Educational Challenges in Israel

 

By Johanna Farkas

 

Over 20 years, Israel has seen some significant developments connected to its education system. These advancements, by 2019, led to Israel becoming one of the highest spenders on primary, secondary, and post-secondary non-tertiary education as a share of GDP amongst OECD countries (Israel: 6.7%, OECD average: 4.9%),[i] with more than half of the population holding tertiary attainment between age 25 and 64.[ii] Furthermore, Israel’s fast technological developments put the country on the list of the top 20 most innovative countries in the world.[iii]

Despite all successes, Israel is still behind in ensuring some basic human rights regarding access to education for all its citizens and residents. Following brief overview of Israel’s ethnic composition and education system, this article highlights some of the most urgent issues in the country’s education sector by looking at educational differences along ethnic groups and socioeconomic classes, analysing the consequences of the COVID-19 pandemic, as well as investigating what is going on in Area C of the occupied territories of the West Bank.

 

The Composition and Historical context of Ethnic Groups in Israel

Israel is a multi-ethnic, multinational, and multicultural state; 74% of the population is Jewish, 21% is Arab, 1.5% is Ethiopian, and the remaining 3.5% are identified as “others”. The composition of the Arabic-speaking population can be further categorised according to religious beliefs: 85% of them are Muslim, 7.5% are Christian, and the remaining 7.5% are Druze.

The ethnic composition of the Israeli population is crucial to discussing issues in the country since many problems stem from discrimination and clashes among ethnic groups, and the Israeli education system reflects these issues too. Conflict among these ethnic (and religious) groups frequently have deep historical roots, particularly in the case of clashes between the Jewish and the Arabic groups. Their conflict dates back to the very creation of Israel as a state, and the several wars throughout the 20th century, such as the 1948 Arab-Israel War, the Six-Day War of 1967, and the Yom Kippur War of 1973, further complicated the relationship of the two sides.

The Arabic-speaking minorities’ national identity rarely associate with Israel, whose political leadership stresses the state’s Jewish character, while refusing to recognise Arab or Palestinian national identities. Moreover, Israel frequently applies discriminatory practices towards these ethnic groups (also in the education sector) because state authorities frequently perceive them as a security threat due to the historical Arab-Israel conflicts.[iv]

 

The Younger the Better – The Israeli Education System

From its very foundation in 1948, the State of Israel has been closely monitoring and regulating its education system because they have been considering education as a way to ensure social mobility. The 1949 Compulsory Education Act was the first official legal action taken in Israel to enforce compulsory education which ensured free school attendance for children for 9 years from age 5.[v] Later amendments further expanded the Act, and, by 2009, compulsory education was extended until grade 12, while, by 2016, compulsory school entrance age was lowered to age 3.[vi] The successes of the Israeli education system are further reflected in the fact that despite compulsory education starting at age 3, 47% of children are already enrolled in an educational institution before age 2.[vii] Furthermore, 99% of the child population between age 3 and 5 was enrolled in an educational institution in 2019.[viii]

State-funded Israeli general education works along a four-stream system to satisfy all cultural, religious, and ethnic demands of its population. Consequently, the state provides secular, religious, and ultra-orthodox (Haredi) educational institutions for Jewish Israelis, while Arab schools serve the needs of Arab, Bedouin, Christian Arab, and Druze Israeli minorities.[ix] Along these ethnic and cultural lines, Hebrew-speaking schools are managed by Jewish principals while schools teaching in Arabic are coordinated by Arab principals. However, all principals are subjugated to centralised Israeli administration, funding, and curriculum which ensure similar requirements and control teacher-salaries.[x]

 

‘Some are More Equal Than Others’[xi] – Ethnic Discrimination in Education

Although the four-stream school system seemingly satisfies different types of cultural and religious demands, the curricula of Arab schools are largely organized by a Zionist narrative which omit Arab historical, geographical, and cultural perspectives.[xii] Arabs are underrepresented in governmental educational decision-making bodies, as well as in educational planning and supervision positions, which prevents the interest of the Arabic-speaking community from being asserted both on national and on local levels.[xiii] Thus, despite the wide-range of official responsibilities of the Arab schools’ leaders, they have little influence on decisions concerning their institutions as most educational policies are top-down determined.[xiv]

Inequality is also prominent between Jewish and Arab schools when it comes to budget allocation for advance learning programmes, and to provide programmes supporting students who have fallen behind or children with disabilities.[xv] Moreover, an approximately 30% smaller budget is allocated to the Arab school system in population ratio. Differences in school budgets are tightly connected to inequality of opportunity and quality issues, as Arab schools often have ‘fewer classrooms, libraries, laboratories, and qualified teachers’.[xvi] These factors also result larger classes which hinder the learning of students because they have less individual attention from their teachers. In addition, Arabic-speaking students are required to learn Hebrew too, which is an additional subject for Arab students on top of all other compulsory subjects, yet schools do not receive extra funding to support their learning. [xvii]

The abovementioned factors negatively influence the learning outcomes of Arabic-speaking students which is indicated by the average lower achievement of Arab pupils and students on both national and international exams.[xviii] Arab students are 30% less likely to receive a matriculation certificate (Bagrut) which is needed to enter higher education and certain courses or even jobs.[xix]

Ethiopian students also experience significant discrimination. Although most of them attend Jewish religious schools, particularly the Orthodox Jewish community in particular questions the legitimacy of the minority’s Jewish identity due to their relatively recent presence in Israel and often also because of their darker skin colour.[xx] Racial discrimination, sometimes even by teachers, combined with low socioeconomic background widens the educational gap between Jewish and Ethiopian Israelis and results a considerably large dropout rate (10.5% official dropout and 23% hidden dropout) among Ethiopian students.[xxi] The issues Ethiopian students face are so severe that only ‘30% of twelfth-grade Ethiopian students earn the Bagrut at the level required for university entrance, compared to 65% of the general Jewish student population’ which further hinders Israeli Ethiopeans’ social mobility.[xxii]File:Reuven Rivlin speaks at the state memorial service in memory of Ethiopian Jews who perished on their way to Israel, May 2021 (GPOHA1 6061).jpg

Haim Zach / Government Press Office, CC BY-SA 3.0 <https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/3.0>, via Wikimedia Commons

Innovation But Not Equal Distribution –Socioeconomic Obstacles in Education

In Israel, socioeconomic inequalities majorly exist along ethnic and religious lines: Arabs and Haredi Jews together constitute approximately 30% of the Israeli population but make up 60% of the poor in the country.[xxiii] The reason behind this overrepresentation varies for the two groups.

As mentioned before, historical hostility between Arabs and Jewish Israelis are still prominent and often result in discrimination towards Arabs. Haredi Jews, on the other hand, are stuck in lower socioeconomic positions because of their strictly orthodox religious lifestyle in which men dedicate their life for reading the Torah and the community lives in relative segregation.[xxiv]

Figure 2 Israel Sci-Tech Schools. “Haredi Schools and Villages.” Friends of Israel Sci-Tech Schools. https://www.israel-scitech-schools.com/pioneering-models/haredi-schools-and-villages/. (Accessed: 15 October 2022).

While Jewish Israelis usually receive quality education for years and live in families where both parents work, Arab and Haredi communities frequently lack quality education, have lower paid jobs, and live in families where either one or both parents are unemployed.[xxv] Low socioeconomic background is generally in negative correlation with dropout rates, while the parents’ level of education is also a significant factor; the higher the number of years the parents attended school, the lower their children’s chances to drop out.[xxvi] This shows a vicious circle of social immobility which widens the educational and socioeconomic gap between the ethnic and religious groups in Israel.

However, not only are parents’ financial and educational statuses determinant in dropout rates. Since funding for general education institutions is allocated by local governments, schools in less affluent areas are frequently underfunded and cannot always provide quality education. This means that funding for Arab schools in Arab neighbourhoods can be 10 or even 20 times lower than in wealthier areas.[xxvii] Moreover, the population of Arab areas is increasing, which means a significant rise in student numbers in Arab schools.

In light of the above, the redistribution and reconsideration of funding allocation is becoming urgent to ensure quality education to all students in these areas.[xxviii] Financial issues affect the quality of Arab schools negatively, which can have a demotivating effect on Arabic-speaking student to continue or finish their studies. It gives some hope, however, that dropout rates have significantly declined since 2003 among Arabic-speaking students and fallen from 15.8% to 8.1% thanks to some reforms targeting the Arab education sector.[xxix]

When it comes to the Haredi community, boys from age 14 often transfer to yeshiva schools which are not supervised by the Israeli Ministry of Education. These schools follow a specific curriculum which rather focuses on religious studies and gives little space to regular school subjects. This means that Haredi students usually perform worse than other Jewish Israelis on international exams neither do they attain the Bagrut, which prevents them from entering higher education.[xxx]

However, recently the Israeli government has shown some admirable efforts in assisting yeshiva schools to ensure more regular subjects being taught, and thus increasing the chances of young Haredi Jews to pursue higher education and higher paid jobs. The state offered to cover 100% of the funding with an additional stipend for each student at every Haredi school that adopts core subjects in its curriculum, like mathematics or English.[xxxi]

 

Lacking Technology in the 15th Most Innovative Country – Issues During the Pandemic

The COVID-19 pandemic further widened the educational gap along socioeconomic lines. Israel has closed its educational institutions due to the pandemic in March 2020 and continued providing education through remote teaching.

However, many households lacked basic facilities needed for online education (computers, internet access, or even electricity) and even if they had access to them, families often could not afford multiple devices and facilities to support the learning of all their children.[xxxii]

The seriousness of these issues is exacerbated by the fact that students with low socioeconomic statuses are more likely to need assistance or extra attention from teachers which they rarely had the chance to get through online teaching, especially that some teachers also had difficulties adapting to remote teaching.[xxxiii] While some only struggled with getting used to the online platforms, others simply did not have access to appropriate facilities necessary for remote teaching.

In addition, online teaching was problematic in the Haredi Jewish community also because they traditionally avoid using internet, and although the number of internet users in the community is increasing, it is still not without obstacles for some children to participate in online education. A few Haredi schools simply refused to stop in-person teaching.[xxxiv]

 

Troubled Territories – Area C

Eventually, it is important to take a look at the West Bank territories (the majority of Palestine’s territory) occupied by Israel with almost only Arab residents. Legal, administrative, and governmental (and so many other) statuses of this region are complex and cluttered, but it is clear that Israel have significant influence over the region in every aspect.

The occupied West Bank territories were divided into three administrative regions in 1995, Area A, B and C.[xxxv] To put it simply, Area A is majorly governed by the Palestinian Authority (PA), while in Area B the PA has similar responsibilities, except for the security of the area which is managed by Israeli authorities. Area C, which means roughly 60% of the West Bank’s territories, is under Israeli control apart from certain civilian issues such as education and healthcare.

 

Figure 3 Welcome to Palestine. “Everything You Need to Know about Areas A, B and C.” Welcome To Palestine, July 21, 2017. https://www.welcometopalestine.com/article/areas-a-b-c-explained-west-bank-israel-gaza-palestine/. (Accessed: 15 October 2022).
Figure 4 Kadman, Noga. “Acting the Landlord: Israel’s Policy in Area C, the West Bank.” B’TSELEM. June 2013. https://www.btselem.org/publications/summaries/201306_acting_the_landlord. (Accessed: 19 September 2022).

Despite it seems that Israel does not have much to do with education in the West Bank, they do have a tremendous amount of indirect influence over these civilian sectors just by controlling land or constructions in Area C. Besides, international law also identifies some responsibilities for Israel as it states that territorial occupants need to ensure human rights and dignified living conditions for people subjected to occupation.[xxxvi]

The education sector in Area A and B are affected by the overwhelming control of Israeli authorities in Area C, since the isolated regions with no airport or bay can only get supplies through Area C. However, this article primarily focuses on Area C as the education sector faces the most severe problems there.

Area C of the occupied West Bank territories hosts approximately 325 thousand Jewish Israelis, 180 thousand Palestinians, and 20 thousand Bedouin and other shepherding Israelis.[xxxvii] Israeli control limits non-Israeli settlement and certain activities, such as construction and infrastructural matters. These measures often leave non-Jewish villages without basic utilities and services, such as water, electricity, healthcare, education, or appropriate public transportation and roads.[xxxviii] Moreover, Israeli authorities have the right to demolish Palestinian and Bedouin settlements along Israeli interest and relocate their population.[xxxix] Some Bedouin villages are demolished simply because the Israeli authorities do not acknowledge them as official settlements. [xl]

Despite the lack of direct Israeli influence on education, these conditions prevent mostly Palestinian and Bedouin children from attending school among appropriate conditions, or even from attending at all. The demolition of settlements endangers educational institutions as well, while new schools can rarely be built due to the restriction of non-Jewish construction. This leaves entire villages without any form of educational services. In 2012 alone, 37 schools were facing demolition because they were built without a permit from Israeli authorities.[xli]

The lack of infrastructure is also challenging for non-Jewish children to physically get to school, as public transportation and school buses are limited in the area.[xlii]  189 out of 532 settlements do not even have a primary school at all,[xliii] which means that many children have to walk up to two hours each way to get to school.[xliv] This often becomes impossible when weather conditions are hostile.[xlv]

In addition, it is often unsafe for small children to travel alone to school due to frequent atrocities targeting Palestinian and Bedouin children, some of which is committed at military checkpoints where children often need to cross to get to school.[xlvi] During school raids, the Israeli military frequently arrests several students and confiscate school equipment. These dangers discourage parents to send their children to school, especially their daughters. [xlvii]

Girls’ education is particularly endangered as some traditional societal norms prohibit them to travel alone and when no male family member can accompany them on the way, they cannot attend school.[xlviii] In addition, early marriage, or the need for them to stay home to help take care of their grandparents or disabled siblings, for instance, also results in many girls never attending or failing to finish their education. [xlix] However, it is not genuine to girls to potentially drop out or miss school to help out their parents.[l] As the socioeconomic gap widens between Jewish Israelis and non-Jewish citizens and residents, some families become unable to afford school equipment, basic needs like shoes,[li] or public transportation, thus they cannot send their children to school despite education itself is free.[lii]

These circumstances negatively influence the quality of education which results in common disinterest in education among children in Area C which can result in children leaving school, while the ones who can continue with their studies often do this in poor-equipped educational institutions.[liii] Dropout rates are particularly high among Bedouin children: only 32% of them get a matriculation certificate compared to 68% of the Israeli population (excluding the Haredi community). [liv] These issues were exacerbated by schools shifting to online teaching during COVID-19, as Bedouins frequently live in tents without any electricity, internet access, and computers.[lv] ‘About 100,000 Bedouin students and about 2,000 Bedouin college students from the Negev’ had severe difficulties to attend school during the pandemic. [lvi]

Finally, it is also important to highlight that education in Area C lacks the adequate financial resources. Most financial support arrive from international organisations, such as the USAID, UNRWA, and the Middle East Quartet.[lvii] However, both these organisations and the PA need to complete prolonged bureaucratic procedures to finance projects and receive permit from Israeli authorities. The difficulties frequently result in organisations abandoning their projects or lead to subsequent delays in project implementation.[lviii]

 

Final Remarks

Israel inarguably has some admirable achievements regarding its education sector. However, policymaking and policy implementation face severe difficulties not only in terms of creating effective and inclusive policies for its ethnically and religiously diverse population, but also because of (unresolved) historical conflicts among the country’s ethnic groups. These clashes are reflected in Israel’s education system where the disadvantage of, for example, Arab or Ethiopian Israeli students is significant compared to Jewish Israeli students. These inequalities are partly indicated by the generally worse performance of Arab or Ethiopian students on both international and domestic exams.

Tackling educational inequalities (or any discriminatory practices embedded into a social, political, or economic system) is a multi-generational project. However tedious, slow, or impossible it seems sometimes to carry on with such an initiative, the current state of the Israeli education will lead to further damage if inequality issues are left unresolved. The vicious circle of poverty, closely intertwined with ethnic lines, cannot break without mutual cooperation, understanding, and the recognition of each other’s grievances. The Israeli government in cooperation with civil society actors must bridge societal gaps and the wide-spread disconnection between ethnic groups and between socioeconomic classes, to build an empathetic and harmonious society.

