Brunei’s Education: Tradition Meets Transformation

Written by Leyang Fu

Brunei’s Education System

Brunei Darussalam is a nation nestled on the island of Borneo in Southeast Asia, neighboring Malaysian Borneo states of Sabah and Sarawak and Indonesian Kalimantan. With one of the highest per capita incomes in Asia and nearly all Millennium Development Goals achieved, Brunei’s education system has been on a path of continuous reform and growth. It provides free education to children in primary and secondary levels and the gross enrollment in the respective level has reached 100.1 and 92.1 in 2019 according to World Bank statistics. The 97% adult literacy rate of both sexes is also a remarkable success for national education. Reflecting its Islamic heritage and monarchy, Brunei emphasizes faith and loyalty to the Sultan. Yet, British influences persist, shaping curricula and structures. Over the past three decades, the country has implemented significant educational changes, from bilingual education to emphasizing noble moral values in the curriculum and introducing a national curriculum for the 21st century.

Despite the enviable prosperity and educational standards, Brunei still faces educational challenges in different aspects, including gender bias in the teaching profession, skill-education mismatches, low tertiary enrolment, and teacher shortages.

General Strategy: Sustainable Education in Brunei

Launched in 2007, Wawasan (or Brunei Vision) 2035 represents the country’s commitment to economic diversification and the development of an educated, highly skilled populace. The first goal of this vision is to create a nation of accomplished people, emphasizing the importance of achieving a first-class education and providing equal educational opportunities for all. Approved by the Ministry of Education in 2009, the Sistem Pendidikan Negara Abad ke-21 (SPN21) has ushered in significant changes in Brunei’s education system. It sets out three important facets: education structure, curriculum and assessment, and technical education. It also includes the goal of achieving equality in educational fields and improving the inclusion of disadvantaged and at-risk learners. This system aims to modernize education in the country, aligning it with the demands of the 21st century.

Multifold Challenges Faced by Brunei

Imagine this: You’ve spent years diligently studying, striving for excellence, only to find yourself in a job market where your qualifications don’t quite fit the bill. This is the harsh reality facing many Bruneian citizens. According to the CSPS Brunei Economic Outlook 2021 publication, the incongruity between skills and qualifications has emerged as a critical issue, profoundly affecting the employability of Bruneians in the private sector. It exists among the low-skilled as well as among graduate work entrants. (Rizzo, 2015) The Sultanate grapples with the gap between the skills people acquired through education and the skills required by the job market. The statistics paint a grim picture: an unemployment rate hovering at 9.3% in 2017, with the burden falling heavily on the shoulders of the nation’s youth, where a staggering 25.3% find themselves without work. But 2022 has seen improvement with the unemployment rate dropped to 5.2%, despite slightly higher than the 4.9% of 2021.

The irony lies in the fact that Brunei boasts a relatively high rate of tertiary-educated individuals but falls short in providing the high-skilled job opportunities that these graduates aspire to. In an effort to combat high unemployment rates, Brunei initiated the i-Ready paid apprenticeship program. Registered with the JobCentre Brunei, unemployed graduates would be exposed to potential employers in public and private sectors. For a maximum period of three years, the apprentice would receive a monthly allowance of $800 (BND) from the Brunei government, while working for the companies. In other words, the government subsidizes the apprentice to gain working experiences for future career. It sounds like a sweet idea, what could go wrong? A commonly found problem is that the payment barely covers the basic needs of survival, as single person monthly estimated costs in Brunei are $1,000 (BND) without rent. With the poor salary and absent benefits, the apprentices still find themselves expected to fulfill the workload of a contracted employee. The reality that some companies are reluctant to provide a permanent spot for the apprentices only worsens the situation. A ‘hiring freeze’ is noticed since the i-Ready program rolled out, and the abusing of under-paid human resources are no longer news to Bruneians. I-Ready apprentices questioned that if they are being exploited after investing all those years and energy in obtaining tertiary degrees. Overall, it should be acknowledged that i-Ready program is far from an anecdote for addressing the current unemployment issues. More vigilant monitoring is required in place to improve the situation.

In a bigger picture, while Brunei has made strides, the road to tertiary education is still less traveled. With a tertiary enrolment rate of just 31.99 percent, Brunei falls below the global average. For comparison, the world average in 2020 based on 113 countries is 51.98 percent. But there is hope on the horizon. Recent years have witnessed a modest increase in tertiary enrolment. In addition to the low enrolment, scholars pointed out that the gender disparity in academic achievement exist, as females far outperform their male counterparts in those subjects key to admission criteria, provided the fair opportunity to tertiary education. Another persistent issue in Brunei’s education system is the shortage of teachers. Various reports have highlighted shortages in different subjects and specializations, including English, art, pre-school, and special education. The Special Education Unit struggles to accommodate the annual increase in the number of students, adding to the challenge faced by teachers. To address teacher shortages, Brunei has implemented measures such as the School Leadership Programme (SLP) and the Teacher Service Scheme to enhance the prestige of the teaching profession. However, ongoing efforts are needed to attract and retain educators, especially those in specialized fields like special education. The Ministry of Education defines inclusive education as ‘giving all children and students, including those with special needs, an opportunity to learn alongside their peers under the same teaching and learning conditions’. It is required that appropriate individualized education being rendered to those students with special needs, including but not limited to physical, mental, behavioral aspects.

