p.201].

The rate of using schools and universities for military purposes was particularly high as 49 of these cases were reported by the GCPEA in the 2020 to 2021 period. Furthermore, the GCPEA identified 20 schools where armed groups were recruiting and training children for fighting [p.203]. The GCPEA also identified 10 cases of attacks on higher education facilities and 14 attacks targeting higher education students and teachers [p.204].

 

Written by:

Noor Mousa 13/07/2022

Edited by:

Johanna Farkas

[i] Education Under Attack. Global Coalition to Protect Education from Attack. 2022. https://protectingeducation.org/wp-content/uploads/eua_2022.pdf

Albania’s Enlargement Package: Education as a Keystone for Accession to the EU

As Albania continues its path of accession to the European Union (EU), the European Commission annually assesses its readiness for full EU integration. This process is called the enlargement package and is ongoing for all of the Western Balkans and Türkiye regions. In the 2021-22 enlargement package, the European Commission pledged to accelerate the integration of the Western Balkans as a whole, including Albania. The European Commission’s Albania 2022 Report (hereafter, “the Report”) details Albania’s many positive reforms, but also identifies many areas that are still below EU standards. Several of these areas affect and interact with education policy; some even explicitly derive from the Albanian education system. With a critical lens focused on education and human rights, this article will summarize and explore the Report’s findings and recommendations on Albania. Firstly, this article will focus on Albania’s readiness for EU accession before diving into the primary political and economic concerns.

Secondly, the education system as described in the Report, including its shortcomings regarding COVID-19, technological capacity, and minority incorporation. Finally, the current state of the rights of the child in Albania will be discussed.

 

Context

  1. Political Concerns

Many areas of the Report may not directly impact education or human rights but are still worth noting to contextualize Albania’s current political climate. Overall, the Report finds that Albania is “moderately prepared” for integration. The Parliamentary elections in 2021 revealed significant internal conflicts within the largest opposition party (DP) as well as the gridlock that characterizes the Albanian Parliament. The Report notes that these untimely and unfortunate barriers to consensus resulted in Parliament delaying and even abandoning certain reforms that would have furthered EU criteria, notably including electoral reform. Ultimately, the Parliament found common ground on several critical issues, passing nine laws aimed at EU integration.

 

Albania is also suffering from economic and political consequences associated with the triple shock of the 2019 earthquake, the COVID-19 pandemic, and, more recently, Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine. In particular, public administration remains in disarray as the establishment of agencies subordinate to the Prime Minister without a comprehensive framework detailing their purpose and limits raises questions concerning the standards of public administration. Nonetheless, Albania is making progress in public administrative reform, anti-corruption reform, the fight against organized crime, judicial reform, and migration. Although it is moderately prepared in economic criteria and competitive growth, it is still below EU standards and struggles to manage fiscal policy. This is a special concern given that Albania needs to generate and appropriately manage a more diversified revenue in order to implement the large expenditures necessary for adequate public and social services, as further explored below.

 

  1. Economic Concerns: Educational Funding and Employment

The Report notes that Albania is not fully prepared for the competitive pressure of the EU job market, but it is making advancements to this effect. Albania made progress through the National Strategy of Education and Action Plan 2021-2026, but a lack of financing has impeded this Plan—only an estimated 3.6% of GDP was directed toward this Plan. The funding of education is significantly below Albania’s needs. The allocated budget for the main ministries responsible for education, among other social services, remains below 1% of GDP. Individual schools lack financial autonomy and remain vulnerable to corruption. Anti-corruption measures that have recently resulted in criminal prosecutions of some high-level officials have had little effect on social services, including healthcare and education.

 

These financial issues are particularly acute because Albania heavily lacks human capital. Notably, human capital acquisition continues to be stifled by skill and education gaps, especially in technological and entrepreneurial know-how. This area is a blend of skilled labor and academic theory, and thus an area that would require greater communication and collaboration between the discrete institutions within the broader education system. The Report notes that “[e]fforts are still needed in the development of innovative policies aimed at promoting better links between academia, industry and government….” Albania is engaged in many projects to further human capital acquisition, including the Horizon 2021 program, the EUREKA network, and the “EU for Innovation” Tirana project, but few are producing results. The Report emphasizes that Albania will not be able to accede to the EU without improving its human capital gains. Among other reasons, the Albanian job market in its current state would be shocked after integration by the high human capital present in other EU countries. The resulting shocks would depress the employment of native Albanians and incentivize native Albanians to seek education in other EU member states.