Of course, issues are more complex than simply setting up a few educational programmes or giving some extra funding for Arabic-speaking schools, for instance. But change must start somewhere, and maybe it has already in the six Hand in Hand Arabic-Jewish schools.[lix] The bilingual privately funded schools work with a multicultural curriculum that aims to advance inclusion and equality in the Israeli society. Hand in Hand does not only initiate productive discussion between ethnic groups but also facilitate their harmonious cohabitation and cooperation to build a healthier society and a peaceful future.

 

 

 

Sources;

[i] OECD. “Education at a Glance.” OECD, 2019. https://www.oecd.org/education/education-at-a-glance/EAG2019_CN_ISR.pdf (Accessed 20 September 2022).

[ii] OECD. “Education GPS – Israel – Overview of the Education System (EAG 2019).” gpseducation.oecd.org, 2021. https://gpseducation.oecd.org/CountryProfile?primaryCountry=ISR&treshold=10&topic=EO (Accessed 20 September 2022).

[iii] The Global Economy. “Innovation Index by Country, around the World | TheGlobalEconomy.com.” TheGlobalEconomy.com, 2021. https://www.theglobaleconomy.com/rankings/GII_Index/ (Accessed 20 September 2022).

[iv] Ibid: 189.

[v] Krief, Tomer. “The Compulsory Education Law in Israel and Liquidity Constrains.” Israel Economic Review 7, no. 1 (2009): 79.

[vi] Center for Israel Education. “Compulsory Education Law Is Implemented.” CIE, September 18, 2022. https://israeled.org/compulsory-education-law/#:~:text=The%20Compulsory%20Education%20Law%20which. (Accessed 19 September 2022).

[vii] OECD. “Education Policy Outlook: Israel.” OECD. OECD, 2016. https://www.oecd.org/israel/Education-Policy-Outlook-Country-Profile-Israel.pdf. (Accessed 19 September 2022); 4.

[viii] OECD. “Education GPS – Israel – Overview of the Education System (EAG 2019).” gpseducation.oecd.org, 2021. https://gpseducation.oecd.org/CountryProfile?primaryCountry=ISR&treshold=10&topic=EO (Accessed 20 September 2022).

[ix] Ibid.

[x] Da’as, Rima’a, and Alexander Zibenberg. “Conflict, control and culture: implications for implicit followership and leadership theories.” Educational Review 73, no.2 (2021): 199.

[xi] Orwell, George. Animal Farm. 1945. Reprint, Boston ; New York: Houghton Mifflin Harcourt, Corp, 1945.

[xii] Reingold, Roni, and Lea Baratz. “Arab School Principals in Israel – between Conformity and Moral Courage.” Intercultural Education 31, no. 1 (November 20, 2019): 88.

[xiii] Da’as, Rima’a  and Alexander Zibenberg. “Conflict, control and culture: implications for implicit followership and leadership theories.” Educational Review 73, no.2 (2021): 189.

[xiv] Reingold, Roni, and Lea Baratz. “Arab School Principals in Israel – between Conformity and Moral Courage.” Intercultural Education 31, no. 1 (November 20, 2019): 89.

[xv] Da’as, Rima’a  and Alexander Zibenberg. “Conflict, control and culture: implications for implicit followership and leadership theories.” Educational Review 73, no.2 (2021): 199.

[xvi] Zeedan, Rami, and Rachel Elizabeth Hogan. “The Correlation between Budgets and Matriculation Exams: The Case of Jewish and Arab Schools in Israel.” Education Sciences, 12, no.554 (2022): 2.

[xvii] Resh, Nura, and Nachum Blass. “Israel: Gaps in Educational Outcomes in a Changing Multi- Ethnic Society.” In The Palgrave Handbook of Race and Ethnic Inequalities in Education, edited by Peter A. J. Dworkin and A. Gary Stevens, 631–94. Palgrave Macmillan, 2019; 671.

[xviii] Da’as, Rima’a  and Alexander Zibenberg. “Conflict, control and culture: implications for implicit followership and leadership theories.” Educational Review 73, no.2 (2021): 199.

[xix] Zeedan, Rami, and Rachel Elizabeth Hogan. “The Correlation between Budgets and Matriculation Exams: The Case of Jewish and Arab Schools in Israel.” Education Sciences, 12, no.554 (2022): 2.

[xx] Resh, Nura, and Nachum Blass. “Israel: Gaps in Educational Outcomes in a Changing Multi- Ethnic Society.” In The Palgrave Handbook of Race and Ethnic Inequalities in Education, edited by Peter A. J. Dworkin and A. Gary Stevens, 631–94. Palgrave Macmillan, 2019; 659.

[xxi] Ibid; 658

[xxii] Ibid; 660.

[xxiii] OECD. “Israel: A Divided Society – Results of a Review of Labour-Market and Social Policy.” OECD. OECD, 2010. https://www.oecd.org/els/44394444.pdf (Accessed 20 September 2022).

[xxiv] Black, Shlomo, Itschak Trachtengot, and Gabriel Horenczyk. “Community Post-Traumatic Growth: Israeli Ultra-Orthodox Coping with Coronavirus.” Contemporary Jewry 42, no. 1 (March 2022): 86, 90.

[xxv] OECD. “Israel: A Divided Society – Results of a Review of Labour-Market and Social Policy.” OECD. OECD, 2010. https://www.oecd.org/els/44394444.pdf (Accessed 20 September 2022).

[xxvi] Yanay, Guy, Hadas Fuchs, and Nachum Blass. “Staying in School Longer, Dropping out Less: Trends in the High School Dropout Phenomenon.” Taub Center for Social Policy Studies in Israel, 2019; 19.

[xxvii] OECD. “Education Policy Outlook: Israel.” OECD. OECD, 2016. https://www.oecd.org/israel/Education-Policy-Outlook-Country-Profile-Israel.pdf. (Accessed 19 September 2022); 16.

[xxviii] Ibid; 16.

[xxix] Yanay, Guy, Hadas Fuchs, and Nachum Blass. “Staying in School Longer, Dropping out Less: Trends in the High School Dropout Phenomenon.” Taub Center for Social Policy Studies in Israel, 2019; 9, 11-12.

[xxx] European Training Foundation. “National Qualifications Framework – Israel.” European Training Foundation. European Training Foundation, 2021. https://www.etf.europa.eu/sites/default/files/document/Israel_0.pdf. (Accessed: 28 September 2022): 4.

[xxxi] Shain, Yossi. “Régóta esedékes változás következik a Haredi iskolarendszerben – Vélemény.” The Jerusalem Post | JPost.com, 2022. július 2. https://www.jpost.com/opinion/article-711008. (Accessed: 28 September 2022).

[xxxii] Setton, Keren. “Pandemic Exposes Weaknesses of Israel’s Already Battered Education System.” The Media Line, January 6, 2022. https://themedialine.org/life-lines/pandemic-exposes-weaknesses-of-israels-already-battered-education-system/. (Accessed 28 September, 2022).

[xxxiii] Sabag, Ziba, and Shirly Cohen. “The Influence of the COVID-19 Epidemic on Teaching Methods in Higher Education Institutions in Israel”. Journal of Research in Higher Education 1 (2020):44-71.

[xxxiv] Ibid.

[xxxv] Welcome to Palestine. “Everything You Need to Know about Areas A,B and C.” Welcome To Palestine, July 21, 2017. https://www.welcometopalestine.com/article/areas-a-b-c-explained-west-bank-israel-gaza-palestine/ (Accessed: 30 September 2022).

[xxxvi] Ibid; 99.

[xxxvii] Kadman, Noga. “Acting the Landlord: Israel’s Policy in Area C, the West Bank.” Edited by Yael Stein. B’TSELEM. The Israeli Information Centre for Human Rights in the Occupied Territories, June 2013. https://www.btselem.org/publications/summaries/201306_acting_the_landlord. (Accessed: 19 September 2022); 12-13.

[xxxviii] Ibid; 5.

[xxxix] Ibid; 20, 44.

[xl] Ibid; 11.

[xli] Ibid; 22.

[xlii] Kadman, Noga. “Acting the Landlord: Israel’s Policy in Area C, the West Bank.” Edited by Yael Stein. B’TSELEM. The Israeli Information Centre for Human Rights in the Occupied Territories, June 2013. https://www.btselem.org/publications/summaries/201306_acting_the_landlord. (Accessed 19 September 2022); 55.

[xliii] OHCHR. “United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs – Occupied Palestinian Territory | Access to Education in Area c of the West Bank.” United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs – occupied Palestinian territory, July 4, 2017. https://www.ochaopt.org/content/access-education-area-c-west-bank. (Accessed 20 September 2022).

[xliv] Kadman, Noga. “Acting the Landlord: Israel’s Policy in Area C, the West Bank.” Edited by Yael Stein. B’TSELEM. The Israeli Information Centre for Human Rights in the Occupied Territories, June 2013. https://www.btselem.org/publications/summaries/201306_acting_the_landlord. (Accessed 19 September 2022); 28.

[xlv] Ibid; 55.

[xlvi] OHCHR. “United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs – Occupied Palestinian Territory | Access to Education in Area c of the West Bank.” United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs – occupied Palestinian territory, July 4, 2017. https://www.ochaopt.org/content/access-education-area-c-west-bank. (Accessed 20 September 2022).

[xlvii] Ibid.

[xlviii] Kadman, Noga. “Acting the Landlord: Israel’s Policy in Area C, the West Bank.” Edited by Yael Stein. B’TSELEM. The Israeli Information Centre for Human Rights in the Occupied Territories, June 2013. https://www.btselem.org/publications/summaries/201306_acting_the_landlord. (Accessed 19 September 2022); 55.

[xlix] European Institute of the Mediterranean. “Field Diagnosis: Girls’ Access to Education in Six ‘’Area C”” Localities in Bethlehem and al Khalil.” IEMED, October 18, 2018. https://www.iemed.org/publication/field-diagnosis-girls-access-to-education-in-six-area-c-localities-in-bethlehem-and-al-khalil/#section-main-findings-and-analysis-of-the-situation-of-girls-education-and-dropout-levels-GG9aD. (Accessed 20 September 2022).

[l] Ibid.

[li] Ibid.

[lii] Kadman, Noga. “Acting the Landlord: Israel’s Policy in Area C, the West Bank.” Edited by Yael Stein. B’TSELEM. The Israeli Information Centre for Human Rights in the Occupied Territories, June 2013. https://www.btselem.org/publications/summaries/201306_acting_the_landlord. (Accessed 19 September 2022); 52.

[liii] UNICEF. “State of Palestine: Country Report on Out-of-School Children.” UNICEF, July 2018, 3.; Kadman, Noga. “Acting the Landlord: Israel’s Policy in Area C, the West Bank.” Edited by Yael Stein. B’TSELEM. The Israeli Information Centre for Human Rights in the Occupied Territories, June 2013. https://www.btselem.org/publications/summaries/201306_acting_the_landlord. (Accessed 19 September 2022); 82.

[liv] Zaken, Danny. “Israeli-Bedouin Students Left behind over Coronavirus – Al-Monitor: The Pulse of the Middle East.” www.al-monitor.com, April 2, 2020. https://www.al-monitor.com/originals/2020/04/israel-arab-bedouin-education-ministry-coronavirus-computer.html. (Accessed 19 September 2022).

[lv] Ibid.

[lvi] Ibid.

[lvii] Kadman, Noga. “Acting the Landlord: Israel’s Policy in Area C, the West Bank.” Edited by Yael Stein. B’TSELEM. The Israeli Information Centre for Human Rights in the Occupied Territories, June 2013. https://www.btselem.org/publications/summaries/201306_acting_the_landlord. (Accessed 19 September 2022); 23.

[lviii] Ibid.

[lix] Hand in Hand. “About Us.” Hand in Hand. 2022. https://www.handinhandk12.org/. (Accessed 21 October 2022).

Cover Photo by Taylor Brandon on Unsplash 

TALIBAN’S WICKED ABOLITION OF WOMEN’S RIGHTS IN AFGHANISTAN

by Leticia Cox

Taliban means suppression of women. Taliban means degrading a woman’s qualities, place and role in society. Taliban means no education or work for women other than housework and childbearing. Taliban means deprivation of women’s fundamental human rights, living in fear and without dignity.

Most Afghans, including some Taliban, do not support excluding women and girls from the education system and are seriously concerned about the consequences for the whole nation.

After the Taliban’s announcement to ban female students from university, male university students walked out of their exam in protest against the Taliban’s decision, and several male professors resigned.

Muslim countries, such as Turkey, Saudi Arabia, Pakistan and Qatar, have voiced their sorrow at the university ban and urged the Taliban authorities to withdraw their decision.

“There is no religious or cultural justification for it,” said 26-year-old Husna Jalal, a Political Sciences graduate from Kabul.

Jalal fled Afghanistan in August last year after the Taliban took over the city of Kabul. Jalal has been working for four years in Kabul after graduating from university, but like many working Afghan women predicted the strict Sharia would be implemented soon after the Taliban took over the country.

“It’s heartbreaking to see my sisters being violated of their fundamental human rights. I saw them marching in the streets crying out for freedom and equality, and how Taliban security forces used violence to break up the group and stop them from practising their freedom of speech”, said Jalal. “People worldwide need to raise their voices for my sisters; the Taliban have taken all our hopes.”

The Taliban, known as the Talib, who sought to end warlordism in Afghanistan through stricter adherence to Sharia since 1996, took control of Afghanistan as the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan by force in 2021.

For decades, the role of Sharia has become an increasingly contested topic worldwide. The International European Court of Human Rights in Strasbourg (ECHR) ruled in several cases that Sharia is “conflicting with the fundamental principles of democracy”. Some traditional practices comprise severe human rights violations, especially on women and their freedom of education.

When the Taliban came, they abolished the Ministry of Women. Women were gradually withdrawn from television screens. Tens of thousands of women were unemployed in different branches. They were forbidden to go anywhere exceeding 72 km without a mahram. Women are being pulled out of social life. The health services offered to them are limited, their employment opportunities are limited, and their right to education has been taken away.

Taliban’s recent announcement to immediately suspend until further notice women from universities across the country is a blatant violation of their human equal rights consecrated in multiple international treaties worldwide.

“The first commandment of Islam is “read”. Islam urges both men and women to seek knowledge. While the Qur’an addresses human beings, it advises men and women to gain knowledge, find the truth, reveal and develop their own potential, and become perfect human beings,” said PhD holder from Islamic Theology, Dr Ali Unsal in a recent interview for Broken Chalk.

Dr Ali Unsal is an experienced writer, researcher, teacher, and preacher with a strong background in Islamic Theology and Islamic Jurisprudence. Dr Unsal earned his PhD in Islamic Theology and Master and Bachelor of Divinity from top divinity schools in Turkey. He has lived in the US for several years, where he enhanced his academic and professional studies and experience by engaging with both Muslim and non-Muslim Americans via seminars, workshops, counselling, local community services and academic writing. He headed the Institute of Islamic and Turkish Studies (IITS) in Fairfax, VA.

Dr Unsal organizes panels, seminars and discussions with academicians from different countries, and he is fluent in English, Turkish, Arabic, Bahasa Indonesia and Tatar.

According to Dr unsal, Hz. Muhammad encouraged the education and upbringing of girls, who were especially despised and undervalued throughout history. “For example, in one of his Hadiths, “Whoever raises and disciplines two girls until they reach adulthood, we will be together with that person on the Day of Judgment,” explains Dr Unsal.

“When women came to him and said that he constantly taught men in the mosque and conveyed the message of Allah, but that women were deprived of this, he gave them a special time and gave them a kind of education.

Hz. Aisha, the wife of Muhammad, became one of the most prominent scholars of her society with what she learned from her. Everyone would come and learn from him what he was missing. In the history of Islam, women occupied a significant place in scientific and cultural life. Continuing education in an unofficial structure in the Islamic world and being attached to the teacher rather than to the school made it easier for women to receive education from scholars in their close circles. Among the masters of Tâceddin es-Subki, one of the great Islamic scholars, who listened and learned hadiths, 19 women are mentioned. Suyûtî learned hadith from 33, İbn-i Hacer 53 and İbn-i Asâkir 80 women,” said Dr Unsal.

On August 24th last year, the foreign ministers of the G-7 group of states – an intergovernmental political forum- urged the Taliban to retract the bans on women’s education, warning that “gender persecution may amount to a crime against humanity that will be prosecuted.”

Several media sources reported Taliban forces outside Kabul universities since the ban, stopping women from entering the buildings while allowing men to go in and finish their work.