A report submitted by Brunei to UNESCO in 2014 revealed a significant gender bias in the teaching profession. While there were more women school leaders and teachers in early childhood, primary, and secondary education, fewer women occupied teaching roles at higher levels, such as Technical and Vocational Education (TVE). As shown in an OECD brief about the imbalanced gender ratio in education, it is not uncommon that female teachers are under-represented at tertiary level among OECD countries. The skewed gender ratios in different level of education indicates not only the persisting gender stereotypes that women are caregivers of children, but also the difference in accessibility of professional education for men and women. Addressing this disparity is crucial for promoting gender equality in education. Regardless of educational levels, teaching professionals overall earn lower wages than other professionals in Brunei, as one article of International Labour Organization revealed this worldwide phenomenon. (ILO, 2023) In one salary guide published by Brunei government in 2023, in the similar level of career, teacher wages are comparable only with hospitality, culinary, retail and cleaning services. Despite teaching career has much room for progression, it nevertheless is eclipsed by civil works, fiance and logistics.

Conclusion

Brunei’s journey towards educational excellence is commendable, with significant achievements in literacy, enrolment rates, and curriculum reforms. However, challenges persist, ranging from gender bias in the teaching profession to skill-education mismatches, low tertiary enrolment, and teacher shortages. The implementation of inclusive education in Brunei is also a barrier to achieve equality.

To navigate these challenges successfully, Brunei must continue its commitment to the goals outlined in Brunei Vision 2035 and SPN21. By investing in relevant education, fostering creativity and entrepreneurship, and addressing teacher shortages, the nation can bridge the gap between its youth’s expectations and the employment opportunities available. With strategic planning, policy reforms, and dedication to quality education, Brunei can ensure that its citizens are not only well-educated but also equipped with the skills and knowledge needed to thrive in the rapidly changing global landscape. The future of Brunei’s education system holds the promise of even greater accomplishments, aligning with the nation’s vision for 2035 and beyond.

References
  • Hiew, Wendy & Tibok, Rose Patsy. (2019). Higher Education Institutions and Systems, Brunei Darussalam. 10.1007/978-94-017-9553-1_584-1.
  • International Labour Organization (ILO). (2023, October 5). Quality education for all? We need (more) teachers! [https://ilostat.ilo.org/quality-education-for-all-we-need-more-teachers/]
  • Manpower Planning & Employment Council (MPEC). (2023). SALARY GUIDELINE. [https://www.mpec.gov.bn/Lists/EmployeePoliciesAndGuidelines/Attachments/8/Salary%20Guideline%20-%202023%20Edition.pdf]
  • Metussin, H. (2017). Gender gap in academic achievement in Brunei tertiary education: Qualitative perspective. European Journal of Social Sciences, 9(2), 28–41.
  • Neue. (2018). I-Ready: Is It Ready? [https://whatsneue.online/2018/09/19/i-ready-is-it-ready/]
  • OECD. (2022). Why is the gender ratio of teachers imbalanced? [https://www.oecd.org/publications/why-is-the-gender-ratio-of-teachers-imbalanced-8fea2729-en.htm]
  • Rizzo, G. (2015). Unemployment Issues among University Graduates in Brunei Darussalam. CSPS Working Paper.
  • The Global Economy. (n.d.). Tertiary school enrollment. [https://www.theglobaleconomy.com/rankings/Tertiary_school_enrollment/]
  • The Scoop. (2020, March 11). Govt probes alleged exploitation of i-Ready trainees. [https://thescoop.co/2020/03/11/govt-probes-alleged-exploitation-of-i-ready-trainees/]
  • World Bank. (2022). Brunei unemployment rate. [https://www.ceicdata.com/en/indicator/brunei/unemployment-rate]

Cover Image by Amri HMS via Flickr

Educational Challenges in Qatar

Written By Anna Moneta

Qatar’s history

Qatar, once a modest Gulf state, has undergone a remarkable transformation into a global economic powerhouse, largely attributed to the discovery and exploitation of oil reserves in the mid-20th century. The revelation of oil beneath Qatar’s arid desert sands in the early 1940s marked a pivotal moment, catapulting the nation into a dominant position in the global oil and natural gas markets. This economic ascent is intricately linked to Qatar’s historical ties as a British protectorate, formally established in 1868 with interactions dating back even earlier. [1]