 

Graduates and post-graduates in Albania are entering a recovering job market. Employment growth is steadily advancing after the COVID-19 economic downturn. However, the gender gap in employment remains wide. Structural changes in the labor market also reflect the increased need for graduates with higher education; the unemployment rate of tertiary educated persons dropped markedly, while it increased for workers with primary education and persons 15-24. These market distortions incentivize young people and other primary-educated people to seek higher education in order to increase their value in the job market. This dynamic is already taking shape, as the share of people aged 20-24 in tertiary education programs has increased from 12.3% in 2016 to 14.9% in 2022. However, as more young people seek an academic lifestyle, fewer seek vocational training, leading to shortages in skilled labor. These shortages contribute to higher pay for skilled laborers, thus incentivizing young people to seek labor-intensive jobs. These two competing incentives—the first for higher education and the second for skilled labor—create skill mismatches in Albania’s labor market as some workers with higher education are seeking more lucrative jobs in skilled labor, and vice versa.

 

Many youths without skills or education continue to struggle; the percentage of young people neither employed nor in education or training was 26.1% in 2021. To attempt to give direction to many of these young people, Albania created the Youth Guarantee scheme to give advice to and coordinate opportunities for floundering Albanian young people. In February 2022, the Parliament established an inter-ministerial working group to oversee the implementation of the Youth Guarantee scheme, including by allocating human and financial resources seconded from the ministries themselves. The Report again emphasizes the importance of incorporating these youth into the formal job market either through education or skills training in order to build human capital in anticipation of EU accession.

Tiran Univercity
Polytechnic University of Tirana – Source Wikipedia

The Education System

  1. Basic Characteristics and Current Initiatives

In 2021, Albania implemented a new competence-based curriculum for the grades 1-12 pre-university education system. Of 286,486 students currently enrolled, 260,953 received free textbooks under this new initiative. For reference, 158,528 students are in primary education, and 127,958 are in lower secondary education. The simultaneous attempt at preschool reform was not successful, however. Due to a lack of resources, the new policies passed for preschools could not be implemented. The Report notes that partnerships with local authorities are essential to ensure cooperation and avoid disrupting the everyday goings on in schools as new standards begin.

 

Albania’s Vocational Education and Training (VET) system is also being revised. Participation in the VET scheme remains low, with only 17.7% of upper secondary students enrolled in 2021 (18,279 out of a total of 103,467). In 2017, Parliament adopted a VET Law that established the National Agency for VET and Qualifications and attempted to standardize VET programs. The implementation of this Law is not yet complete, however. The National Agency requires further organizational clarification, especially in the human resources department. Legislation regarding VET providers is also lacking. The Report states that Parliament must adopt a law guaranteeing the financial autonomy of VET providers in addition to the Optimisation Plan endorsed by Parliament and VET providers in 2020. Both legislative efforts would require certain standards of learning and training, organizational strategies, functions, and activities from VET providers while simultaneously allowing them the independence to determine how to achieve these measures. In other words, these legislative efforts would regulate the VET providers while ensuring their discretionary rights and privileges. The Report states that this VET scheme must be implemented by 2023 to ensure the modernization of the VET.

 

  1. COVID-19

2021-2022 was a “year of adjustment and planning” after the shocks caused by the 2019 earthquake and the COVID-19 pandemic. The earthquake sent the education system into immediate turmoil as 21,000 children from 11 municipalities were forced to move to host schools or temporary facilities. Students attended classes in shifts, thereby straining already scarce resources, negatively impacting the quality of teaching, and negatively affecting students’ capacity to absorb information amid a stressful and constantly changing environment. 87 schools damaged by the earthquake have returned to normal operations. The problems derived from the earthquake are distinct from the problems that arose under COVID-19, but both exposed the same skills and resource gaps in the education system.