The Minister of Higher Education, Nida Mohammad Nadim, a former provincial governor, police chief and military commander stands firmly against women’s education, saying it is against Islamic and Afghan values.

“In my opinion, it has nothing to do with Islam,” said Dr Unsal. “Because it totally goes against Pashtun traditions. In that tradition, a woman should only stay at home, cook her food, give birth to a child, and not go out unless necessary. This has nothing to do with Islam. Because the Prophet’s wife, Hatice, was a big businesswoman. Women were present in all areas of social life. In the market, in the mosque. Hz. Ömer appointed a woman named Şifa as an inspector to supervise the bazaar.”

Minister Nadim also told the media that the ban was necessary for several reasons:  to prevent the mixing of genders in universities, that women did not comply with the dress code, that female students went to other provinces and lived without their families, and because the study of specific subjects and courses being taught violated the principles of Islam. These reasons do not seem convincing to the world’s public opinion.

Why does the Taliban restrict women’s education? Islam Doesn’t Deny Women Education, So Why Does the Taliban?

“In my opinion, there could be two reasons.,” explains Dr Unsal. “First, there is no state experience. They cannot read the dynamics of society correctly. They still have a tribal mentality. This makes them do very wrong things. They cannot embrace all segments of society.

The second is a kind of shift of perspective or a kind of ignorance. They interpret Islam in line with their own tribal culture. Unfortunately, this is both contrary to the universality of Islam and far from responding to the needs of modern times. Therefore, they act with a radical and marginal interpretation.”

Across the country, the Taliban have banned girls from school beyond the sixth grade, blocked women from their jobs and ordered them to wear a burqa or head-to-toe clothing in public. Women have also been banned from parks and gyms.

“Many young girls are traumatized when held. Some families in the news say that their daughter is constantly crying and cannot be comforted. Young people and families are worried about their future,” said Dr Unsal.

“Our sisters, our men have the same rights; they will be able to benefit from their rights … of course, within the frameworks that we have,” said Taliban spokesman Zabihullah Mujahid. Despite initial promises to a more moderate Sharia rule and to respect women’s rights, the Taliban have implemented their interpretation of Islamic law/Sharia since they took control in August 2021, and evidence continues to emerge that the Taliban are violating the rights of women.

 So how can the international community help Afghanistan females?

“EU should stop funding the Taliban’s business. Children from Taliban families should be sent back to Afghanistan to study there, not abroad, said Jalal.

“International donors should identify and exert the leverage they have on the Taliban, whether it’s through diplomatic sanctions, economic sanctions, aid, political pressure, and other means. They should use it to press for concrete commitments on women’s rights that will be meaningful to women and girls and measurable through monitoring,” said Jalal.

According to Dr Unsal, sanctions from international donors might not work. The Taliban has a holding and rugged character. The correct thing would be that Muslim societies, such as the organization of the Islamic Conference or Organisation of Islamic Cooperation or the communities of Islamic scholars do something in collaboration with human rights organizations which will yield faster results.

“The Taliban are disturbed by the world’s criticism of their decisions for their society and the demand for their mistakes to be corrected. They say, “Don’t interfere in our internal affairs”.

Some international universities or organizations may offer training opportunities and provide free lectures, courses and diplomas.

Another thing is that some countries with which the Taliban, not from the Western world, but from the Islamic world, can cooperate can help ease this tension through their scholars,” suggested Dr Unsal.

“Women in Afghanistan are tired of talking and sharing their stories with the foreign press and organizations. They feel like no one is going to help or can’t help,” said Jalal.

Education is an internationally recognized human right essential to Afghanistan’s economic growth and stability. The Taliban are obliged under International Law and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights to respect women’s rights fully. Afghanistan ratified the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) in 2003.

The Taliban inherits Afghanistan’s obligations under that Convention, including “pursuing by all appropriate means and without delay a policy of eliminating discrimination against women.

Women now need a male guardian to travel more than 48 miles or to undertake basic tasks such as entering government buildings, seeing a doctor or taking a taxi. They are banned from nearly all jobs except medical professions and, until Wednesday, teaching. Women also can no longer visit public parks.

Taliban’s ban on women and girls from education has permanently sentenced Afghan females to a darker future without opportunities.

“Half of society consists of men, and the other half is women. Therefore, girls have the same right to education as boys. There are vital roles that women can play in all areas of life. In some areas, they can do better jobs than men. This decision of the Ministry of National Education of Afghanistan is both a violation of human rights and a misfortune for Afghanistan,” said Dr Unsal.

 

*The Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) is a milestone document in the history of human rights. Drafted by representatives with different legal and cultural backgrounds from all regions of the world, the Declaration was proclaimed by the United Nations General Assembly in Paris on 10 December 1948 (General Assembly resolution 217 A) as a common standard of achievements for all peoples and all nations. It sets out, for the first time, fundamental human rights to be universally protected and it has been translated into over 500 languages. The UDHR is widely recognized as having inspired, and paved the way for, the adoption of more than seventy human rights treaties, applied today on a permanent basis at global and regional levels (all containing references to it in their preambles). 

  

 References;

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/War_in_Afghanistan_(2001–2021)

https://www.pbs.org/newshour/world/talibans-higher-education-minister-defends-ban-on-women-from-universities

https://www.ohchr.org/en/countries/afghanistan

https://www.pbs.org/newshour/world/afghan-women-weep-over-university-ban-as-taliban-begin-enforcement

https://www.bbc.com/news/world-south-asia-11451718

https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2022/mar/10/robbed-of-hope-afghan-girls-denied-an-education-struggle-with-depression

https://amp.cnn.com/cnn/2021/12/03/asia/afghanistan-taliban-decree-womens-rights-intl/index.html

https://edition.cnn.com/2022/12/20/asia/taliban-bans-women-university-education-intl/index.html

https://www.right-to-education.org/page/campaign

https://www.unesco.org/en/education/right-education/campaign

https://www.hrw.org/news/2021/09/02/how-international-community-can-protect-afghan-women-and-girls

 

 

Educational Challenges in Zambia

Zambia is a landlocked country located in the south central part of Africa. It has a population of about 18 million according to the world bank. Zambia has one of fastest growing economies in Africa, however, its educational sector faces several of challenges as 60% of the population living below poverty and 40% out of this living in extreme poverty.

Despite the global pandemic, Corona virus, Zambia faces the following problems in its educational sector; lack of qualified teachers, educational materials, financing and lack of adequate school infrastructures. According to Kelly (1992) poverty has stricken the education system in many of African countries, therefore most pupils and teachers are not able to find the basic needs they deserve”. This is true about Zambia, because even though with the existence of the government and organizations to help the welfare of the country, Zambia still needs more interventions to change the current situation in its educational sectors.

Lack of qualified teachers

A large number of teachers at fundamental schools in Zambia in both rural and urban areas are not completely trained or qualified. This affects the quality of the provision of the education framework. The issue is that teachers are not able to teach and cover some topics which they do not fully understand. A case which Hoppock (1966) called academic poisoning where pupils are taught wrong abilities and theories. In regards to this, there is need for teachers to be trained and treat their respective job as professions and not anything else.

Educational Materials

Most schools in Zambia do not have adequate educational materials like books, rulers, maps, charts and many other resources needed for the provision of education to children. According to Carmody (2004), education without resources is like education without a future. In this case, Carmody is alleging that quality and sustainable education cannot continue or be given without any formal documentation or resources to back it up. There is need for educational materials at basic level in many schools in  Zambia . There is a need to improve the procurement of books and other educational materials in order to improve the standard of the Zambian educational system in both rural and urban areas.

Financing

Money is the limiting factor for most of the activities in which we are basically found. When it comes to the educational sector, teachers require salaries and compensation. According to research, there had been a number of strikes made by educators in the teaching profession in trying to request money and complaints on salary delays. These strikes directly affect the provision of the education system in Zambia . Therefore, finances are one of the biggest factors to be paid attention to.

Lack of adequate school infrastructures

A great problem for most people in Zambia is the lack of adequate school infrastructures. Numerous children in Zambia are not able to go to school because they are discouraged by the distance they have to walk to and from their school. Due to this problem some parents fear to send their children of young age to school especially the female pupils. The government and various organizations have taken part in building schools in the country, however there is still a need for more intervention.

Conclusion

It is important that all stakeholders work with the Zambian government to make resources available. Student centered learning approach through improved teacher training courses should be provided to teachers. Lastly, governments, donors, organizations and all stakeholders need to work collaboratively to improve the educational sectors.

Written by Ntchindi Theu

References

WDI – Home. (2022). Retrieved 31 May 2022, from https://datatopics.worldbank.org/world-development-indicators/

Give, W., ®, B., Giving, M., Needs, G., Program, G., & Children, V. et al. (2022). Solving Education Problems in Zambia | Cross Catholic Outreach. Retrieved 31 May 2022, from https://crosscatholic.org/blogs/2022/01/solving-education-problems-in-zambia/

Kelly, M.J. (1999). Origin and Development of Education in Zambia , Lusaka : Image Publishers Limited.

https://pixabay.com/illustrations/zambia-flag-symbol-national-nation-4623043/ – Cover photo source

Carmody, B. (2004). Evolution of education in Zambia . Lusaka : Book world.

Hoppock, R. 1966. What is the real problem? America : educationalists Press

Education Challenges in Romania 2022

 

 

Education challenges in Romania 2022

Written by Réka Gyaraki

 

Introduction

The Romanian education system has developed greatly in the past decades, however it still faces many difficulties in providing all people with the right to access to education. According to the Human Rights Measurement Initiative, Romania is doing 65% of what it could possibly do with its national income when it comes to ensuring the right to education[1]. Romania ranks at the bottom, of all European countries. This essay explores the main educational issues in Romania, sorted into four main categories: access to education, quality of education, discrimination and violence in education and the effect of the Covid-19 pandemic on education.

 

Access to education

Marginalized social groups and minorities face difficulties in exercising their right to education in Romania. In particular, Hungarian and Roma minority children, disabled, rural and poor children, refugees and children who lack birth certificates are the ones who are the most vulnerable and are often left out of education or have less access than the rest of society.

Hungarians are the largest minority group in Romania and even though minority language education is allowed by law for Hungarian students, they often have no access to it due to the shortage of teachers. In addition, classes about Hungarian culture, history and language are in addition to the Romanian curriculum that all students must follow, resulting in higher number of lessons for minority children, bigger workload and thereby lack of equal opportunity[2].

70% of Roma people live in poverty in Romania according to the World Bank[3]. Poverty limits their access to education as Roma children were found to have lower enrolment rates, higher dropout rates and their illiteracy rate is ten times higher than other students in Romania[4].

In rural areas, 16% (ages 7-10) and 25% (ages 11-14) of children are not enrolled in primary education while these ratios are significantly lower, 9% and 6% respectively in urban areas[5]. This is mainly caused by the lack of educational institutions in rural areas and inadequate infrastructure to travel to the nearest school.

Disabled children also face difficulties in accessing education in Romania. 40% of children with disabilities are placed in segregated schools or do not participate in education at all, while only 21% of high schools are equipped with access ramps[6].

In the year between 2019-2020 Romania adopted a new legal framework to enhance the integration of refugees and migrants. However, enrolment for foreign children still remains a challenge as the procedure is regularly delayed and Romanian language education is hardly accessible because of the shortage of staff [7]. Furthermore, migrant children are often enrolled in grades below their age because of their lack of language skills, they experience psychological problems due to leaving their home country and receive no psychological counselling or support[8].

 


Roma children in school in Romania
Source: https://www.globalgiving.org/projects/break-poverty-cycle-of-roma-children-in-romania/

 

Finally, even though registration at birth is mandatory in Romania, many children still lack these official documents that prevents them from accessing public services such as education, thereby putting them in a disadvantaged position[9].

 

Quality of education

Although the general literacy rate of people over 15 years was 99% in Romania in 2021, a national literacy study in 2022 found that 42% of Romanian students in grade 1 to 8 are functional illiterate, meaning that they are able to read words and texts but have difficulties in interpreting the information[10].

Dropout rates are the highest in Romania between all EU countries with over 15% in 2021[11]. The Romanian Education Ministry developed the National Program to Reduce School Drop-out to reduce this rate by covering educational expenses. The shortcoming of this policy is that it tries to reduce dropout rates by financial tools, thereby disregarding dropouts caused by pregnancy, child marriage, disability, and other social-cultural and health reasons which cannot be tackled by merely financial tools.

Sanitary conditions are alarmingly poor in Romanian schools. Only 72% of schools had basic drinking water and hygiene services in 2021, which was the lowest in Europe[12]. In 2018, thousands of schools lacked sanitary and fire safety authorization[13]. To ensure the quality and success of education and reduce dropout rates, an undisturbed and well-equipped educational environment is essential.

 


In Romania many schools do not have drinking water and toilets
Source: https://www.unicef.org/romania/press-releases/billions-people-will-lack-access-safe-water-sanitation-and-hygiene-2030-unless

 

Romanian students scored on average 50 points below the OECD average on the 2018 PISA test in all 3 categories (reading, mathematics, science)[14]. Socio-economic status seemed to be a significant predictor of reading test scores in Romania, as the variation between the top and bottom quarters of economic, social and cultural status is one of the highest of all participating countries[15]. This illustrates the inequality in the quality of education received by different social groups.

 

In 2022 a new law was made in Romania that ruled sex education can only be taught from grade 8 and with the parents’ written consent. Grade 8 in the Romanian education system corresponds to age 14-15 while in the meantime the proportion of teenage mothers is the highest in Romania from all EU countries. In 2020, 357 children were born to mothers between the age 10 and 14 while this number is well below 120 in all other EU states[16]. Making sex education less accessible leads to and early pregnancy and motherhood which often forces young girls to drop out from school and discontinue their education.

 

Shortage of qualified teachers, low salaries and low societal appreciation of teachers is an issue in many Eastern-European countries and Romania is no exception. In the academic year 2019-2020, the annual gross starting salary of public-school teachers was around 9000 euros in Romania[17], one of the lowest in the EU. This means 750 euros per month which is not enough to cover living costs in Romania.

 

Information Technology (IT) skills and digital literacy are essential in the 21st century. In Romania only 57% of students between 15 and 19 had basic or above basic IT skills, compared to the 82% EU average[18]. This is mostly caused by schools’ lack of adequate equipment and qualified teachers to offer high-quality IT classes. Rural areas are especially lacking digital infrastructure and internet connection[19].

 

All these shortcoming of the educational system can be partly explained by the low government spending on education in Romania. In 2020 Romania’s spending on education was the second lowest in the EU with only 3.7% of the country’s GDP compared to the 5% EU average[20].

 

Discrimination and violence in education

 

Roma students experience discrimination in the Romanian education system, just as the minority is often discriminated against in the whole population. Roma children are often put in segregated classrooms despite the 2007 Ministerial Order that banned their segregation which has lacked implementation ever since. Segregated classes have often worse learning environment compared to mixed classes[21], they lack heating, water and qualified teaching staff  more often and therefore have lower academic results and higher dropout rates[22].

A study showed that 30% of female students experience some form of sexual harassment and abuse throughout their studies while this ratio is 50% for university students[23]. Sexual abuse committed by teachers often remains unreported because of the social status and power of teachers and because of the fear of adverse consequences. Sexual harassment affects children’s physical and mental well-being, increases the chance of depression and can lead to teenage pregnancy, which again, forces girls to drop out from school.

 

A study from 2022 found that 82% of students have witnessed bullying at school, illustrating the prevalence of the issue[24]. Bullying at school can take various forms such as social exclusion, physical threats and spreading rumours and can have a negative effect on victims’ mental health which in turn affects their academic progress and learning process.

 

Bullying at school

Source: https://www.romania-insider.com/comment-anti-bullying-law-romania-us-2018

 

Effects of Covid-19 on education

 

In 2020 the Covid-19 pandemic hit the world and schools around the globe closed and switched to online education to halt the spread of the virus. Online education deepened the gap between urban and rural areas as rural students had significantly less access to internet and digital equipment necessary to participate in classes. In 2021, 87% of urban households had access to internet, while only 73% in rural areas[25]. The Ministry of Education and Research estimated that over 250.000 children had no access to online education during the pandemic because of lack of electricity, equipment or internet[26]. These disadvantaged students from poor areas fell behind with the course materials and without immediate measures, their dropout rates will increase.