The British, leveraging their extensive experience in oil resource management in the Gulf, played a crucial role by providing technical expertise and guidance for oil drilling and export infrastructure. This collaborative effort laid the foundation for Qatar’s thriving oil industry, enabling the nation to capitalize on its newfound resource wealth. However, the influence of British colonialism extended beyond economic realms, permeating into Qatar’s educational system. The British presence, which included military corps and colonial workers engaged in the oil industry, prompted the emergence of an educational system designed to cater to the children of both Qatari nationals and British colonial workers. This collaborative initiative led to the establishment of the Ministry of Education in 1956, shaping the trajectory of Qatar’s educational landscape. [1]

Today, Qatar stands among the world’s wealthiest nations, largely driven by its revenue from oil and natural gas. Nevertheless, the legacy of colonization raises pertinent questions about the enduring impact on the country’s educational framework. As we explore Qatar’s historical evolution and the complexities of its educational system, it is crucial to address contemporary concerns. The World Bank, in particular, underscores issues in early childhood development (ECD) outcomes in Qatar, shedding light on deficiencies in self-regulation skills and early literacy and numeracy skills among young children. [2] These concerns, despite economic progress, pose potential long-term consequences by impeding crucial brain development, adding a new layer of complexity to the narrative of Qatar’s historical and educational journey.

Qatar’s school system

Qatar’s educational landscape is characterized by a diverse system that includes both public, government-operated schools and privately-run institutions, each offering distinct curricula and languages of instruction. The prevalence of international curricula in many private schools has sparked discussions about the enduring influence of British colonialism on the nation’s education.

Government schools in Qatar are structured into three levels: primary school, serving students between the ages of 6 and 12; preparatory school, accommodating those aged 13 to 15; and secondary school, catering to students between the ages of 16 and 18. Additionally, for younger children, there is a range of options including nurseries for those aged 0 to 3, and kindergarten or preschool for children aged 3 to 5, providing flexibility based on individual needs. It is important to note that associated costs can vary significantly, typically ranging from QAR 15,000 to QAR 40,000.

In higher education, institutions in Qatar are classified as private, national, or branch campuses. The University of Qatar, established in 1973, stands as the oldest higher education institution in the country. Offering a diverse array of programs at both undergraduate and postgraduate levels, the university encompasses faculties of engineering, social sciences, education, Islamic studies, humanities, and sciences. The presence of these higher education institutions further enriches Qatar’s educational landscape, contributing to the nation’s academic and intellectual growth.

Issues arising from Qatar’s colonial history.

Postcolonial theorists, exemplified by scholars like Hickling-Hudson (2006), provide a critical lens through which to examine the lasting impact of colonialism on education systems in former colonies. One of their central arguments revolves around the deliberate under-resourcing of education by colonial powers as a means of perpetuating control and exploitation of local populations.

The British presence in Qatar necessitated the establishment of an educational system to cater to the children of both Qatari nationals and British colonial workers. This early system laid the groundwork for Qatar’s educational landscape. Thus, when the nation embarked on its journey of economic transformation fuelled by oil wealth, its educational foundations were influenced by its colonial past. [3]

The postcolonial argument put forth posits that colonial powers intentionally kept education under-resourced in their colonies. This tactic was not merely neglect rather; it was a calculated strategy to exploit local populations. In fact, by depriving colonized peoples of adequate education, colonial powers could maintain control and perpetuate socio-economic inequalities. [3] The 2015 OECD study, which ranked Qatar in the bottom 10 of its educational index, hints at the implications of such deliberate underinvestment.

The correlation between Qatar’s colonial history and its educational challenges becomes apparent when considering the consequences of insufficient educational resources. While Qatar has made remarkable advances in various sectors, including infrastructure and healthcare, its education system has faced persistent disparities in terms of quality and access. These disparities are a reflection of the historical under-resourcing of education, an issue that postcolonial theorists emphasize.

Educational Challenges

The 2015 OECD ranking serves as a stark reminder of the enduring impact of this historical underinvestment. Qatar’s educational system, despite the nation’s substantial wealth, lagged in international assessments.

A significant development in Qatar’s education landscape has been the proliferation of private international schools, particularly in the last three decades. These schools cater primarily to Western expatriates and offer curricula in languages such as English, French, and German. While these institutions have contributed to Qatar’s educational diversity, they have also exacerbated disparities. Students attending private international schools often receive what is perceived as a higher quality education, leading to unequal opportunities in terms of academic performance and prospects. This educational divide raises questions about equity and access within the Qatari education system.