 

Already struggling with remote, hybrid, or part-time school due to the earthquake, teachers and students were forced to revert to fully online methods for which they were not prepared. Prior to the earthquake, most teachers had never even received IT training, much less training on how to effectively teach an entirely digital class—many were technologically illiterate. Albania began training 2,362 teachers on digitization in 2021, but this excluded the majority of a total of 30,000 teachers in need. This skills gap was compounded by a lack of digital resources available to both teachers and students for a free or reduced cost. Albania provides only one computer per 26 students, which is inadequate to ensure that all students have access to digital education. The Report compares this to the EU average of one computer per five pupils. As a result of these complications, enrollment rates 2019-2021 dropped considerably to 72.9%. Even more concerningly, enrollment in preschool education for children aged five to six decreased by 9%. The Report states that even as the COVID-19 pandemic eases, the government should continue to provide digital training to teachers and technological literacy courses to students in anticipation of a future emergency.

 

  • Minority Incorporation

On the flip side, changes to the education system related to the COVID-19 pandemic have generated increased inclusion of vulnerable populations, most notably Roma and Egyptian minorities. These groups suffer from a lack of access to certain socioeconomic benefits, lower income levels, and structural barriers to upward mobility. Strategies such as distance learning, remote teaching, and part-time education aligned with these groups’ needs by leaving room for flexibility in scheduling. This allowed parents of lower school children to guarantee their children’s quality of education even while struggling with the economic downturn. Similarly, this allowed older students to maintain their employment and living standards while simultaneously accessing higher education. As COVID-19 has dissipated, schools have reduced many of these measures. The enrollment rates of Rome and Egyptian children in pre-university and early childhood education have dropped. Inclusion efforts include scholarships, free textbooks, complimentary transportation, and part-time education programs. Measures that, in theory, facilitate Roma and Egyptian access to universities, such as a quota system and fee waivers for university applications, are generally not enforced in practice.

 

Nonetheless, the Report emphasizes that the inclusion of vulnerable populations within the Albanian education system is lacking. Some schools continue to segregate Roma and Egyptian children, resulting in a ruling from the European Court of Human Rights in May 2022 ordering the Ministry of Education and Sports to implement desegregation policies. Roma and Egyptian graduates are systematically discriminated against in the workforce as well. The low employment rate of these groups worsened due to COVID-19, health insurance coverage for these groups is sparse, and the digitization of many public services during COVID-19 (including healthcare and employment) impeded technologically illiterate members of these groups from accessing much-needed protection.

 

Ethnic minorities are not the only groups discriminated against in public service delivery, however. The Report notes that “no progress” has been made with regard to the incorporation of disabled persons in the Albanian education system. Already scarce resources are simply not being allocated to solve this problem. Teachers and other educational professionals receive slim to no training on the complex challenges and functional strategies of including disabled persons, alternative methods of teaching, or early detection of disability. Those teaching assistants qualified to assist disabled students are very few and not sufficiently dispersed throughout educational institutions. The Report highlights that “additional efforts are also needed to shift from a system with dual education towards a system where children with disabilities are integrated into inclusive mainstream schools.”

 

Written by Rowan Scarpinoagainst LGBTIQ persons is also rampant in Albania. A lack of knowledge and awareness about queerness and queer rights, especially in rural areas, drives high levels of intolerance. Physical aggression and hate speech, particularly on social media against LGBTIQ people are routine. This creates a hostile environment for LGBTIQ students in schools, thus disincentivizing them from engaging with the curriculum or creating bonds with teachers and other students. Further, discrimination prevents LGBTIQ students from fully accessing future educational opportunities, such as higher education, thus depressing their capacity to enter high-paying employment. Generally, LGBTIQ persons face discrimination in public services, including barriers to healthcare and housing. Albania lacks legislation authorizing cohabitation or same-sex marriage, thus perpetuating the social stigmatization of LGBTIQ persons. In November 2021, Albania did implement a new 2021-2027 action plan for LBGTIQ persons. However, Parliament has failed to implement the policies associated with this plan due to a lack of financing and political will. The Report stresses that Parliament must enact this action plan and other inclusive policies in order for Albania to meet EU criteria governing fundamental rights and freedoms.