 

Another barrier of online education is the lack of IT skills. 50% of students who did not attend online classes reported that the reason for this was that the teacher did not give classes online[27]. This is mostly caused by teachers’ lack of knowledge on how to teach online and the teachers’ lack of access to internet, equipment, and online educational tools. In addition, 13% of students reported that they did not know how to use online platforms[28]. The pandemic affected the education process of marginalized children more, creating further challenges for them to access education.

 

 

References

 

Asproiu, I. (2022). Romanian educational platform aims to reduce school dropout with online courses for students. Romania Insider. https://www.romania-insider.com/romanian-online-learning-platform-naradix

Bîzgan, O. (2020). Equal access to education for unregistered children. https://oanabizgan.com/en/equal-access-to-education-for-unregistered-children/

European Commission. (2020). Education and Training Monitor 2020 – Romania. https://op.europa.eu/webpub/eac/education-and-training-monitor-2020/countries/romania.html

European Education and Culture Executive Agency. (2021). Teachers’ and School Heads’ Salaries and Allowances in Europe – 2019/20. Publication Office of the European Union. https://op.europa.eu/en/publication-detail/-/publication/ea38b809-3dea-11ec-89db-01aa75ed71a1/language-en

European Roma Rights Centre. (2016). Written Comments of the European Roma Rights Centre, Concerning Romania. http://www.errc.org/uploads/upload_en/file/romania-crc-submission-july-2016.pdf

Eurostat. (2017). Teenage and older mothers in the EU. https://ec.europa.eu/eurostat/web/products-eurostat-news/-/DDN-20170808-1

Eurostat. (2022). Early leavers from education and training. https://ec.europa.eu/eurostat/statistics-explained/index.php?title=Early_leavers_from_education_and_training#Early_leavers_from_education_and_training_.E2.80.93_today_and_a_historical_comparison

Eurostat. (2022). Government expenditure on education. https://ec.europa.eu/eurostat/statistics-explained/index.php?title=Government_expenditure_on_education#Expenditure_on_.27education.27

Jurnalul.ro. (2016). Save the Children: Over 16% of rural children, between 7 and 10 years old, do not go to school. https://jurnalul.ro/stiri/educatie/salvati-copiii-peste-16-dintre-copiii-din-mediul-rural-intre-7-si-10-ani-nu-merg-la-scoala-725287.html

Marica, I. (2021). Statistics office: Over 80% of households in Romania have access to the internet. Romania Insider. https://www.romania-insider.com/romania-households-internet-access-2021

Mercator European Research Centre on Multilingualism and Language Learning. (2019). The Hungarian Language in Education in Romania. https://eric.ed.gov/?id=ED599938

OECD. (2022). Education GPS – Romania – Student performance (PISA 2018). https://gpseducation.oecd.org/CountryProfile?primaryCountry=ROU&treshold=10&topic=PI

Ofițeru, A. (2022). Why are Romanian students functionally illiterate? Education of bottomless forms and timeless eternity. Europa Liberă România. https://romania.europalibera.org/a/analfabestism-functional-scoli-romania/31854547.html?nocache=1&fbclid=IwAR3gI8adpB8xq0xPE4CLNYZ7u9Ux2GlljDLRHwPluJSDqN_4wSaspSECgdk

Right to education – HRMI Rights Tracker. (2022). Human Rights Measurement Initiative. https://rightstracker.org/en/metric/education?region=europe-central-asia

Romania Insider. (2018). School year starts in Romania but many schools don’t have necessary permits. https://www.romania-insider.com/romania-many-schools-dont-have-permits

Sârbu, E. A., & Oneț, R. (2020). Violence, Gender and Ethnic Discrimination in Two Romanian Cities. Identities in Globalization. Intercultural Perspectives, 134–138.

Terre des Hommes. (2021). Access to education for migrant children and youth in Romania. https://www.tdh.ro/sites/default/files/2020-09/Access%20to%20education%20for%20migrant%20children%20and%20youth%20in%20Romania.PDF

UNICEF. (2020). Rapid assessment of the situation of children and their families with a focus on the vulnerable ones in the context of the COVID-19 outbreak in Romania – round 1. https://www.unicef.org/romania/documents/rapid-assessment-situation-children-and-their-families-focus-vulnerable-ones-context

United States Department of State. (2021). Romania 2021 Human Rights Report. https://www.state.gov/wp-content/uploads/2022/03/313615_ROMANIA-2021-HUMAN-RIGHTS-REPORT.pdf

van Kline, M. (2022a). Journalistic project aims to document the sexual harassment in Romanian schools. Romania Insider. https://www.romania-insider.com/rise-project-sex-abuse-map-romania

van Kline, M. (2022b). Save the Children Romania survey shows bullying is a widespread issue in Romanian schools. Romania Insider. https://www.romania-insider.com/save-children-romania-survey-bullying-schools

WHO/UNICEF Joint Monitoring Programme. (2022). Progress on drinking water, sanitation and hygiene in schools. https://data.unicef.org/resources/jmp-wash-in-schools-2022/

World Bank. (2021). Roma Inclusion in Romania. https://www.worldbank.org/en/news/video/2021/01/26/roma-inclusion-in-romania

 

 

 

[1] Human Rights Measurement Initiative. (2022). Rights to Education

[2] Mercator European Research Centre on Multilingualism and Language Learning. (2019). The Hungarian Language in Education in Romania

[3] World Bank. (2021). Roma Inclusion in Romania

[4] Sârbu & Oneț. (2020). Violence, Gender and Ethnic Discrimination in Two Romanian Cities

[5] Jurnalul.ro. (2016). Save The Children: Over 16% of rural children, between 7 and 10 years old, do not go to school

[6] United States Department of State. (2021). Romania 2021 Human Rights Report

[7] Terre des Hommes. (2021). Access to Education for Migrant Children and Youth in Romania

[8] Ibid.

[9] Bîzgan, O. (2020). Equal Access to Education for Unregistered Children

[10] Ofițeru, A. (2022). Why Are Romanian Students Functionally Illiterate?

[11] Eurostat. (2022). Early Leavers from Education and Training

[12] WHO/UNICEF Joint Monitoring Programme. (2022). Progress on Drinking Water, Sanitation and Hygiene in Schools

[13] Romania Insider. (2018). School Year Starts in Romania But Many Schools Don’t Have Necessary Permits

[14] OECD. (2022). Education GPS – Romania – Student Performance (PISA 2018)

[15] Ibid.

[16] Eurostat. (2020). Teenage and Older Mothers in the EU

[17] European Education and Culture Executive Agency. (2021). Teachers’ and School Heads’ Salaries and Allowances in Europe – 2019/20

[18] European Commission. (2020). Education and Training Monitor 2020 – Romania

[19] Ibid.

[20] Eurostat. (2022). Government Expenditure on Education.

[21] European Roma Rights Centre. (2016). Written Comments of the European Roma Rights Centre, Concerning Romania

[22] Ibid.

[23] van Kline, M. (2022). Journalistic Project Aims To Document The Sexual Harassment in Romanian Schools

[24] van Kline, M. (2022). Save the Children Romania Survey Shows Bullying Is A Widespread Issue in Romanian Schools

[25] Marica, I. (2021). Statistics Office: Over 80% Of Households In Romania Have Access To The Internet

[26] Asproiu, I. (2022). Romanian Educational Platform Aims To Reduce School Dropout With Online Courses For Students

[27] UNICEF. (2020). Rapid Assessment Of The Situation Of Children And Their Families With A Focus On The Vulnerable Ones In The Context Of The COVID-19 Outbreak In Romania – Round 1.

[28] Ibid.

Sfide nel sistema educativo del Sudafrica

Per rispettare gli standard nazionali e internazionali in materia di diritti umani, il Sudafrica deve affrontare diversi ostacoli nella sua sfera educativa. Questo articolo presenterà alcune delle sfide educative più diffuse nel Paese.

 

Infrastrutture

Uno dei problemi principali del settore educativo oggi è rappresentato dalle strutture a disposizione degli studenti. È di fondamentale importanza che le scuole includano strutture sicure e protette per i bambini e le attrezzature necessarie agli studenti per proseguire la loro istruzione. Secondo Equal Education (EE, 2016), nel 2013 il ministro dell’Istruzione di base, Angie Montshegka, ha accettato una legge che obbliga le scuole di tutto il Paese a disporre almeno di acqua, elettricità, internet, aule sicure con un massimo di 40 studenti in classe, sicurezza e le strutture necessarie per studiare e praticare diversi sport. Sebbene l’obiettivo sia stato fissato per il 2016, oggi molte scuole hanno problemi ben più gravi di una cattiva connessione a Internet. Il Paese sta cercando di raggiungere gli obiettivi prefissati, ma la strada da percorrere è ancora lunga. Numerosi articoli evidenziano i casi di morte di studenti a causa di infrastrutture inadeguate. Inoltre, le carenze igieniche delle scuole sono un problema che influisce sulla salute degli studenti. Un esempio è dato dai servizi igienici e dalle latrine a fossa, dove gli studenti sono a rischio di problemi di salute a causa dell’igiene inadeguata. Questi ostacoli impediscono agli studenti di concentrarsi sull’istruzione e sullo sviluppo.

 

Disuguaglianza nell’istruzione

Le disuguaglianze sono ampiamente visibili nelle scuole sudafricane. Secondo Amnesty International, i bambini delle prime 200 scuole ottengono punteggi più alti in matematica rispetto ai bambini delle altre 6.600 scuole. Altre statistiche evidenziano che oltre il 75% dei bambini di nove anni non è in grado di leggere in modo significativo. In alcune province, la percentuale raggiunge il 91%. Il sistema educativo si sta ancora riprendendo dall’era dell’Apartheid, con il risultato che i bambini vengono trattati in modo diverso a causa della loro provenienza, della ricchezza o del colore della pelle. The Quality of Primary Education in South Africa, un rapporto dell’UNESCO, afferma che, in teoria, tutti i bambini hanno uguale accesso ai tre livelli di istruzione del Paese. Tuttavia, molti istituti che ospitano studenti provenienti da comunità a basso reddito non sono riusciti a migliorare la qualità dell’istruzione impartita. Il governo deve affrontare il problema della povertà e dell’istruzione.

Istruzione scadente

Inoltre, la qualità dell’istruzione scolastica è un problema prevalente in Sudafrica. Secondo una ricerca condotta da Gustafsson nel 2021, il pensionamento degli insegnanti in Sudafrica raggiungerà il picco massimo entro il 2030, il che comporterà di conseguenza la necessità di nuovi educatori formati e la ristrutturazione di classi e istituti. Attualmente, la metà delle classi ha 30 studenti per classe, ma il restante 50% può superare i 50 bambini in una classe. Per ridurre il numero, si stima che circa 100.000 nuovi insegnanti entrino nel sistema educativo, il che richiede formazione e finanziamenti su larga scala.

Un’altra sfida che il settore educativo sudafricano deve affrontare oggi è la qualità degli insegnanti. Oltre 5.000 degli attuali insegnanti non sono qualificati per la loro professione. Gli insegnanti non sono competitivi sul mercato del lavoro; hanno una scarsa comprensione dei programmi di studio e nessuna competenza pedagogica, il che porta gli studenti a diplomarsi senza le conoscenze necessarie.

 

Ciclo di analfabetismo

Infine, secondo il rapporto OCSE del 2019, il Sudafrica ha la più alta percentuale di persone di età compresa tra i 20 e i 24 anni nel settore NEET (né occupazione né istruzione). Il Sudafrica ha ottenuto un punteggio di quasi il 50% su questo criterio, il più alto tra tutti i Paesi esaminati dal rapporto dell’OCSE. Il rapporto 2021 del professor Khuluvhe parla della gravità del problema dell’analfabetismo, affermando che, nel 2019, il tasso di adulti analfabeti (di età superiore ai 20 anni) era del 12,1%, ovvero circa 4,4 milioni. Ciò equivale a una parte considerevole della popolazione che non ha raggiunto un livello di istruzione di 7° grado o superiore. L’analfabetismo comporta conseguenze di vasta portata per la popolazione, tra cui una prole non istruita e il mancato contributo alla società, danneggiando così l’economia del Paese. Il Sudafrica deve affrontare questo problema e ridurre il più possibile la percentuale di analfabetismo.

 

Bibliografia

 

1. EE. (2006, July 19). School Infrastructure. Eqaleducation.Org.Za. Retrieved February 17, 2022, from https://equaleducation.org.za/campaigns/school-infrastructure/

2. Amnesty International. (2020, February 7). South Africa: Broken and unequal education perpetuating poverty and inequality. Www.Amnesty.Org. Retrieved February 17, 2022, from https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/news/2020/02/south-africa-broken-and-unequal-education-perpetuating-poverty-and-inequality/

3. Gustafsson, M. (2021, August 26). A teacher retirement wave is about to hit South Africa: what it means for class size. The Conversation. Retrieved February 17, 2022, from https://theconversation.com/a-teacher-retirement-wave-is-about-to-hit-south-africa-what-it-means-for-class-size-164345

4. Khuluvhe, M. K. (2021, March 1). Adult illiteracy in South Africa. Www.Dhet.Gov.Za. Retrieved February 17, 2022, from https://www.dhet.gov.za/Planning%20Monitoring%20and%20Evaluation%20Coordination/Fact%20Sheet%20on%20Adult%20Illiteracy%20in%20South%20Africa%20-%20March%202021.pdf

5. Editor. (2019, December 27). Opinion: The Challenges Facing The Education System In South Africa. iAfrica. Retrieved February 17, 2022, from https://iafrica.com/opinion-the-challenges-facing-the-education-system-in-south-africa/

PRINCIPALI SFIDE DELL’ISTRUZIONE PRIMARIA E SECONDARIA IN RUSSIA

La Federazione Russa è uno Stato relativamente nuovo. È nata 30 anni fa, dopo la dissoluzione dell’Unione Sovietica. La Russia ha un background storico, sociale e culturale unico, con un mix di imperialismo, influenza sovietica e 30 anni di storia moderna. Tutti questi periodi diversi hanno avuto un impatto sul sistema educativo. Ci sono stati numerosi tentativi di riformare il sistema educativo dopo la dissoluzione dell’Unione Sovietica. Alcuni dei più significativi sono stati le innovazioni della legge federale “sull’istruzione” del 1992, tra cui la possibilità di scuole private, nuovi libri di testo e l’autonomia finanziaria delle scuole (Dashchinskaya, 1997); la firma della Dichiarazione di Bologna nel 2003, che ha segnato l’inizio di uno spazio educativo europeo unificato in alcuni istituti russi; e l’introduzione di test standardizzati nazionali, obbligatori dal 2009 (Tsyrlina-Spady, 2016).

Secondo un esperto di istruzione, i cambiamenti fondamentali sono arrivati con le riforme del 2009-2010 e l’emanazione di una nuova direttiva di legge (On Education in the Russian Federation, 2012). Le riforme cruciali hanno incluso il finanziamento delle scuole per studente, nuovi test standardizzati per i diplomati e le matricole, la priorità della vicinanza alla scuola nel processo di ammissione, la creazione e la sostenibilità di ambienti scolastici sicuri, la promozione dell’istruzione inclusiva e la graduale chiusura delle istituzioni educative specializzate.

Photo by Oleksandr P: https://www.pexels.com/photo/boy-looking-on-a-tidied-desk-2781814/ 

Cambiamenti di successo come l’investimento consistente nell’istruzione, la creazione di un sistema di valutazione nazionale e l’inclusione dei punteggi ottenuti come indicatori principali per l’ammissione all’università (fornendo pari accesso alle università a tutti gli adolescenti, comprese le famiglie a basso reddito e le persone provenienti da regioni lontane), la copertura quasi universale dell’istruzione prescolare e i finanziamenti pro capite. Questi cambiamenti hanno permesso agli studenti russi di superare i risultati del Trends in International Mathematics and Science Study (TIMSS) per il 2019, che, al momento della pubblicazione, mostravano la Russia in testa alla classifica dopo le economie dell’Asia orientale (Shmis, 2021). Tuttavia, lo scopo di questo articolo è quello di far luce su alcuni dei problemi più urgenti del settore educativo russo.