One further challenge facing Qatar’s education system is the need to strike a balance between the Arabic and English languages. Arabization and hybrid approaches have emerged as potential solutions to this linguistic dilemma. Arabization advocates argue that a strong emphasis on Arabic is crucial to preserving cultural and linguistic heritage. Conversely, advocates of the hybrid approach argue that a bilingual model, combining English and Arabic, is essential for equipping students with the skills needed for the globalized world while preserving traditional cultural values. This linguistic draw reflects the complexities of navigating a postcolonial educational path. Although, concurrently, the Qatari government has been active in its efforts to build a cohesive national identity through its governmental curriculum. This curriculum not only imparts knowledge in core subjects like mathematics, science, and the arts but also emphasizes Islamic studies, history, and the Arabic language. While these efforts aim to instil a sense of pride and national identity in Qatari students, they encounter challenges when it comes to preparing students for higher education and the workforce. The need for a curriculum that can adapt to the evolving global landscape while preserving cultural values is a complex task.

The World Bank’s Concerns

The World Bank has raised concerns regarding the state of Early Childhood Development (ECD) in Qatar, specifically highlighting deficiencies in self-regulation skills and early literacy and numeracy skills among young children. Despite the country’s economic progress, these developmental gaps pose long-term consequences by impeding crucial brain development. The World Bank recognizes the potential transformative impact of enhanced ECD, not only in academic realms but also in promoting better health outcomes and fostering economic prosperity. [2]


The World Bank proposes a comprehensive three-fold strategy to enhance Early Childhood Development (ECD) in Qatar. Firstly, it advocates for the establishment of a Qatar-based multisectoral body to coordinate and oversee the implementation of a holistic ECD strategy. This body would prioritize the formulation of robust child protection policies, creating a secure environment for young children, while also emphasizing the expansion of support for breastfeeding and parental leave. [2] Secondly, to ensure a more inclusive ECD approach, the World Bank recommends broadening the coverage of programs to encompass all children in Qatar. This expansion involves a significant increase in the scope of nutrition programs and the introduction of pre-primary education initiatives. The focus extends beyond the supply side to cultivating public demand for ECD programs and addressing existing inequalities across socioeconomic lines [2]. Lastly, the World Bank stresses the necessity of establishing a robust quality assurance system for Qatar’s ECD. This involves harmonizing standards for teachers and educational providers, ensuring a coherent curriculum spanning ages zero to six, and implementing monitoring mechanisms. A comprehensive set of key performance indicators, supported by a robust data system, is proposed to track child development outcomes and monitor progress effectively. [2]

Conclusion

In conclusion, Qatar’s educational journey reflects a profound transformation, evolving from an initially inadequate educational provision to a nuanced landscape deeply influenced by historical colonialism. Although commendable strides have been made in enhancing educational performance, the enduring legacy of colonization persists, leaving an indelible mark on the country’s educational framework. This narrative gains additional complexity with the World Bank’s highlighted concerns regarding early childhood development (ECD) outcomes, emphasizing the urgency of addressing contemporary challenges.

To effectively navigate the intricacies embedded in Qatar’s historical and educational context, a compelling solution emerges—the establishment of robust national educational institutions. These institutions should not only aspire to academic excellence but also actively integrate globally relevant subjects into the curriculum. A strategic imperative lies in prioritizing Qatar’s national educational system over international institutes, ensuring alignment with the nation’s distinctive history, cultural values, and contemporary requirements. Through this strategic emphasis, Qatar can pave the way for an education system that not only preserves its rich heritage but also equips its youth with the skills and knowledge essential for navigating the complexities of the modern globalized world. Embracing this transformative approach ensures that Qatar’s educational landscape becomes a beacon of cultural preservation and global readiness.

 


REFERENCES

[1] Zahlan, R. S. (2016). The creation of Qatar. Routledge.

[2] Nikaein Towfighian, S., & Adams, L. S. (2017). Early Childhood Development in Qatar. The World Bank.

[3] Hickling-Hudson, A. (2006). Cultural complexity, postcolonial perspectives, and educational change: Challenges for comparative educators. In J. Zajda, S. Majhanovich, & V. Rust (Eds.), Education and Social Justice (pp. 191-208). Springer Netherlands.

General Secretariat for Developing Planning. (2018). Qatar Second National Development Strategy 2018-2022. Retrieved from https://www.psa.gov.qa/en/knowledge/Documents/NDS2Final.pdf.

Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development. (2015). PISA 2015 Results in Focus. Retrieved from https://www.oecd.org/pisa/pisa-2015-results-in-focus.pdf.

 

Human rights impact of business enterprises in the occupied Palestinian territory

Written by Aurelia Bejenari, Leyang Fu and Maria Popova

This report is a Submission to the United Nations Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the Palestinian territories occupied since 1967.

Education Under Threat: An EU-funded Palestinian school at risk of destruction. Photo by EU Civil Protection and Humanitarian Aid on Flickr.

How do business enterprises affect critical aspects of life, including economic, social and cultural rights in the oPt, particularly that of Palestinians under occupation?