 

Rights of the Child

Albania ratified the Convention on the Rights of the Child in 1992 and has since implemented a legal framework protecting children. The Report notes that progress continues in institutional capacity-building to effectively execute the Convention. However, malnutrition and physical activity continue to be critical issues for children and pregnant women in Albania. The Report recommends that Albania develop a national nutrition plan that includes an awareness campaign in schools and community centers. Additionally, Albania remains a “country of origin, transit, and destination” of human trafficking. Institutionalized and minority children, including Roma and Egyptians, are more vulnerable to trafficking than adults or their peers. Fortunately, the number of Albanian victims significantly decreased in 2020-2021, but this may be due only to border closures associated with COVID-19.

 

The Report also finds that “the practice of child marriage still exists, and is primarily driven by gender inequality, poverty and social exclusion.” Because of a lack of official data, it is unclear how prevalent child marriage is, but laws protecting adolescents from child marriage are clearly ineffective or applied inconsistently. To remedy this fundamentally abusive practice, the government addressed child marriage in the national policy framework in 2021 for the first time in history. It continued to prioritize the issue by enacting the 2021-26 National Agenda for the Rights of the Child. Further, the Albanian National Deinstitutionalization Plan allocated funds to develop childcare services as an alternative to institutionalized social care, which has violated and exploited children. Despite this progress, violence against children, especially sexual violence, remains a problem. Child Protection Units received 2,389 cases of children in need of protection in 2021; a large amount made even more difficult by the lack of child protection workers. Albania needs programs and legal frameworks that prioritize social work and incentivize students to become social workers.

 

Conclusion

Overall, Albania could advance its moderate level of preparation in most EU accession criteria to the next level by increasing its focus on education. In order to meet economic standards, for example, skills and resource gaps must be remedied through higher and vocational education. Similarly, in order to meet standards relating to respect for fundamental rights and freedoms and social cohesion, Albania must increase the incorporation of minorities into society and formal markets, which begins with the incorporation of minority and migrant children into education. The list goes on; the areas in which Albania is most unprepared for EU accession, including public administration and economic competitiveness, all negatively impact the education system and yet can be solved through increasing funding, awareness, and participation in the education system. In preparation for the next enlargement package report, Albania should engage in educational reform to accelerate its preparedness for EU integration.

 

 

Written by Rowan Scarpino

References

European Commission. (2022). (rep. num. SWD(2022) 332). Albania 2022 Report. Brussels, Belgium.

Educational Highlights on Serbia’s Report in the European Union’s 2022 Enlargement Package

This document is a summary of the accompanying document Communication from the Commission to the European Parliament, the Council, the European Economic and Social Committee and the Committee of the Regions on Serbia’s 2022 Report.  

Serbia remains at a good level of preparation in education and culture, according to the 2021 report by the Council for Eastern European Development (CEDR). Some progress was made on the implementation of last year’s recommendations. The COVID-19 pandemic somewhat disrupted the organization and quality of instruction at all levels of education. Serbia’s government has been urged to make significant improvements in the quality and scope of non-formal education and care for children, and has ensured full compliance with the policy and institutional framework for quality assurance in higher education by the European Quality Assurance Commission (ENQA).

Mechanisms to track the implementation of the new education strategy through 2030 and the associated action plan have been developed in the domain of education and training. Negative demographic trends and emigration have contributed to the ongoing decline in the student population. Pre-university enrollment and completion rates remained strong. While the enrollment rate for preschool education that is required for all children aged 6 months to 6.5 years declined from 97.4% in 2019 to 96.4% in 2020, the overall coverage of children with preschool education decreased from 57.4% to 55.5% year over year. In order to provide equal preschool education to the most disadvantaged children, more work is required to improve governance and increase the scope and quality of services and infrastructure. Early school exit rates were 6.3%, and participation in lifelong learning was 4.8% in 2021.

Public spending on education stood at around 3.5% of GDP in 2020, below the EU average of 4.7%. Preprimary school enrolment remained around 64% in the 2020/2021 school year. Higher education attainment in the population aged 25-34 stood at 32.6% in 2020. New certification requirements are being adopted slowly, and they are also being updated. Under both upper secondary and higher vocational education and training (VET), efforts have been made to expose students to work-based learning. Participation rates in life-long learning are traditionally low (4.8% in 2021). Furthermore, from 20% in 2020 to 16.4% in 2021, the proportion of young people (15-29 years old) who are not in employment, education, or training (NEET) declined.

The hybrid education model put in place during the COVID-19 pandemic is still in use, although it is only applied when it occurs. To bridge learning gaps brought on by digital exclusion, further measures are still required. The creation of the school management information system has advanced, although consolidation is still needed.