Le sfide dell’educazione inclusiva

Esistono diversi tipi di sfide che ostacolano la realizzazione dell’educazione inclusiva. In primo luogo, non c’è un numero sufficiente di specialisti che possiedono le capacità e le competenze necessarie per lavorare con bambini con bisogni speciali. Uno studio condotto nella regione federale degli Urali ha evidenziato che circa il 60% degli intervistati ha notato l’assenza di personale altamente specializzato (psicologi, pedagogisti sociali, tutor, ecc.), soprattutto nelle scuole delle piccole città e delle aree rurali (Grunt, 2019). In secondo luogo, non c’è abbastanza materiale. Sebbene oggi la maggior parte delle scuole inclusive disponga di ascensori, rampe, porte allargate, cartelli in Braille e accompagnamento sonoro, mancano materiali didattici e metodologici per l’insegnamento ai bambini con bisogni speciali (Mironova, Smolina, Novgorodtseva 2019). In terzo luogo, la burocrazia dell’istruzione è particolarmente onerosa per quanto riguarda l’educazione inclusiva. La distribuzione del potere e delle responsabilità tra insegnanti, tutor, psicologi o assistenti sociali può rappresentare un ostacolo al raggiungimento di accordi. Infine, esiste un enorme divario nella comunicazione, nella collaborazione e nella corretta interazione tra insegnanti e genitori, tra bambini con e senza bisogni sanitari speciali. I conflitti di valore diventano evidenti quando le classi sono mescolate con bambini disabili e… Purtroppo, gli attori coinvolti nelle attività educative non sono sempre disposti a comprendere i cambiamenti avvenuti negli ultimi anni.

Il declino del prestigio degli istituti tecnici e professionali

La tendenza diffusa a conseguire un diploma di istruzione superiore è indubbiamente benefica per la società; tuttavia, ogni moneta ha due facce. Nel caso della Federazione Russa, questa tendenza ha portato a una sovrasaturazione del mercato del lavoro con specialisti con un’istruzione superiore. Questo, a sua volta, ha diminuito il prestigio delle scuole professionali e tecniche e ha portato alla mancanza di specialisti tecnici o di lavoratori con una formazione professionale secondaria (Ivanova, 2016). La Russia ha uno dei più alti tassi di istruzione terziaria tra i membri dell’OCSE, come illustrato nel grafico 1 (OCSE, 2019). Nonostante il calo del prestigio degli studi professionali, i programmi professionali sono ancora relativamente più diffusi che in altri Paesi OCSE.

Risorse: OCSE. (2019). Education at a Glance 2019: Country note. OCSE.

Aumento degli investimenti a seguito delle nuove sfide del sistema educativo

Per aumentare la qualità dell’istruzione russa sono necessari nuovi investimenti. La Russia offre un’ottima infrastruttura digitale, quindi la digitalizzazione e la creazione di piattaforme educative su misura sono solo una questione di investimenti aggiuntivi e di sforzi di collaborazione. È fondamentale adattarsi alle nuove modalità di insegnamento, come i regimi ibridi e online, durante la pandemia COVID-19. L’introduzione di metodi di insegnamento e apprendimento unici consentirà di migliorare la qualità dell’istruzione russa. L’introduzione di metodi di insegnamento e apprendimento unici aumenterà la motivazione e il coinvolgimento degli studenti nel processo.

Insegnare a sviluppare le competenze della vita reale

Dopo la partecipazione degli studenti russi alla valutazione PISA delle capacità di problem solving collaborativo (2015), è stato rilevato il divario negativo più significativo tra i risultati in matematica, scienze e lettura (test fondamentali di PISA) e la capacità degli studenti di risolvere i problemi in modo collaborativo (Shmis, 2021). Poiché si tratta di una delle competenze vitali moderne, le nuove riforme dovrebbero essere adattate per introdurre nuovi aspetti del lavoro collaborativo nelle scuole e renderle un centro per ottenere nuove conoscenze e padroneggiare le competenze necessarie per il mondo moderno.

By Elizaveta Rusakova 

Bibliografia:

Sfide educative in Francia

Mentre l’istruzione francese è prima facie accessibile a tutti, poiché è gratuita dall’inizio fino all’istruzione superiore, i francesi sostengono che il sistema educativo francese conosce molti ostacoli. Ho intervistato francesi che stanno ancora frequentando il sistema educativo francese, sia pubblico che privato, e alcuni che lo hanno terminato da tempo, nella speranza di verificare la pertinenza delle affermazioni.

L’ostacolo più ricorrente che è stato menzionato è lo status degli insegnanti. Gli insegnanti sono sottopagati e sottovalutati. A loro volta, la qualità dell’insegnamento viene criticata perché è poco approfondita e unilaterale. Molte persone con un’istruzione francese hanno sentito di dover seguire perfettamente le aspettative degli insegnanti e di non avere spazio per l’individualità o l’originalità. In particolare, la salute mentale viene trascurata perché gli studenti devono lavorare per molte ore. Allo stesso modo, non c’è supporto psicologico o incoraggiamento generale, poiché il sistema francese è basato sulla competizione e il successo è considerato una responsabilità dello studente. Invece di essere incoraggiati una volta raggiunto un livello accettabile, gli studenti vengono criticati perché non sono migliori. Allo stesso tempo, non c’è comprensione per la stanchezza, la cattiva salute mentale o i disturbi mentali, perché non ci si aspetta che gli studenti chiedano aiuto e vengono respinti quando lo fanno. Un intervistato ha spiegato:

“Quando ero depresso ed esausto a causa delle lunghe ore, gli insegnanti si arrabbiavano quando mi addormentavo in classe. Mi hanno dato sette ore di punizione perché l’insegnante si è sentito insultato. Nessuno mi ascoltava quando dicevo che avevo bisogno di quelle ore per ripassare e dormire”.

In effetti, l’insegnamento non è incentrato sugli alunni. Al contrario, è costruito su un sistema gerarchico.

Uno studente dell’istruzione pubblica ha anche spiegato di non aver mai ricevuto tutoraggio o informazioni sulle opzioni future, ad esempio su quale programma scegliere per accedere a un lavoro o a opportunità all’estero. Ogni sua decisione dipendeva interamente dalla propria ricerca.

In particolare, è emersa una chiara differenza nelle risposte degli studenti provenienti da scuole pubbliche e private, in quanto i ragazzi che hanno ricevuto un’istruzione privata hanno espresso una soddisfazione complessivamente più elevata. È risaputo che questo divario offre opportunità diverse ai bambini, a seconda del loro background socio-economico. Di conseguenza, è necessaria una riforma sistemica per dare agli insegnanti della scuola pubblica maggiori possibilità di svolgere con successo il proprio lavoro. Questo esempio di rispetto per la professione da parte del governo si rifletterà probabilmente anche sul comportamento dei bambiniman and woman sitting on chairsPhoto by Kenny Eliason on Unsplash

Questo formato unilaterale si riflette nei programmi scolastici francesi, che fino al 2021 offrivano solo tre percorsi principali: Letteratura, Economia o Matematica e Scienze. Solo queste tre qualifiche, basate sulla teoria, sono state considerate valide. Per coloro che non si adattano a questa struttura programmatica, orientarsi verso un diploma più pratico e più vicino al mondo del lavoro sarà giudicato negativamente e non all’altezza. In effetti, le scuole francesi sono ai primi posti nella valutazione europea e mondiale rispetto ad altri Paesi che impartiscono ai ragazzi corsi più professionali.  In particolare, si può prevedere che questa struttura programmatica sia particolarmente impegnativa per gli individui neurodivergenti. Tuttavia, il recente cambiamento del “baccalauréat” è più vicino a una selezione “à la carte” e consente una maggiore libertà nella costruzione dei corsi; si spera di ridurre al minimo queste critiche.

In particolare, il rapporto mondiale ha identificato i diritti dei disabili nell’istruzione come la questione principale nel 2022.  In effetti, le norme francesi sull’integrazione dei bambini disabili nell’istruzione sono note per essere molto confuse e deludenti, e lasciano i genitori senza alcun sostegno. Ci sono ancora progressi da fare, perché l’integrazione di per sé non è sufficiente. Ad esempio, un intervistato ha ricordato che alcuni amici, genitori di bambini con disabilità, si rammaricano della mancanza di personale a scuola per assistere e proteggere i loro figli dal bullismo.

Inoltre, possiamo notare il recente (2021) divieto di indossare il velo musulmano per i minori nelle scuole e per i genitori che li accompagnano. Questo divieto aggiornato segue restrizioni precedenti che sono state criticate come islamofobiche.  In effetti, questo divieto pone un peso sproporzionato sulle ragazze musulmane che frequentano la scuola, rispetto agli altri bambini.

boy in gray sweater beside boy in gray and white plaid dress shirtPhoto by Adam Winger on Unsplash

Recentemente, gli insegnanti francesi hanno tenuto uno dei più grandi scioperi dell’istruzione per protestare contro la gestione da parte del governo delle misure di Covid-19 nel settore dell’istruzione. Riflettendo sul punto già citato del trattamento inaccurato degli insegnanti, questi lamentano di non essere consultati nelle decisioni del governo, di sentirsi dire di cambiare i corsi all’ultimo minuto, di dover condurre corsi ibridi senza supporto e di non essere sostituiti in caso di malattia. In ultima analisi, questa instabilità sta in gran parte compromettendo l’istruzione dei bambini.

Maya Shaw

Translation : Camilla Rosso

Sources;

  1. https://www.mma.fr/zeroblabla/nouveau-bac-2021-reforme-changements.html
  2. https://www.weforum.org/agenda/2017/09/these-are-the-ten-best-countries-for-skill-and-education/
  3. https://www.hrw.org/world-report/2022
  4. www.theiwi.org/gpr-reports/the-french-hijab-ban-and-the-freedom-of-choice
  5. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2022/jan/13/half-of-french-primary-schools-expected-to-close-teachers-strike-protest-covid-education
  6. Cover image source – https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/User:GilPe

Sfide educative nella Repubblica di Malta

Introduzione

La Repubblica di Malta è una piccola isola situata nel Mar Mediterraneo, appena sotto la Sicilia, a est della Tunisia e sopra la Libia. Storicamente è stata una porta d’accesso tra il Nord Africa e l’Europa, come spiega la sua lunga storia di conquista imperiale da parte di Fenici, Cartaginesi, Romani, Bizantini, Arabi, Normanni, Cavalieri di San Giovanni, Francesi e infine Britannici, ottenendo l’indipendenza nel 1964 e diventando una Repubblica nel 1974.  Nel 2004 è diventato membro dell’Unione Europea (UE), il che ha portato a una serie di riforme per lo sviluppo sociale in termini di istruzione, salute e status socioeconomico, al fine di soddisfare i parametri dell’UE.  A questo proposito, il raggiungimento di un’istruzione di qualità è aumentato in modo generalizzato per gli studenti e per ciò che essi sono in grado di ottenere dopo la scuola dell’obbligo.

Caratteristiche del sistema educativo maltese

La “Legge sull’istruzione”, ai sensi del capitolo 327 delle Leggi di Malta, stabilisce che l’istruzione è obbligatoria per tutti i bambini e i ragazzi di Malta di età compresa tra i cinque e i sedici anni, suddivisi in sei anni di istruzione primaria e cinque di istruzione secondaria. I genitori hanno la libertà di mandare i propri figli in scuole pubbliche, gestite dallo Stato o dalla Chiesa, che sono a tempo pieno e per lo più gratuite, oppure in scuole private che richiedono una retta annuale.  Esiste anche una forte promozione e offerta di educazione e cura della prima infanzia (ECEC) dalla nascita fino all’età di tre anni, seguita da centri per l’infanzia che aiutano a preparare i bambini a entrare facilmente nell’istruzione primaria, con un totale di 143 centri per l’infanzia registrati entro novembre 2019.

L’istruzione primaria consiste in classi miste che combinano le tre materie fondamentali: inglese, matematica, maltese, scienze, religione/etica ed educazione fisica. Include competenze trasversali come l’e-learning, lo sviluppo sostenibile, l’educazione interculturale, l’imprenditorialità, la creatività e l’innovazione.  Questo livello esiste all’interno delle “reti di college” statali che facilitano il flusso di bambini che frequentano le stesse scuole primarie e secondarie all’interno di una specifica vicinanza geografica, utilizzando particolari liste di controllo per valutare l’alfabetizzazione, la capacità di calcolo e l’alfabetizzazione elettronica tra la prima e la terza classe, insieme a continue valutazioni formative attraverso il “Benchmark di fine primaria” per le tre materie fondamentali. L’istruzione secondaria si divide in inferiore e superiore. La prima dura due anni ed è definita “scuola media” e comprende le tre materie fondamentali, oltre a geografia, storia, religione/etica, fisica, PSCD (sviluppo personale, sociale e professionale), arte, lingue straniere (ad esempio, italiano, tedesco, francese, arabo, spagnolo) e così via. La successiva istruzione secondaria superiore consiste generalmente nella frequenza di classi elettive scelte nel secondo anno di scuola media, insieme a una lingua straniera e a una scienza a scelta.  Questo livello si basa su forme continue di valutazione e su esami annuali stabiliti a livello centrale alla fine di ogni anno, che culminano negli esami nazionali Secondary Education Certificate (SEC), organizzati dalla commissione Matriculation and Secondary Education Certificate (MATSEC) dell’Università di Malta (UOM), in cui tutti gli studenti all’età di sedici anni sostengono esami incentrati sulle tre materie fondamentali e sulle materie elettive scelte per ottenere qualifiche riconosciute in tutta Malta e dal Quadro europeo delle qualifiche per l’apprendimento permanente (EQF).

(Source: ‘Malta: Organisation of the education system and of its structure’, European Commission)

L’istruzione post-secondaria garantisce agli studenti che non sono riusciti a superare gli esami SEC una seconda possibilità attraverso programmi di revisione presso la Guze Ellul Mercer (GEM) 16+ School o presso le Higher Secondary School di Malta e Gozo. Inoltre, gli studenti che hanno superato le tre materie fondamentali e altre tre materie possono scegliere di conseguire livelli di istruzione superiori in programmi biennali presso il Junior College o la Giovanni Curmi Higher Secondary, in preparazione all’istruzione terziaria presso l’UOM attraverso gli esami Advanced e Intermediate Levels; oppure possono adottare un approccio più pratico frequentando il Malta College of Arts, Science and Technology (MCAST), che offre una serie di programmi professionali, diplomi e lauree in scienze, ingegneria, contabilità e ICT, o l’Institute of Tourism Studies (ITS), incentrato sull’industria del turismo come spina dorsale primaria dell’economia maltese.

L’UOM offre una gamma diversificata di programmi di laurea, master e dottorato tradizionalmente incentrati su legge, medicina, comunicazione, psicologia e scienze umane. Recentemente si è espansa in nuovi campi digitali come la tecnologia blockchain e la cybersicurezza.  Tuttavia, altre istituzioni pubbliche e private competono con l’UOM rivolgendosi alle richieste di nicchia del mercato per l’istruzione degli adulti, come dimostrano i programmi offerti dal Centro per le arti e le scienze liberali dell’UOM e dall’Università della terza età (U3E), che offrono programmi stimolanti per rafforzare il pensiero critico e il raggiungimento delle competenze.

Questo sistema vanta una solida struttura incentrata sull’istruzione per tutti per entrare facilmente nel mercato del lavoro, assicurando l’accesso gratuito per tutta la durata della scuola e una significativa assistenza governativa, come libri di testo e trasporti gratuiti, oltre a borse di mantenimento e stipendi mensili per coloro che proseguono con livelli di istruzione superiori.  È evidente che Malta ha fatto grandi passi avanti nell’investire pesantemente nel proprio sistema educativo, avendo una spesa pubblica per l’istruzione tra le più alte, pari al 14,2%, e dedicando all’istruzione una quota del 5,3% del prodotto interno lordo (PIL), superiore alle medie dell’UE, rispettivamente del 10% e del 4,7%.  Tuttavia, nonostante questi progressi positivi, il sistema rimane pesantemente gravato dalla necessità di soddisfare i parametri di riferimento, di far fronte al rapido ritmo delle riforme e al significativo aumento della popolazione migrante.