Business enterprises significantly impact socio-cultural rights in Palestine, namely, children’s access to education. Education in Palestine is mandatory between grades 1 and 10; hence, all children between 6 and 15 years old are supposed to be enrolled in school.1

The current unemployment rate in Palestine has a drastic impact on children’s rights to education. Parents’ job loss and the erosion of resilience capacities often result in child school dropout, especially among low-income households, affecting primarily male children and children with low academic performance. Child labour is often used as a mechanism to alleviate families’ poverty.2 In 2018, approximately 4840 children out of 372600 worked full-time in Gaza.3 Thus, the deteriorating socioeconomic situation in Palestine hurts children’s rights and access to education.

Also, businesses operating in Palestinian territory display low compliance with Corporate Social Responsibility, which refers to the moral conduct that a company must follow.4 Following Corporate Social Responsibility is essential, as businesses have a crucial impact on societal well-being, including children’s access to education. Lack of compliance can have negative consequences as companies attempt to increase their profits by violating international law (e.g., the use of child labour). Businesses have played an essential part in reinforcing Israel’s agenda of annexation, control and exploitation.5 This is visible, for example, in children’s participation in Israeli settlement farms.

Palestinian children often work in Israeli settlement farms in the occupied West Bank, constituting a significant abuse of their rights.6 Children as young as 11 years old drop out of school to work under precarious and often dangerous conditions, being exposed to pesticides, dangerous equipment, and extreme heat (40 degrees and even 50 degrees Celsius).7 Children also do not receive medical insurance, having to pay for their medical bills in case of an accident at work. These children work 8 hours daily, six or seven days a week.8 During harvesting season, children work up to 12 hours per day and are heavily pressured by their employers, who do not allow breaks. This constitutes a grave violation of international as well as Israeli and Palestinian law, which states 15 years as the minimum age of employment, and children receive less than the established Israeli minimum wage.9 Children work in the agricultural sector due to the lack of employment opportunities and the need to support their families financially.10 The dire financial situation of many Palestinian families is a consequence of Israel’s occupation, which restricts access to land, water, and other essential means for agriculture. Moreover, the lack of career opportunities in Palestine also affects children’s access to education. Children often drop out of school prematurely as they assume they will inevitably work for Israeli settlements despite their qualifications.11

You can download the full report in this link.

3A_Human_rights_impact_of_business_enterprises_in_the_occupied_Palestinian_territory


References

1 Di Maio, M. and Nistico, R. The effect of parental job loss on child school dropout: Evidence from the Occupied Palestinian Territories. Journal of Development Economics, 141, p.102375.

2 OCHA. “Child labour increasing in Gaza”, 2019. https://www.ochaopt.org/content/child-labour-increasing-gaza

3 Ibid.

4 Alhih, M., Tambi, A.M.B.A. and Abueid, A.I.S. Corporate Social Responsibility in Palestinian Public Schools. American Based Research Journal, 7(2018).

5 Farah, M. and Abdallah, M. “Security, business and human rights in the occupied Palestinian territory”. Business and Human Rights Journal, 4(2019), pp.7-31.

6 Human Rights Watch. “Ripe for Abuse: Palestinian Child Labor in Israeli Agricultural Settlements in the West Bank”, 2015. https://www.hrw.org/report/2015/04/13/ripe-abuse/palestinian-child-labor-israeli-agricultural-settlements-west-bank#:~:text=This%20report%20documents%20rights%20abuses,dangerous%20equipment%2C%20and%20extreme%20heat

7 Ibid.

8 Ibid.

9 Ibid.

10 Ibid.

11 Ibid.

International Day of Solidarity with the Palestinian People

Written by Benjamin Koponen, Caren Thomas & Zina Sabbagh

Palestine’s Educational Landscape

Amid the recent escalations in Gaza, Bisan Owda, a journalist from the area, begins most of her interviews by acknowledging her survival. Her words echo the harrowing reality. “There is no place safe in Gaza.” – wizard_bisan1, Instagram, 2023

The devastating impact on educational institutions underscores this stark truth. Over 200 schools have been ruthlessly damaged, bombed, or entirely razed in this small geographic region.i Shockingly, this accounts for almost 40% of the total number of schools in the Gaza Strip.

UNRWA (United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees) facilities and schools, which are considered a protected establishment by international law and the global community, no longer carry the assurance of safety.ii The reality became painfully evident with the bombing of Al Fakhoura UNRWA school, a widely recognized establishment in northern Gaza, on November 19th.iii At the time, over 7,000 individuals, including teachers, students, families, and the elderly, sought refuge within its walls. In an instant, this sanctuary, an educational institute that helped dreams and hopes to become a reality, was destroyed.