There has not been any noticeable improvement in the low enrollment in general secondary vocational education and training (VET), and as such, Serbia should keep modernizing and simplifying the requirements for certifications to increase the significance of VET and to accelerate the institutional, financial, and logistical preparations for the introduction of final exams in secondary school. On the another hand, at all educational levels, there has been a significant improvement in the access and involvement of disadvantaged students. The effort against segregation and dropout rates needs to be improved, especially locally. Additional work is required to provide instructional resources and equip instructors to promote student competency in gender equality and sexual abuse.

The Serbian national accreditation body is eligible to reapply for renewed membership of ENQA following its suspension in early 2020. The attainment of tertiary level qualifications for persons aged 30-34 (ISCED levels 5-8) remained at 33% in 2020, still below the EU target of 40%. The sector remains vulnerable to corruption.

It is necessary to reinforce the institutional structure outlined in the national qualifications framework (NQF). The acceptance of qualification requirements is accelerating, but it could do so much more quickly with a bigger emphasis on higher education. Two rulebooks were approved in December 2021 and February 2022 with the goal of facilitating adult education provider accreditation. Additionally, regarding the competitiveness and inclusive growth, Serbia is required to pay close attention to making sure that the institutional framework for quality assurance in higher education fully complies with ENQA’s guidelines in the upcoming term, as well as to upgrading pertinent IT systems.

The Progress in International Reading Literacy Study (PIRLS), the International Civic and Citizenship Education Study (ICCS), and the Program for International Student Assessment (PISA) were among the international assessments in which Serbia continues to take part in 2021 and 2022, respectively. In 2022, trends in the international computer and information literacy study (ICILS), the teaching and learning international survey (TALIS), and the international mathematics and science study (TIMSS) were conducted. Additionally, Serbia is successfully implementing the new cycle of the Erasmus+ programme, including the new DiscoverEU component. Overall, Serbian institutions are participating in more than 550 projects (decentralized actions) granted in 2021. In total, around 1900 mobilities of students, staff and pupils are planned to take place in the framework of these projects.

The Serbian Ministry of Education has made significant progress in preparing and printing textbooks in minority languages for use in primary schools. The monitoring of curricula for teaching Serbian as a non-mother language in pilot schools is ongoing. Several recommendations aimed at improving the teaching of Serbian in schools were issued to the ministry.

Serbia has made some progress in coping with market dynamics and competitive pressure within the EU and is only partly equipped. The structure of the economy continues to advance, and there is still a high level of economic integration with the EU. The quality and applicability of education and training, however, still fall short of the demands of the labor market, notwithstanding considerable advances. After years of underinvestment, public investment has continued to rise with the goal of addressing critical infrastructure shortages. There are still many difficulties that small and medium-sized businesses must overcome, such as an unfair playing field when compared to big businesses and foreign investors. The advice received last year has been partly adopted.

Summarised by Emine Bala & Edited by Olga Ruiz Pilato 

References

Directorate-General for Neighbourhood and Enlargement Negotiations. (2022). Serbia Report 2022. Retrieved October 17, 2022, from https://neighbourhood-enlargement.ec.europa.eu/serbia-report-2022_en

Cover image by Ivan Aleksic on Unsplash.

Universal Periodic Review of Romania

  • This report was drafted by Broken Chalk to contribute to the fourth Universal Periodic Review (UPR) of Romania. Broken Chalk is an Amsterdam-based NGO focused on human rights violations in the field of education. Since Broken Chalk is an organization fighting inequalities and improving the quality of education worldwide, this report focuses on human rights, especially with regards to education.
  • This report first explores the main issues in education in Romania, the recommendations Romania received in the last review and its progress since 2018. Then, Broken Chalk offers some practical recommendations to Romania to further improve human rights in education.
  • In the last review, Romania received 203 recommendations and accepted 163. 26% of the recommendations focused on reducing inequalities and 14% were linked to inclusive quality education and lifelong learning. Romania has submitted a voluntary midterm report about the implementation of the accepted recommendations received in the 3rd cycle of the UPR.
  • Quality education is a vital pillar of society. It enables long-term growth and development, helps the integration of minorities and foreigners, and shapes the people of future society. According to the Human Rights Measurement Initiative, Romania is doing 65% of what it could possibly do with its national income when it comes to ensuring the right to education[i]. With this score, Romania is the last one of all European countries.

by Réka Gyaraki

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43rd_Session_UN-UPR_Country_Review_Romania

[i] Human Rights Measurement Initiative. (2022). Rights to Education

Cover image by Aboodi Vesakaran on Pexels.