Mancato raggiungimento dei parametri educativi

I dati del 2009 e del 2018 del Programma per la valutazione internazionale degli studenti (PISA) dell’OCSE e i risultati calcolati da Eurostat evidenziano come la percentuale di quindicenni con prestazioni insufficienti in lettura, matematica e scienze sia rimasta ben al di sopra delle medie dell’UE, attestandosi rispettivamente al 35,6%, 29,1% e 32,5%. Il livello di lettura e scrittura in inglese dei bambini di quinta elementare mostra che il 65,8% di loro è in grado di parlare inglese, a volte oltre il livello C1, ma il 32,8% dei bambini mostra una debolezza nella scrittura a livello A1.  Inoltre, i dati del 2011 del Progress in International Reading Literacy Study (PIRLS), condotto dall’International Association for the Evaluation of Educational Achievement (IEA), hanno classificato Malta al 35° posto su 45 Paesi partecipanti allo studio. I livelli di alfabetizzazione degli studenti sono paragonabili a quelli di Trinidad e Tobago, con il 25% di punteggi bassi nella lettura in inglese. Il punteggio medio della lettura in maltese è peggiore di quello della lettura in inglese, il che evidenzia una discrepanza tra le istituzioni statali e quelle ecclesiastiche e private.  Quest’ultimo problema è dovuto alla mancanza di risorse, come spiega Bonnici (2021) nel suo articolo: “Malta ha creato un ambiente in cui alcuni studenti hanno accesso a risorse migliori semplicemente perché possono permettersele”. Ciò dimostra che l’istruzione è diseguale nelle scuole pubbliche, un’opinione confermata dallo studio 2020 della Commissione europea. Lo studio suggerisce che il divario tra le scuole statali e quelle private o ecclesiastiche è pari a due anni di insegnamento.  Nonostante le riforme mirate, le classi rimangono piuttosto grandi, con politiche che limitano le dimensioni a 26 alunni per classe, ma non riescono a risolvere il problema del rapporto insegnanti-studenti, che è tra i più bassi dell’UE. Nel 2019 si è attestato a 12,8, 6,5 e 7,5 per i livelli primario, inferiore e superiore, dando un’indicazione indiretta dell’attenzione individuale per gli studenti.

Un altro problema storico di Malta è stato l’alto tasso di abbandono scolastico (ESL), definito da Eurostat come “coloro che hanno un’età compresa tra i 18 e i 24 anni, che non hanno almeno l’equivalente SEC (voti da 1 a 7) in cinque materie diverse e che non stanno seguendo un corso di istruzione o formazione”. Con un tasso del 33% nel 2005, è sceso al 16,7% entro il 2020, lasciando Malta con il secondo tasso più alto e superiore al benchmark UE del 10%.  Il tasso di occupazione di coloro che hanno raggiunto bassi livelli di istruzione è del 71,7%: il più alto dell’UE, il che spiega perché l’abbandono scolastico è un problema persistente. Il dato mostra che, anche con poche qualifiche, le persone hanno trovato lavoro nell’industria del turismo, che, oltre a essere scarsamente retribuita, ostacola il successo delle politiche volte a ridurre i costi-benefici dell’iscrizione a livelli di istruzione più elevati, come suggerito da alcuni ricercatori, mettendo questa coorte a rischio di esclusione sociale e disoccupazione in futuro, man mano che si svilupperanno nuove industrie. Potrebbe anche trattarsi di un problema generazionale. Un terzo della forza lavoro totale ha un livello di istruzione secondaria, mentre il 50% rimane senza qualifiche SEC. Nel 2000, il 7,4% delle persone di età compresa tra i 30 e i 34 anni ha conseguito una qualifica terziaria, che salirà al 39,7% entro il 2020. Quest’ultimo dato corrisponde a un benchmark raggiunto con successo, che include un divario di genere del 46,5% di donne che hanno conseguito l’istruzione terziaria rispetto al 34,1% degli uomini.

L’elevato numero di bocciature degli studenti nelle materie fondamentali del MATSEC a livello secondario e post-secondario indica il mancato raggiungimento dei parametri di riferimento da parte del sistema. Nel 2021, il 17% (642 su 3706), il 18% (762 su 4162) e il 14% (575 su 4086) degli studenti non ha superato le prove di maltese, matematica e inglese, rispetto ai risultati del 2019, rispettivamente del 19%, 17% e 12%. L’ex ministro dell’Istruzione, Justyne Caruana, ha dichiarato che questo insuccesso non può essere attribuito allo scoppio della Covid-19 nel 2020.  In risposta a ciò, il governo ha annunciato una decisione dell’UOM secondo cui per accedere al Junior College non sarà più necessario che gli studenti superino tutte le materie fondamentali, una lingua straniera e una scienza; il nuovo requisito sarà il superamento di una sola materia fondamentale. Questa decisione è stata criticata dalle parti interessate, in particolare dall’Unione degli Insegnanti di Malta (MUT), che non era stata consultata. Hanno contestato la decisione come una tattica elettorale, considerando che alle elezioni parlamentari del 2022 i sedicenni potranno votare per la prima volta.  Il Governo sostiene la decisione perché può affrontare positivamente la questione degli APS, nella misura in cui i livelli di istruzione più elevati costituivano una barriera per i giovani. I requisiti per entrare nell’UOM rimangono ancora una barriera in questo senso, ma molti si chiedono se questa sia la direzione da prendere per l’istruzione.

Educatori incapaci di far fronte alla situazione

Non ci sono abbastanza insegnanti per soddisfare tutti gli studenti, soprattutto per le tre materie fondamentali; tuttavia, piuttosto che considerare l’istruzione come un cosiddetto “bastione elitario” e far ricadere lo sviluppo educativo esclusivamente sulle spalle degli educatori, un approccio migliore sarebbe quello di affrontare gli squilibri attitudinali e sistematici del modo in cui vengono trattati gli educatori a Malta. Si tratta di uno squilibrio attitudinale, nel senso che la professione è considerata tra le più basse e meno rispettate nella società maltese, il che si ripercuote sull’istruzione cruciale che gli studenti ricevono dagli educatori, un problema amplificato dal fatto che i genitori e le comunità sociali, per molto tempo e fino a poco tempo fa, non hanno voluto essere coinvolti nell’educazione dei loro figli e nel futuro del mercato del lavoro, rischiando di ampliare le disuguaglianze socio-economiche.  D’altra parte, negli ultimi tre anni il MUT, insieme ad altri, ha denunciato l’introduzione di riforme governative senza consultarli, senza fornire formazione e sviluppo professionale per le nuove riforme, né queste riforme hanno finora dimostrato di avere successo per ottenere il sostegno degli educatori, sostenendo invece che il ritmo rapido è simile a una “corsa a perdifiato” che porta alla “stanchezza da riforma”.

Pe questo motivo, gli educatori si sentono esausti per la quantità di scartoffie a cui devono dare la priorità rispetto ad altre responsabilità fondamentali, non riuscendo così ad affrontare la mancanza di disciplina e di comportamenti adeguati degli studenti nelle loro classi. Gli insegnanti chiedono invece che le riforme non siano incentrate esclusivamente sugli studenti, per evitare di dover adottare un approccio equilibrato che tenga conto anche delle esigenze degli educatori, un motivo cruciale per cui molti di loro stanno abbandonando il settore.

Lo studio condotto dalla dott.ssa Chircop nel 2020 si è concentrato sul modo in cui gli educatori costruiscono l’immagine della società maltese all’interno delle classi e ha rivelato come il rapido ritmo delle riforme socio-economiche dopo l’adesione di Malta all’UE, con l’introduzione del divorzio, dell’unione civile, del matrimonio tra persone dello stesso sesso, dei cambiamenti nelle politiche migratorie e persino della recente legalizzazione della produzione di canapa, abbia lasciato agli educatori il doppio compito di dover conciliare questi cambiamenti con i propri sistemi religiosi, culturali e morali, aumentando indirettamente le barriere alla creazione di una società più tollerante dentro e fuori le scuole.  Ciò rischia di sistematizzare questioni di razzismo e di esclusione di alcune sessualità che permangono nella società ma che sono diventate più pronunciate e visibili negli ultimi due decenni, trasformandosi in confini radicati di “noi” contro “loro” a causa del timore che l’identità maltese si distacchi dalle sue radici culturali, religiose e sociali in cambio di un’identità più moderna, europea o addirittura nordafricana e mediterranea legata alla storia di Malta e alle relazioni con varie culture.  Il fenomeno è legato a una questione trasversale più ampia che esiste a Malta dal 2002, ovvero l’aumento della popolazione straniera nel Paese.

Dalla necessità economica al razzismo

Il tema del razzismo a Malta ha una natura contraddittoria in quanto, in passato, il mercato del lavoro richiedeva un’offerta di persone altamente qualificate che non erano presenti tra la popolazione maltese ed è diventato dipendente dall’attrazione di lavoratori stranieri per colmare il gap di competenze, dipendenza che continua oggi con l’ultimo sviluppo del mercato dell’industria del gioco d’azzardo (di cui circa il 60% è costituito da dipendenti stranieri).  Gli atteggiamenti razzisti sono diventati più diffusi a causa del fatto che la popolazione straniera è cresciuta da 14.725 nel 2008 a 83.267 nel 2019, ovvero dal 4% della popolazione maltese totale al 17%. Ciò ha aggiunto pressione sui 1.322 abitanti per chilometro quadrato – significativamente più alti del Regno Unito, con 244,3 abitanti/km2, o dell’Italia, con 19,2 244,3 abitanti/km2. Ciò si è riflesso nelle scuole, in quanto un maggior numero di studenti cittadini di Paesi terzi (TNC) provenienti da Siria, Libia e Serbia si è iscritto nelle scuole del nord, del porto settentrionale e dei distretti sudorientali di Malta, come il St. Theresa College, il St. Benedict College e il St. Clare College.  Nonostante i suoi limiti, uno studio condotto da Frendo nel 2021 ha mostrato segni evidenti di esclusione e discriminazione nei confronti degli studenti migranti nell’istruzione post-secondaria, per quanto riguarda il trattamento diverso da parte dei compagni in classe a causa del colore della pelle o dell’abbigliamento, le domande razziste poste dagli educatori e l’invisibilità dovuta all’uso del maltese come lingua di insegnamento, concludendo che questi stessi marcatori culturali ed etnici possono essere presenti anche in altri livelli di istruzione.

Il razzismo è una questione critica che deve essere affrontata fornendo maggiore sviluppo professionale e formazione agli educatori in termini di metodi pedagogici e di insegnamento della lingua, nonché accogliendo le esigenze educative ed emotive di coloro che possono avere traumi dovuti al loro viaggio migratorio o a esperienze di abuso, creando un ambiente interculturale piuttosto che multiculturale di assimilazione. Inoltre, il sistema educativo maltese nel suo complesso deve aumentare l’allocazione delle risorse e concentrarsi su scuole e distretti che servono gruppi concentrati di studenti stranieri. Questo metterebbe in discussione la percezione più ampia che gli stranieri rappresentino una “minaccia” per la loro cultura, la loro lingua e le loro prospettive di lavoro.

Conclusioni

Essendo nata, cresciuta e passata attraverso il sistema educativo di Malta, mi sono imbattuta in questi problemi di prima mano e ho fatto amicizia con molti educatori attuali e futuri del settore che discutono e si confrontano pubblicamente su questi temi attuali. Il sistema stesso ha trovato il suo fondamento nel corso degli anni e ci sono prove evidenti che le generazioni passate, presenti e future hanno un accesso positivo a un’istruzione di qualità. Tuttavia, il sistema deve colmare le lacune rimanenti, poiché tutti gli attori coinvolti stanno perdendo colpi. È necessario che tutte le parti interessate si riuniscano per rivalutare i metodi di insegnamento, i contenuti, la formazione e il bacino di studenti per garantire che tutti beneficino del sistema come originariamente previsto.

Scritto da Karl Baldacchino

A cura di Olga Ruiz Pilato

Traduzione di Camilla Rosso

Sources;

[i] Fenech, C. & Seguna, A. (2020) ‘Internationalisation of Maltese Society and Education’. Malta Journal of Education, Vol. 1(1), pp. 31-32.

[ii] Ibid., p. 30; see also Chircop, L. (2020) ‘Educators’ Constructions of Maltese Society’. Malta Journal of Education, Vol. 1(1), pp. 59-60; Gauci, T. M. (2021) ‘An Analysis of Educational Attainment in Malta: Policy Note’. Central Bank of Malta, pp. 4 & 12-13; see also European Commission (2019) ‘Education and Training Monitor 2019: Malta’, pp. 5-6.

[iii] European Commission, ‘Malta: Organisation of the education system and of its structure’. Eurydice. Available online from: https://eacea.ec.europa.eu/national-policies/eurydice/content/organisation-education-system-and-its-structure-49_en#:~:text=Education%20in%20Malta%20is%20compulsory,five%20years%20of%20secondary%20education. [Accessed 29/04/2022].

[iv] Ibid.

[v] Ibid.

[vi] Ibid.

[vii] Ibid.

[viii] Ibid.

[ix] Ibid.

[x] Ibid.

[xi] Ibid.; see also Mayo, P. (2012) ‘Adult Education in Malta: Challenges and Prospects’.  Journal of Adult Continuing Education, Vol. 18(1), p. 52.

[xii] Ibid.; see also Gauci, p. 5; see also Mayo, p. 58.

[xiii] Gauci, p. 22; see also European Commission (2019), p. 7; see also Bonnici, J. (2021) ‘Malta’s Educational System is Failing While We Play Dumb’. Lovin Malta. Available online from: https://lovinmalta.com/opinion/analysis/maltas-educational-system-is-failing-while-we-play-dumb/ [Accessed on 30/04/2022].

[xiv] European Commission (2019), p. 5; see also European Agency for Special Needs and Inclusive Education, ‘Raising the Achievement of All Learners in Inclusive Education – Country Report: Malta’, p. 2.

[xv] European Agency for Special Needs and Inclusive Education, pp. 5-6.

[xvi] Bonnici; see also European Commission (2020) ‘Equity in School Education in Europe: Structures, Policies and Student Performance’, pp. 65 & 239-240.

[xvii] Gauci, pp. 22-23.

[xviii] Ibid., p. 4; see also European Agency for Special Needs and Inclusive Education, p. 6; see also Carabott, S. (2019) ‘Malta with Second Largest Number of Early School Leavers in Europe’. Times of Malta. Available online from: https://timesofmalta.com/articles/view/malta-with-second-largest-number-of-early-school-leavers-in-europe.708292#:~:text=Malta%20has%20the%20second%20largest,2018%2C%20according%20to%20European%20data. [Accessed on 30/04/2022].

[xix] Ibid., pp. 10-11 European Commission (2019), pp. 8-9; see also Bonnici.

[xx] Ibid., pp. 8-11; see also European Agency for Special Needs and Inclusive Education, p. 4; see also Carabott.

[xxi] Fenech, J. (2021) ‘MATSEC Results to be Evaluated to Find Reasons for Poor Outcome – Education Minister’. Independent. Available online from: https://www.independent.com.mt/articles/2021-08-27/local-news/MATSEC-results-to-be-evaluated-to-find-reasons-for-poor-outcome-Education-Minister-6736236248 [Accessed on 30/04/2022].

[xxii] Farrugia, C. (2022) ‘Junior College No Longer Requires Passes in All Three Core Subjects’. Times of Malta. Available online from: https://timesofmalta.com/articles/view/junior-college-no-longer-requires-passes-in-all-three-core-subjects.943710#:~:text=Students%20previously%20needed%20passes%20in%20Maltese%2C%20English%20and%20Maths&text=Students%20applying%20to%20enter%20Junior,one%20of%20three%20science%20subjects. [Accessed on 30/04/2022].

[xxiii] Times of Malta (2019) ‘The Failing Education System’. Available online from: https://timesofmalta.com/articles/view/the-failing-education-system.701290 [Accessed 30/04/2022].

[xxiv] Ibid.; see also Bonnici; see also Vella, L. (2021) ‘Teachers Call for Action on Expert’s Report on State School Educators’ Challenges’. Malta Today. Available online from: https://www.maltatoday.com.mt/news/national/111164/teachers_call_for_action_on_experts_report_on_state_school_educators_challenges#.Ym1EO9pBzIV [Accessed on 30/04/2022].

[xxv] Vella (2021); see also Vella, Matthew (2020) ‘Teachers Left Breathless by Reforms “Rat Race”, Says Union Boss’.  Malta Today. Available online from: https://www.maltatoday.com.mt/news/national/100137/teachers_left_breathless_by_reforms_rat_race#.Yme-htpBzIW [Accessed on 30/04/2022].