Photo by Luke White on Unsplash

Delving deeper into Palestinians’ challenges within the educational sphere offers a clearer picture of their struggles. Palestinian secondary education comprises three primary sectors: Private schools, public schools, and UNRWA schools specifically established for Palestinian refugees.iv These institutions adhere to the standardized Palestinian Curriculum set by the Palestinian Government. An intriguing aspect to note is the continuous scrutiny and censorship imposed by the Israeli Government on the standardized Palestinian Curriculum.v The Israeli authorities restrict detailed information about Palestinian heritage, culture, and history.vi

Additionally, the very depiction of a map outlining the borders of Palestine is consistently banned. This forces the Palestinian curriculum to be extremely flexible because continuous changes are happening to it.vii Moreover, both students and teachers face numerous obstacles in accessing schools. Throughout the West Bank, checkpoints present a significant hindrance, impeding the transit of individuals to educational institutions. Similarly, in Gaza, the frequent bombings further increase the challenges faced by students and educators in their pursuit of education viii.

Another obstacle that the secondary educational sector faces is funding. A report by the Global Coalition to Protect Education from Attack (GCPEA) mentioned that around US$3.55 million would be required to repair the damages to school facilities from the aggression that happened in May 2021.ix Due to the Israeli Military Occupation, the economy of the Palestinian Authority is severely hindered. Thus, the educational sector heavily depends on donations and aid from the international community, primarily the UN.x However, since 2016, the aid for the UNWRA schools has been radically decreasing due to changes in the political arena.xi

Gaza’s schools consist of 284 UNRWA facilities out of 561 schools due to the high population of refugees from neighbouring villages that got destroyed.xii Therefore, many of these schools lack the infrastructure, classes, and materials to function properly; however, they are still prospering and using as much material as they can to operate at their best capacity. Even when the students surpass all of these difficult challenges, when they want to pursue higher education outside of Gaza, they are denied permits from Israel, thereby confining them in Gaza.

Concerning education, there are numerous tactics employed by the Israeli Occupation that exacerbate these hardships. Even if there was an end to the destruction and war against Gaza, the trauma and PTSD faced by students, teachers, and other individuals will take generations to process, heal, and fully recover.

Photo by Austin Crick on Unsplash

Mental Health of Palestinian Children

Mental health is a delicate prism through which human beings understand themselves and the world around them. This prism is ymbolizezed by peoples’ ability to manage stress, nurture their talents, learn/work effectively, and support their community.xiii These resilience strategies are not coping mechanisms of living through trauma but allow people to move past setbacks and grow as individuals. However, traumatic incidents in childhood–such as warfare–can induce levels of stress which surpass the efficacy of healthy coping mechanisms. The continued bombing, displacement, and occupation of Gaza/West Bank has increased anxiety, depression, and PTSD amongst local Palestinian children.

Since October 7th, the IDF has killed approximately 11,320 Palestinian civilians.xiv These include 4,650 children and 3,145 women, leaving 29,200 injured and 3,600 unaccounted for (of which 1,755 children).xv Twelve years ago, Dimitry found that “conflict-related traumatic experiences correlate positively with prevalence of mental, behavioural and emotional problems”.xvi

As far back as 2011, approximately 23% to 70% of children were reported to suffer from PTSD.xvii Post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) is a prolonged mental/physiological response to extremely tense experiences. For Palestinian children, exposure to terrorist attacks, being displaced from one’s homes, violent abuse, and witnessing daily humiliation force them into survival mode.xviii

Maintaining a daily routine is integral to ensuring children’s mental health. However, the destruction of schools, homes, and regular displacement produce an unpredictable environment. It has been noted that the persisting nature of Israeli occupation eliminates civilians (especially children) a moment to heal.xix As a result, they are thrown into a constant state of traumatic stress. In 2022, 90% of children experience separation anxiety from parents, over 50% have pontificated suicide, and 59% experience reactive mutism.xx Furthermore, the Guardian has reported that children are also experiencing sleeping difficulties.xxi However, children have developed strategies for responding to these post-traumatic stress symptoms (PTSS) in different ways. These include active exposure to traumatic events and political resistance as trauma responses to political violence.

Palestinian youth–often young men and boys– have been known to hold peers who have been beaten/imprisoned with respect.xxii In this way, they transform the fear of persecution into courage. In contrast, young Palestinian women and girls are more likely to express PTSS through anxiety and depression.xxiii These characteristics align with the gendered expectations of boys/girls in the Middle East. Unsurprisingly, young men and boys who engage in these behaviours demonstrate more PTSS than their female counterparts.xxiv Active exposure to trauma is deeply interconnected to resistance as a trauma response.