Universal Periodic Review of Serbia

  • This report has been prepared by Broken Chalk to contribute to the 4th Universal Periodic Review [UPR] of Serbia. Broken Chalk is an Amsterdam-based NGO focused on human rights violations in the field of education. Since the organisation’s main mission is to fight inequalities and improve the quality of education worldwide, this report focuses on human rights specifically with regards to education.
  • The report will firstly explore the main problems in the educational field in Serbia, including information on what recommendations Serbia received in the 3rd cycle UN UPR review in 2018 and what actions they have taken to improve education. It offers a comprehensive set of recommendations for Serbia based on experience, research and best practices that can help the country to further improve human rights in the educational sphere.
  • Serbia was last reviewed in 2018, during the 3rd UPR cycle, where it received 190 recommendations and supported 175 of those. 8% of the recommendations focused on quality education, Goal 4 of the Sustainable Development Goals [SDG]. In addition, 41% of the recommendations dealt with justice and strong institutions (SDG 16), 17% with gender equality (SDG 5) and another 17% with reducing inequalities (SDG 10). These can all be linked to education and ensuring human rights in that field.
  • In February 2021, Serbia submitted a voluntary midterm report to illustrate its improvement and progress on human rights and the implementation of the 3rd cycle recommendations.
  • Serbia ranked 63rd out of the 191 participating countries on the Human Development Index in 2021, thereby classifying as “very high” on the human development classification.[i] According to the Human Rights Measurement Initiative’s tracker, Serbia is doing 89% of what it could possibly do when it comes to ensuring the right to education considering the country’s level of income.[ii]

by Olga Ruiz Pilato & Réka Gyaraki

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43rd_Session_UN-UPR_Country_Review_Serbia

[i] United Nations. (n.d.). Human Development Index Serbia

[ii] Human Rights Measurement Initiative Rights Tracker. (n.d.). Serbia

Cover image by Terry Feuerborn on Flickr.

Universal Periodic Review of Liechtenstein

  • This report was drafted by Broken Chalk to contribute to the fourth Universal Periodic Review [UPR] of Liechtenstein. Broken Chalk is an Amsterdam-based NGO focused on human rights violations in the field of education. Since Broken Chalk is an organization fighting inequalities and improving the quality of education worldwide, this report focuses on human rights, especially with regard to education.
  • This report first explores the main issues in education in Liechtenstein, the recommendations Liechtenstein received in the last review and its progress since 2018. Then, Broken Chalk offers some practical recommendations to Liechtenstein to further improve human rights in education.
  • In the last UPR cycle of 2018, Liechtenstein received 126 recommendations, out of which it accepted 84. Out of these recommendations 6%, meaning 4 recommendations, were linked to the 4th goal of the Sustainable Development Goals [SDG], namely ensuring inclusive and equitable quality education and promoting lifelong learning opportunities for all.[i]
  • Quality education is a vital pillar of society: it enables long-term growth and development, helps minorities and foreigners’ integration, and shapes future society.
  • The HMRI Rights Tracker of the Human Rights Measurement Initiative assesses how well a country could be using its financial resources when it comes to multiple factors. These factors include quality of life, one subsection being education, safety from the state, and empowerment. Unfortunately, there is no available data about Liechtenstein on the HRMI Rights Tracker. Therefore, one cannot assess if Liechtenstein’s performance in education is rated ‘very bad’, ‘bad’, ‘fair’ or ‘good’.[ii]

by Vivien Kretz

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43rd_Session_UN-UPR_Country_Review_Liechtenstein

[i] “OHCHR | Universal Periodic Review – Liechtenstein.” n.d. OHCHR. Accessed September 26, 2022.

[ii] “Liechtenstein – HRMI Rights Tracker.” n.d. Accessed September 27, 2022. https://rightstracker.org.

Cover image from Adam Stone on Wikimedia Commons.