[xxvi] Ibid.; see also Vella (2020); see also General Workers’ Union Malta, ‘Study: “Challenges that Educators Face”’. Available online from: https://gwu.org.mt/en/study-challenges-that-educators-face/ [Accessed on 30/04/2022].

[xxvii] Chircop, L. (2020) ‘Educators’ Constructions of Maltese Society’. Malta Journal of Education, Vol. 1(1), pp. 57-66.

[xxviii] Ibid., pp. 57, 59, 60 & 67-69.

[xxix] Times of Malta (2019); see also Bonnici.

[xxx] Fenech & Seguna, pp. 29-30, 34-38 & 40-41.

[xxxi] Frendo, F. (2021) ‘Reflections on the Little Rock: Assessing Migrant Inclusion in Maltese Post-Secondary Education’. Malta Journal of Education, Vol. 2(2), pp. 143, 145 & 150-153.

[xxxii] Ibid., pp. 154-155; see also Fenech & Seguna, pp. 40-41, 43-45 & 46.

Cover photo – https://www.kindpng.com/imgv/ihJhJbo_malta-map-flag-with-coat-of-arms-clip/, Photo by Aaron Burden on Unsplash

Russlands Invasion in der Ukraine: Wer zahlt den Preis für diesen Krieg?

Mahmud Darwish sagte einmal über den Krieg:

„Der Krieg wird enden. Die Führer werden sich die Hände schütteln. Die alte Frau wird weiter auf ihren getöteten Sohn warten. Das Mädchen wird auf ihren geliebten Ehemann warten. Und diese Kinder werden auf ihren heldenhaften Vater warten. Ich weiß nicht, wer unser Heimatland verkauft hat, aber ich habe gesehen, wer den Preis dafür bezahlt hat.“ 

Im Laufe der Jahre sind viele Länder durch Krieg und Diktatur zerstört worden. Viele dieser Länder waren hinreichend zivilisiert, bevor der Krieg sie ruiniert hat; voller Kultur, Entwicklung und Zivilisation, wie Syrien, Palästina, Libyen, Afghanistan, der Irak, Somalia, Jemen und viele mehr. 

Die Gier und der Egoismus von Diktatoren und korrupten Politikern haben diesen Ländern nichts als Schaden zugefügt. Viele unschuldige Menschen haben ihr Leben verloren und viele leiden unter Armut als Folge der schlechten Regierungsführung durch tyrannische Regime. Die nationalen Infrastrukturen sind aufgrund von Kriegen zusammengebrochen, und auch die Umwelt wurde stark in Mitleidenschaft gezogen.

 

The Costs of War Project, Watson  Institut für internationale und öffentliche Angelegenheiten, Brown Universität, 2021

 

Die Ukraine hat sich nun der Reihe der Länder angeschlossen, die aufgrund der Gier der Diktatoren durch Krieg zerstört wurden. Vladimir Putin ist nicht nur in einen benachbarten souveränen Staat eingedrungen, sein Regime übt auch auf russischem Territorium eine vollständige Zensur aus. Unabhängige russische Medien und Journalisten, die sich gegen Putins Regime und darüber aussprechen, wie die Russen unter seiner Führung leiden, werden schikaniert, eingeschüchtert und rechtswidrig festgenommen. Die gleiche Behandlung widerfährt Demonstranten, die sich gegen Putin und die von seinem Regime in der Ukraine begangenen Verbrechen stellen. Ein Beispiel ist der Fakt, dass junge Russen dazu gezwungen werden, sich den Streitkräften anzuschließen, ohne darüber informiert zu sein, dass sie sich somit an der Invasion in die Ukraine beteiligen. All dies beschreibt treffend, wie ein „totalitärer Staat“ aussieht.

Wie hat sich der Krieg auf das Bildungswesen ausgewirkt?

Die Auswirkungen des Krieges sind im Bildungssektor deutlich sichtbar, da der Zugang zu Bildung aufgrund des Mangels an Bildungsmaterial eingeschränkt ist. Eine große Rolle spielen dabei Armut sowie die Propaganda, die von Diktatoren verbreitet wird, um eine Invasion oder die Verbrechen an ihren eigenen Bürgern zu rechtfertigen.

Viele Bildungseinrichtungen wie Schulen und Kindergärten wurden aufgrund des andauernden Krieges in der Ukraine zerstört und beschädigt, was die Zukunft der Kinder im Lande gefährdet und ihnen den Zugang zu Bildung verwehrt.  

UNICEF hat kürzlich einen Bericht über die Auswirkungen der russischen Invasion in der Ukraine veröffentlicht. Dem Bericht zufolge hat die Invasion dazu geführt, dass mehr als 350.000 Schulkinder keinen Zugang zu Bildung haben, da die schulische Infrastruktur beschädigt oder zerstört wurde. Zudem schränken mangelhafte Unterrichtsmethoden den Zugang zu Bildung ein, so dass es den Kindern an sicherer Unterkunft, Wasser und Bildung fehlt. 

Die Auswirkungen des Krieges auf ukrainische Flüchtlinge und internationale Studierende in der Ukraine:

Viele Ukrainer haben seit Beginn des Krieges in verschiedenen Ländern Zuflucht gesucht. Die Sorge um die Flüchtlingskinder und die Frage, wie sie in die Schulsysteme anderer Länder integriert werden können, ist groß, vor allem aufgrund von Sprachbarrieren. Die Schulen in Polen haben ukrainische Flüchtlingskinder aufgenommen, und polnische Lehrer haben diesen Schülern geholfen, die Sprachbarriere zu überwinden und sich an das polnische Bildungssystem anzupassen. Jedoch stehen die ukrainischen Flüchtlingskinder im Vereinigten Königreich vor einer großen Herausforderung, da die meisten Schulen im Vereinigten Königreich ihre Aufnahmekapazitäten überschreiten, wenn sie neue Schüler aufnehmen. Hinzu kommt, dass die unzureichende Finanzierung des Bildungssektors die Schulen unter großen Druck setzt, was dazu führt, dass Flüchtlingsschüler abgewiesen werden.

Auch internationale Studenten, die an ukrainischen Universitäten studierten und von denen viele aus Afrika, Südasien und dem Nahen Osten stammen, sind Opfer des anhaltenden Krieges. Viele von ihnen konnten ihr Studium nicht abschließen und waren gezwungen, in andere Länder zu fliehen, immer in der Hoffnung, dass sie bald in die Ukraine zurückkehren und ihr Studium beenden können.  Viele dieser ausländischen Studenten hatten große Mühe, Zuflucht zu finden oder zu fliehen. Am drastischsten ist, dass mindestens zwei Gaststudenten in den ersten Tagen des Krieges getötet wurden.   

 

Die Auswirkungen des Krieges auf die postsowjetischen Staaten und auf Russland:

Seit dem Einmarsch Russlands in die Ukraine haben die Bürger der postsowjetischen Staaten große Angst, dass Putins Kontrolle auch ihre Länder erreicht, insbesondere nachdem der aserbaidschanische Präsident Ilham Alijew ein Bündnisabkommen zwischen Russland und Aserbaidschan unterzeichnete. Das 43-Punkte-Abkommen beinhaltet eine Bildungs- und Wirtschaftsallianz, die die Kontrolle des Putin-Regimes in Aserbaidschan verstärken wird.     So wird beispielsweise die russische Sprache in den Bildungseinrichtungen obligatorisch werden, und zwar in stärkerem Maße, als dies bisher in den postsowjetischen Staaten der Fall war. 

In letzter Zeit hat das russische Bildungsministerium damit begonnen, im Online-Unterricht Propaganda zu verbreiten, um Kinder mit Ideologien zu beeinflussen, die Putins Führung verherrlichen und Russlands Einmarsch in die Ukraine rechtfertigen. In diesen Online-Lektionen wird versucht zu erklären, “warum die Befreiungsmission der Ukraine notwendig war”.  Es besteht ein hohes Risiko, dass dieser Unterricht dazu beiträgt, eine Generation heranzubilden, die zum Krieg aufruft und die Diktatur in Russland unterstützt, was eine Gefahr für die Zukunft der russischen Gesellschaft darstellt.

Gewiss wird der Tag kommen, an dem der Krieg zu Ende sein wird und die Vertriebenen in ihre Heimatländer zurückkehren werden, wo sie ihre Angehörigen zurückgelassen haben, um in anderen Ländern Zuflucht zu suchen. Die Staats- und Regierungschefs werden sich die Hände reichen, um Frieden in der Welt zu schaffen. Doch zu welchem Preis wird das geschehen, wenn schon so viel Schaden angerichtet wurde? Wie Mahmoud Darwish sagt: “Ich weiß nicht, wer unsere Heimat verkauft hat, aber ich habe gesehen, wer den Preis dafür bezahlt hat”.

 

Von Zinat Asadova

Übersetzt von/ translated by Vivien Kretz 

 

Sources;

  1. “The war will end” Poem by Mahmud Darwish
  2. Save the Children. (2022). Ukraine: Attacks on schools endangering children’s lives and futures. Retrieved from https://www.savethechildren.net/news/ukraine-attacks-schools-endangering-children-s-lives-and-futures
  3. UNICEF Europe & Central Asia Region (ECAR). (2022). Ukraine Situation Report – 24 February 2022 (p. 2). Retrieved from https://www.unicef.org/media/116031/file/Ukraine-Humanitarian-SitRep-24-February-2022.pdf
  4. Deutsche Welle (DW). (2022). Poland fights to give Ukrainian kids access to education [Video]. Retrieved from https://www.dw.com/en/poland-fights-to-give-ukrainian-kids-access-to-education/av-61185207#:~:text=About%202%20million%20Ukrainians%20have,Poland’s%20education%20system%20is%20enormous.
  5. Abrams, F. (2022). Ukraine refugees may struggle to find places in English schools, councils say. The Guardian. Retrieved from https://www.theguardian.com/education/2022/mar/05/ukraine-refugees-may-struggle-to-find-places-in-english-schools-councils-say
  6. Fallon, K. (2022). Foreign students fleeing Russia’s war on Ukraine hope to return. Aljazeera.com. Retrieved from https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2022/3/5/they-told-us-to-go-home-student-recounts-ukraine-war
  7. International education’s continuing response to the war in Ukraine. ICEF Monitor – Market intelligence for international student recruitment. (2022). Retrieved from https://monitor.icef.com/2022/03/international-educations-continuing-response-to-the-war-in-ukraine/
  8. Azərbaycan Respublikası Xarici İşlər Nazirliyi. (2022). No:056/22, Azərbaycan Respublikası Xarici İşlər Nazirliyinin Mətbuat xidməti idarəsinin məlumatı (AZ/RU). Retrieved from https://www.mfa.gov.az/az/news/no05622
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Ilham Tohti: Ein Aktivist, der der Ungerechtigkeit ins Gesicht lacht

Ilham Tohti*, ein ehemaliger uigurischer Wirtschaftsprofessor an der Pekinger Minzu-Universität, der kürzlich von der Zeitung The Guardian als „Chinas Mandela“ bezeichnet wurde, wurde am 14. Januar 2014 wegen Anstiftung zu Separatismus, ethnischem Hass und Unterstützung terroristischer Aktivitäten verhaftet. Dies kritisierte die chinesische Regierungspolitik offen. Das zweitägige Gerichtsverfahren fand am 17. und 18. September 2014 statt und führte zu seiner Verurteilung zu lebenslanger Haft führte. Seine Verurteilung war ein großer Schock für viele Beobachter, Freunde und Organisationen im In- und Ausland, die Ilham aufgrund seines herausragenden, einschüchternden und vor allem aktiven Einsatzes für die Autonomie und die sprachlichen, kulturellen und religiösen Rechte der ethnischen Minderheit der Uiguren unterstützt hatten. Die Uiguren sind eine turksprachige und in der Regel muslimische Gruppe, die hauptsächlich in der Autonomen Region Xinjiang-Uigurien (nachfolgend XUAR) lebt. Ilham wurde als „das Gewissen des uigurischen Volkes“ beschrieben.

Hintergrund

Ilhams Aktivismus begann 1994, als er damit anfing, über die von Uiguren in der XUAR erlittenen Rechtsverletzungen zu schreiben. Im Jahr 2006 verlagerte er seine Aufmerksamkeit ins Internet, als er zusammen mit anderen Wissenschaftlern die Website Uyghur Online unter uighurbiz.org gründete. Bei der Website handelte es sich um eine chinesischsprachige Plattform, die die anhaltende Spaltung zwischen der uigurischen Minderheit und den Han-Chinesen überbrücken sollte.  Die Plattform diente im Wesentlichen als ein Ort, an dem Ilham der Stimme der Uiguren im In- und Ausland Gehör verschaffen konnte. Sie befasste sich mit der Notlage der Uiguren, die sich von der allgemeinen Gesellschaft vernachlässigt und von der chinesischen Regierung in Bezug auf die sozioökonomische Entwicklung vergessen fühlten. Ilham lud die Han auf eine offene, friedliche und rationale Plattform ein, um ihre unterschiedlichen Ansichten zu diskutieren und zu erörtern, denn, wie er betonte, seien die Han nicht die Feinde der Uiguren, trotz ihrer diskriminierenden und oft gewalttätigen Haltung ihnen gegenüber. 

Auf seiner Website sprach sich Ilham für eine friedlichen und integrative Herangehensweise aus und rief nicht ein einziges Mal zur Gewalt auf oder ermutigte dazu. Er hütete sich davor, mit staatlichen Gesetzen oder grundlegenden Vereinbarungen, die in der Zivilgesellschaft existieren, in Konflikt zu geraten. Die Website zog jedoch allmählich den Zorn der chinesischen Regierung auf sich, die die Website im Juni 2008 vor den Olympischen Spielen in China zum ersten Mal stillegte. Die Regierung begründete diese Aktion damit, dass die Website Verbindungen zu so genannten uigurischen Extremisten im Ausland propagiere. Bei den großen ethnischen Unruhen in Ürümqi, der Hauptstadt der XUAR, und den Terroranschlägen am 5. Juli 2009, die durch eine aggressivere Auslegung des Islams inspiriert waren, wurden etwa 200 Menschen getötet, 18.000 festgenommen und 34 bis 37 Personen verschwanden. Daraufhin sprach Ilham offen über den Vorfall und veröffentlichte die Namen und Gesichter der Verschwundenen, was schließlich zu seinem Hausarrest und später am 14. Juli zu einer etwa fünfwöchigen Isolationshaft führte, bis er auf internationalen Druck hin freigelassen wurde. Ein weiterer entscheidender Moment fand statt, als Ilham und seine Tochter Jewher am Flughafen waren, um ein Flug mit Ziel in die USA zu besteigen, da Ilham eine Stelle als Gastwissenschaftler an der Indiana University antreten sollte. Er wurde von den Behörden angehalten, geschlagen und festgehalten und musste mit ansehen, wie Jewher allein einen Platz in dem Flieger in die USA bekam.  

Dieser Vorfall markierte den Gipfelpunkt von Ilhams Geschichte. Im Oktober 2013 verunglückte eine uigurische Familie mit ihrem Jeep auf der Jingshui-Brücke des Tiananmen Platzes, die in Brand gesetzt worden war. Die chinesische Regierung bezeichnete dies als Terroranschlag, was dazu führte, dass Ilham in den ausländischen Medien Großbritanniens, Frankreichs und der USA immer bekannter wurde. Am 2. November wurde Ilhams Auto von „politischen Aktivisten“ gerammt, als er auf dem Weg zum Flughafen war, um seine Mutter abzuholen. Die Behörden setzten Gewalt und Einschüchterung ein und drohten seiner Familie mit dem Tod, falls er nicht aufhöre, mit ausländischen Medien zu konversieren. Unter dem Druck, der auf Ilham ausgeübt wurde, damit er sich nicht mehr zu Wort meldete, begann er, gegenüber seinen Freunden seine Sorgen um seine Sicherheit zu äußern. In einer telefonischen Erklärung gegenüber Mihray Abdilim, einem Reporter des Uigurischen Dienstes von Radio Free Asia, erklärte er, dass die Überwachung durch Agenten der Staatssicherheit zugenommen habe und er das Gefühl habe, dass seine Stimme bald zum Schweigen gebracht würde. Aus dieser Sorge heraus bat er darum, dass seine letzten Worte aufgezeichnet und erst nach seiner Verhaftung veröffentlicht werden sollten. 