Wispelwey & Jamei demonstrate that political activism, specifically the Great March of Return (GMR), can provide “a positive impact on community mental health via a sense of agency, hope”.xxv The GMR, a series of demonstrations initiated in March 2018, was meant to ymbolize Palestinians’ right to return to their homeland (enshrined by UN Resolution 194). The GMR adopted a cultural/celebratory atmosphere filled with dancing, food, and chanting. Protesters met the IDF’s militaristic response–dispensing tear gas and sniping into the crowd–with an entrenched feeling of agency to shape their political reality.xxvi

The desperate state of children’s mental health in Palestine is entangled with the reality of Israeli occupation. Anxiety is not an irrational response to warfare. Depression is not an irrational response to a lack of opportunities. These are psychological symptoms of decisions made by political leaders. In a letter published by Save The Children, 6 Palestinian children–Salma, Niveen, Zain, Samer, Khaled and Amal outlined their wishes; “The first thing we wish is that the war would end…We hope that all the destroyed buildings will be cleared away and something better and more beautiful will come in their place”.xxvii Medical care, infrastructure, and community support will be integral to healing. A ceasefire is the first step in this healing process.

Deprivation of resources for students in Palestine

At the beginning of the year 2023, the United Nations recorded at least 423 incidents impacting Palestinian children and their education. This includes the firing by Israeli forces on schools and children conducting operations and demolishing schools.xxviii The Gaza’s Ministry of Educationxxix has suspended the school year 2023-2024. Due to the indiscriminate bombing of Gaza, schools in the Strip are being used as “safe spaces” for the Palestinians. However, even the schools have been targeted by Israeli bombing.

Currently, schools run by UNRWA – the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestinian refugees – have been targeted numerous times by Israeli attacks.xxx These schools are supposed to be considered as secure zones during an armed conflict. However, what we’re witnessing in Gaza is the deliberate targeting of innocent civilians, particularly children. This targeting of those seeking refuge in schools ultimately leads to the death and injury of many civilians. It leads to the disruption of education due to the loss of resources that occurs when an armed conflict targets schools and other educational institutions.

Defense for Children International – Palestine, who are winners of the Rafto Prize, 2023, in their ‘Child in War, 2022 reportxxxi had mentioned that Palestinian children have expressed that they do not want financial assistance from the international community. Instead, the children would like to be protected from the searches that take place during checkpoints and attacks that take place at school. Furthermore, child human rights defenders from Palestine were given the chance to partake in meetings with international human rights bodies, but no heed was given to address the needs of the children. The ground reality continues to remain the same.

The Gaza Strip continues to witness armed conflict, causing colossal damage to infrastructure and other educational resources. A child is supposed to be in school for education but now goes to school with their families for potential shelter from the bombings. The number of schools damaged is at least 300 schools and 183 teachers have reportedly been killed.xxxii Additionally, the Israel blockade of water, food, medical supplies, electricity and fuel imposes grave risks on the access to resources for these children.

A gap in the child’s education that has occurred due to conflict, coupled with the absence of psychosocial support, may leave many children feeling hopelessly behind. The situation in Gaza requires the people to rebuild their schools, sanitation and other educational resources. The people need to find ways to accommodate temporary learning spaces, obtain support from the international community to rebuild their educational systems and, most importantly, find teaching staff equipped to understand the fractured environment of these young minds. Education is extremely crucial in this heart-wrenching environment as it offers the backbone and potential freedom to overcome some of the difficulties faced by these Palestinian children.

While countless international laws and mechanisms are in place, enforcing them has been an ineffective process mainly due to minimal international intervention. It is unequivocally evident that the Israel attacks on Palestine are a mockery of international humanitarian law.

We leave our readers with these questions.

When does education, a fundamental human right enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, cease to be a distant luxury for the children of Palestine?

When does a child of Palestine stop being a “child of war” and embrace a life of positive learning, growth and happiness?


References

i UNESCO. (2023). Gaza: UNESCO calls for an immediate halt to strikes against schools. UNESCO. https://www.unesco.org/en/articles/gaza-unesco-calls-immediate-halt-strikes-against-schools

ii UNRWA. (2023). THE GAZA STRIP: UNRWA SCHOOLS SHELTERING DISPLACED PEOPLE CONSTANTLY. UNRWA. https://www.unrwa.org/newsroom/official-statements/gaza-strip-unrwa-schools-sheltering-displaced-people-constantly-hit

iii Al Jazeera. (2023). Many killed in Israeli attacks on two schools in northern Gaza. Al Jazeera. https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2023/11/18/israeli-forces-strike-al-fakhoora-school-in-northern-gaza

iv Palestinian Central Bureau of Statistics. (2023). Schools Placement Around Palestine. https://www.pcbs.gov.ps/Portals/_Rainbow/Documents/Basic_Schools_ar.html

v Al Jazeera Net. (2017). Accusing the Palestinian curriculum of incitement against Israel. Al Jazeera Net. https://www.aljazeera.net/news/presstour

vi Al Jazeera Net. (2004). Israeli Efforts to Change the Palestinian Educational Curriculum جهود إسرائيلية محمومة لتغيير مناهج التعليم الفلسطينية. Al Jazeera Net. https://www.aljazeera.net/news