Verhaftung, Verstöße und ein Schauprozess

Im Januar 2014 stürmten rund 20 Polizeibeamte Ilhams Wohnung in Peking und schlugen ihn vor den Augen seiner beiden Kinder im Kleindkind Alter. Sie nahmen ihn in Gewahrsam und legten seine Website dauerhaft still. Am folgenden Tag erklärte Hong Lei, ein Sprecher des chinesischen Außenministeriums, dass er „auf kriminelle Weise festgenommen“ worden sei. Die Anklagepunkte für seine Verhaftung wurden im Februar bekanntgegeben, als das Büro für öffentliche Sicherheit seine formelle Verhaftung wegen „Separatismus“ (ein vager Begriff, auf den die Todesstrafe verhängt wird) und wegen der Anwerbung von Anhängern auf seiner Website bekanntgab. 

Seine Verhaftung löste eine Welle der Unterstützung für Ilham aus, da er sich deutlich gegen die Forderung nach Unabhängigkeit der XUAR ausgesprochen hatte und sich für den Verbleib der Region bei China aussprach. Die Website Foreign Policy veröffentlichte ihre Analyse mehrerer zwischengespeicherter Artikel Ilhams, die Teil seines Beweismaterials waren, und fand nirgends eine direkte oder indirekte Äußerung zu Separatismus oder Unabhängigkeit. Ilham wurde fünf Monate lang an einem nicht genannten Ort festgehalten, ihm wurde jeglicher Kontakt zu Familie oder Freunden verwehrt und er durfte seinen Anwalt Li Fangping erst am 26. Juni treffen. Li berichtete, dass Ilham in den ersten 20 Tagen seiner Haft dadurch entkräftet war, weil er gefesselt wurde. Des weiteren wurde ihm in den ersten zehn Tagen im März Halal-Essen verweigert. Diese Handlungen sind als Verstöße gegen das Völkerrecht zu bezeichnen und fallen höchstwahrscheinlich unter den Bereich der grausamen, unmenschlichen und erniedrigenden Behandlung oder Strafe. Viele glauben und befürchten, dass Ilham möglicherweise gefoltert worden ist. 

Ilham sah erst nach acht Monaten, die er damit verbracht hatte, in einem übereilten und unfairen Gerichtsprozess für sich zu kämpfen, seine Familie wieder. Er wurde am 23. September für schuldig befunden und zu lebenslanger Haft verurteilt, bestreitet aber alle gegen ihn erhobenen Vorwürfe.Während des Prozesses behauptete die Staatsanwaltschaft, dass Ilham in seinem Unterricht Terroristen als Helden darstelle, die „uigurische Frage“ internationalisiere und sich auf Zeugenaussagen von Schülern stütze, von denen angenommen wird, dass sie erzwungen wurden. Einige Studenten wurden nach Ilhams Verhaftung zwangsläufig einer Leibesvisitation unterzogen und inhaftiert. Einige von ihnen blieben lange Zeit verschwunden. Dies unterstreicht den Versuch der Staatsanwaltschaft, einen belastenden Fall zu konstruieren, in dem behauptet wird, Ilham sei nicht die friedliche Person, als die er sich ausgibt, sondern eine Gefahr in den Augen der chinesischen Sicherheitsbehörden. Deswegen solle er durch eine Inhaftierung zum Schweigen gebracht werden.

Hinter den Kulissen seines Kampfes

Doch worum geht es im Fall von Ilham Tohti wirklich? Spannungen zwischen Uiguren und Han gibt es seit der Gründung der Volksrepublik China (VRC), die von Zeit zu Zeit in Unruhen ausbrechen und somit eine härtere Politik gegen Uiguren auslösten, insbesondere nachdem Xi Jinping im März 2013 die Regierung übernahm und später im Dezember desselben Jahres den „großen strategischen Plan“ für die XUAR vorstellte. Im Bezug auf diesen Plan äußerte Ilham Tohti das Bedenken, dass der Druck auf die Uiguren zunehmen würde. Die chinesische Regierung bezeichnete dieses Thema als die „uigurische Frage“ oder das „Xinjiang-Problem“  und versuchte dieses durch einen Sinifizierungsprozess zu lösen, der seit vielen Jahrhunderten in der chinesischen Geschichte existiert und eher die Assimilation als die Integration fördert. Später ermutigte China die Han-Chinesen durch Richtlinien, die die Han gegenüber den Uiguren bevorzugte, dazu, in die Region einzuwandern, was zu einem Ungleichgewicht in der sozioökonomischen Entwicklung führte. Ilham wurde Opfer von Chinas Zensurtechnologien und -gesetzen, wo heute selbst ein einziger Beitrag auf der App Sina Weibo (ähnlich wie Twitter) seinen Verfasser ins Gefängnis bringen kann, wenn er die chinesische Regierung zu kritisieren scheint. Ilhams Inhaftierung beweist, dass die chinesische Regierung die Brücke zwischen den Uiguren und den Han nicht anerkennt. Als Reaktion auf den angeblichen Terroranschlag der Uiguren auf Han-Chinesen im Bahnhof von Kunming im März 2014 rief die Regierung einen “Volkskrieg gegen den Terror” aus und nahm das ganze Jahr 2014 über Wissenschaftler, Aktivisten, Journalisten, Schriftsteller und Menschenrechtsanwälte ins Visier. Der unterschwellige Widerspruch besteht darin, dass das Internet das wichtigste Instrument ist, das Menschen über geographische, soziale, kulturelle und sprachliche Grenzen hinweg miteinander verbindet und über das ein Großteil des heutigen Handels und der Kommunikation abgewickelt wird. Stattdessen blockiert die “Große Firewall” der chinesischen Regierung den Konsum ausländischer Inhalte in China. Sie nutzt das Internet als knüppelhartes Instrument zur Zensur und Kontrolle digitaler Inhalte entsprechend der erwünschten Darstellung des Images, der Interessen und der Politik Chinas, indem sie die Verbreitung von „Gerüchten“ im Internet kriminalisiert und eine Vorregistrierung für jedes Online-Konto vorschreibt, das politische Meinungen oder Äußerungen verbreitet.

 

Als Autor dieses Artikels und zusammen mit meinen Kollegen bei Broken Chalk fühle ich mich der tragischen Geschichte Ilham Tohtis und vielen anderen wie ihm sehr verbunden, da auch ich einen persönlichen Blog führe, in dem ich meine Sorgen über das aktuelle Weltgeschehen anspreche. Die Ausübung des Rechts auf freie Meinungsäußerung, wie es Ilham in seinem „Brücken-Blog“ getan hat, ist kein Verbrechen und sollte Ilham nicht zu Unrecht als Unterstützer des Terrorismus, als Drogenhändler, als Waffenverkäufer oder als amerikanischen Agenten abstempeln. Er hat wirklich versucht, Uiguren und Han dazu zu bringen, miteinander ins Gespräch zu kommen, ihre Unterschiede zu überwinden und sich als gemeinsames Volk zu vereinen. Er wählte friedliche und sachkundige Wege, um andere über die Uiguren aufzuklären, und widersetzte sich damit dem Narrativ, welches die Uiguren als Terroristen, bösartig, und bedrohend für die Sicherheit des Ethos oder die Basis der chinesischen Gesellschaft darstellt. Stattdessen wurde er zu einem politischen Märtyrer für die ethnischen Uiguren in der XUAR. Ilham erhielt zahlreiche Auszeichnungen für die Verteidigung und Ausweitung der Menschenrechte und Freiheiten  und wurde zu einem Leuchtturm, der seit 2017 und weiterhin Licht auf die prekäre Situation der Uiguren in Chinas Internierungslagern wirft, wo zahlreiche Menschenrechtsverletzungen in Form von Schlägen, Folter, Vergewaltigungen, Tötungen, Zwangsarbeit und der Sterilisierung von uigurischen Frauen begangen werden.

 

Letztendlich wird Ilham Tohti als sachkundig und mutig in Erinnerung bleiben und als eine Person, die mit Tatkraft und Entschlossenheit für die ethnischen Uiguren kämpfte und trotz der Ungerechtigkeit und Einschüchterung durch die chinesischen Behörden seinen Kopf nicht hängen ließ.

* Um mehr über Ilham Tohti zu erfahren, gibt es eine neue Publikation mit dem Titel ‘We Uyghurs Have No Say: An Imprisoned Writer Speaks’ (Verso Books)- ‘Wir Uiguren haben nichts zu sagen: Ein inhaftierter Schriftsteller spricht’. Dabei handelt es sich um eine Reihe von Essays und Artikeln, die Ilham vor seiner Inhaftierung verfasst hat. Eine Taschenbuch- und eine eBook-Version sind erhältlich unter: https://bit.ly/3wiP6Mv 

 

 

Text original: https://brokenchalk.org/ilham-tohti-an-activist-smiling-in-the-face-of-injustice/

 

Von Karl Baldacchino

Bearbeitet von Olga Ruiz Pilato 

Übersetzt von Vivien Kretz 

 

Sources:

[i] Kennedy, H. (2022) ‘We Uyghur’s Have No Say by Ilham Tohti Review – A People Ignored’. The Guardian. Available online from: https://www.theguardian.com/books/2022/mar/09/we-uyghurs-have-no-say-ilham-tohti-review-background-genocide-china [Accessed on 20/03/2022].

[ii] Makinen, J. (2014) ‘China’s Detention of Uighur Professor Ilham Tohti Worries U.S.’. Los Angeles Times. Available online from: https://www.latimes.com/world/worldnow/la-fg-wn-china-detention-professor-20140117-story.html#axzz2qljh0LfJ [Accessed on 19/03/2022]; see also Wong, E. (2014) ‘Uighur Scholar Ilham Tohti Goes in Trial in China on Separatist Charges’. The New York Times. Available online from: https://www.nytimes.com/2014/09/18/world/asia/separatism-trial-of-ilham-tohti-uighur-scholar-begins-in-china.html?_r=0 [Accessed on 19/03/2022]; see also Wertime, D. (2014) ‘An Internet Where Nobody Says Anything’. China File. Available online from: https://www.chinafile.com/reporting-opinion/media/internet-where-nobody-says-anything [Accessed on 19/03/2022]; see also Amnesty International, ‘Academicus Ilham Tohti: Levenslang Gevangengezet’. Available online from: https://www.amnesty.nl/wat-we-doen/themas/sport-en-mensenrechten/ilham-tohti [Accessed on 19/03/2022]; see also Denyer, S. & Rauhala, E. (2016) ‘To Beijing’s Dismay, Jailed Uighur Scholar Winds Human Rights Award’. The Washington Post. Available online from: https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/to-beijings-dismay-jailed-uighur-scholar-wins-human-rights-award/2016/10/11/d07dff8c-8f85-11e6-81c3-fb2fde4e7164_story.html [Accessed on 19/03/2022]; see also PEN America, ‘Ilham Tohti’. Available online from: https://pen.org/advocacy-case/ilham-tohti/ [Accessed on 19/03/2022].

[iii] Woeser, T. (2009) ‘Interview with Uyghur Scholar Ilham Tohti’. YouTube. Available online from: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=aQT0iN1nMk8 [Accessed on 19/03/2022]; see also ‘An Internet Where Nobody Says Anything’; see also Johnson, I. (2014) ‘”They Don’t Want Moderate Uighurs”’. China File. Available online from: https://www.chinafile.com/library/nyrb-china-archive/they-dont-want-moderate-uighurs [Accessed on 19/03/2022].

[iv] ‘An Internet Where Nobody Says Anything’; see also ‘To Beijing’s Dismay, Jailed Uighur Scholar Winds Human Rights Award’; see also Tom Lantos Human Rights Commission, ‘Ilham Tohti’. United States Congress. Available online from: https://humanrightscommission.house.gov/defending-freedom-project/prisoners-by-country/China/Ilham%20Tohti#:~:text=Biography%3A%20Ilham%20Tohti%20is%20a,regional%20autonomy%20laws%20in%20China. [Accessed on 19/03/2022].

[v] ) ‘Interview With Uyghur Scholar Ilham Tohti’; see also PEN America (2014) ‘Ilham Tohti: 2014 PEN/Barbara Goldsmith Freedom to Write Award Winner’. YouTube. Available online from: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=gm6YLWrnKPw [Accessed 19/03/2022].

[vi] Ibid.

[vii] ‘Ilham Tohti’. United States Congress; see also ‘An Internet Where Nobody Says Anything’.

[viii] known as 7/5 due to it being a sensitive date in China

[ix] ‘They Don’t Want Moderate Uyghurs’; see also PEN America, ‘Ilham Tohti’; see also Tohti, I. (2013) ‘The Wounds of the Uyghur People Have Not Healed’. Radio Free Asia. Available online from: https://www.rfa.org/english/commentaries/wounds-07052013134813.html [Accessed on 19/03/2022]; see also ‘To Beijing’s Dismay, Jailed Uighur Scholar Winds Human Rights Award’.

[x] PEN America, ‘Ilham Tohti’.

[xi] Ibid.; see also ‘They Don’t Want Moderate Uyghurs’; see also Tohti, I. (2013) ‘Uyghur Scholar Tohti Speaks About His Concerns Before Detention’. Radio Free Asia. Available online from: https://www.rfa.org/english/news/uyghur/interview-02072014182032.html [Accessed on 19/03/2022]; see also ‘China’s Detention of Uighur Professor Ilham Tohti Worries U.S.’.

[xii] ‘Uyghur Scholar Tohti Speaks About His Concerns Before Detention’; see also ‘They Don’t Want Moderate Uyghurs’.

[xiii] PEN America, ‘Ilham Tohti’; see also ‘China’s Detention of Uighur Professor Ilham Tohti Worries U.S.’; see also ‘Ilham Tohti’. United States Congress; see also ‘An Internet Where Nobody Says Anything’.

[xiv] ‘An Internet Where Nobody Says Anything’

[xv] Ibid.; see also ‘Uighur Scholar Ilham Tohti Goes in Trial in China on Separatist Charges’; see also Cao, Y. (2014) ‘China in 2014 Through the Eyes of a Human Rights Advocate’. China File. Available online from: https://www.chinafile.com/reporting-opinion/china-2014-through-eyes-human-rights-advocate [Accessed on 20/03/2022].

[xvi] ‘Academicus Ilham Tohti: Levenslang Gevangengezet’; see also ‘An Internet Where Nobody Says Anything’; see also ‘Uighur Scholar Ilham Tohti Goes in Trial in China on Separatist Charges’; see also ‘China in 2014 Through the Eyes of a Human Rights Advocate’.

[xvii] ‘An Internet Where Nobody Says Anything’; see also ‘China in 2014 Through the Eyes of a Human Rights Advocate’; see also ‘China’s Detention of Uighur Professor Ilham Tohti Worries U.S.’; see also ‘They Don’t Want Moderate Uyghurs’; see also ‘To Beijing’s Dismay, Jailed Uighur Scholar Winds Human Rights Award’.

[xviii] PEN America, ‘Ilham Tohti’; see also European Foundation for South Asia Studies, ‘Language, Religion, and Surveillance: A Comparative Analysis of China’s Governance Models in Tibet and Xinjiang’. Available online from: https://www.efsas.org/publications/study-papers/comparative-analysis-of-governance-models-in-tibet-and-xinjiang/ [Accessed on 20/03/2022].

[xix] Ibid.; see also ‘China in 2014 Through the Eyes of a Human Rights Advocate’; see also ‘An Internet Where Nobody Says Anything’.

[xx] ‘An Internet Where Nobody Says Anything’; see also ‘China in 2014 Through the Eyes of a Human Rights Advocate’.

[xxi] Ibid.

[xxii] Ilham Tohti is the recipient of PEN America’s 2014 PEN/Barbara Goldsmith Freedom to Write Award, the 2016 Martin Ennals Award for human rights defenders who show deep commitment and face great personal risk, Liberal International’s 2017 Prize for Freedom, was nominated in 2019 and 2020 for the Nobel Peace Prize, and awarded in 2019 Freedom Award by Freedom House, the Vaclav Havel Human Rights Prize by the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe (PACE), and the Sakharov Prize for Freedom of Thought.

[xxiii] ‘We Uyghur’s Have No Say by Ilham Tohti Review – A People Ignored’; see also ‘Academicus Ilham Tohti.

 

*copertă: https://www.omct.org/fr/ressources/declarations/ilham-tohti-2016-martin-ennals-award-laureate-for-human-rights-defender