vii Palestinian Ministry of Education. (2023). Sectoral strategy for education. https://www.moe.pna.ps/category/content/1036

viii Palestinian Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Expatriates. (n.d.). Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Expatriates. State of Palestine Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Expatriates. http://www.mofa.pna.ps

ix Global Coalition to Protect Education from Attack. (2022). Measuring the Impact of Attacks on Education in Palestine. https://protectingeducation.org/wp- content/uploads/impact_attackeducation_palestine_2022_en.pdf

x Palestinian Ministry of Education. (2023). Sectoral strategy for education. https://www.moe.pna.ps/category/content/1036

xi BBC News. (2018, January 17). UN alarmed as US cuts aid to Palestinian refugee agency. BBC News. https://www.bbc.com/news/world-middle-east-42717333

xii Palestinian Central Bureau of Statistics. (2023). Schools Placement Around Palestine. https://www.pcbs.gov.ps/Portals/_Rainbow/Documents/Basic_Schools_ar.html

xiii World Health Organization: WHO. (2022, June 17). Mental health. https://www.who.int/news-room/fact-sheets/detail/mental-health-strengthening-our-response

xiv Anadolu staff. (2023, November). Gaza death toll soars to 11,320 amid relentless Israeli attacks, including 4,650 children. aa.com. https://www.aa.com.tr/en/middle-east/gaza-death-toll-soars-to-11-320-amid-relentless-israeli-attacks-including-4-650-children/3053701#

xv Anadolu staff. (2023, November). Gaza death toll soars to 11,320 amid relentless Israeli attacks, including 4,650 children. aa.com. https://www.aa.com.tr/en/middle-east/gaza-death-toll-soars-to-11-320-amid-relentless-israeli-attacks-including-4-650-children/3053701#

xvi Dimitry, L. D. (2011). A systematic review on the mental health of children and adolescents in areas of armed conflict in the Middle East. Child: Care, Health and Development38(2), 153–161. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1365-2214.2011.01246.x

xvii Dimitry, L. D. (2011). A systematic review on the mental health of children and adolescents in areas of armed conflict in the Middle East. Child: Care, Health and Development38(2), 153–161. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1365-2214.2011.01246.x

xviii Dimitry, L. D. (2011). A systematic review on the mental health of children and adolescents in areas of armed conflict in the Middle East. Child: Care, Health and Development38(2), 153–161. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1365-2214.2011.01246.x

xix Agbaria, N., Petzold, S., Deckert, A., Henschke, N., Veronese, G., Dambach, P., Jaenisch, T., Horstick, O., & Winkler, V. (2020). Prevalence of post-traumatic stress disorder among Palestinian children and adolescents exposed to political violence: A systematic review and meta-analysis. PLOS ONE16(8), 1–17. https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0256426

xx Sherwood, H. (2023, October 22). Children in Gaza ‘developing severe trauma’ after 16 days of bombing. The Guardianhttps://www.theguardian.com/world/2023/oct/22/children-in-gaza-developing-severe-trauma-after-16-days-of-bombing

xxi Save the Children International. (2022, June 15). After 15 years of blockade, four out of five children in Gaza say they are living with depression, grief and fearhttps://www.savethechildren.net/news/after-15-years-blockade-four-out-five-children-gaza-say-they-are-living-depression-grief-and

xxii Agbaria, N., Petzold, S., Deckert, A., Henschke, N., Veronese, G., Dambach, P., Jaenisch, T., Horstick, O., & Winkler, V. (2020). Prevalence of post-traumatic stress disorder among Palestinian children and adolescents exposed to political violence: A systematic review and meta-analysis. PLOS ONE16(8), 1–17. https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0256426

xxiii Wispelwey, B. W., & James, Y. A. J. (2020). The Great March of Return. Health and Human Rights Journal22(1), 179–186. https://www.jstor.org/stable/10.2307/26923484

xxiv Agbaria, N., Petzold, S., Deckert, A., Henschke, N., Veronese, G., Dambach, P., Jaenisch, T., Horstick, O., & Winkler, V. (2020). Prevalence of post-traumatic stress disorder among Palestinian children and adolescents exposed to political violence: A systematic review and meta-analysis. PLOS ONE16(8), 1–17. https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0256426

xxv Wispelwey, B. W., & James, Y. A. J. (2020). The Great March of Return. Health and Human Rights Journal22(1), 179–186. https://www.jstor.org/stable/10.2307/26923484

xxvi Save The Children. (2022). Trapped: The Impact of 15 years of blockade on the mental health of Gaza’s childrenhttps://resourcecentre.savethechildren.net/pdf/gaza_blockade_mental_health_palestinian_children_2022.pdf/

xxvii Save The Children. (2022). Trapped: The Impact of 15 years of blockade on the mental health of Gaza’s childrenhttps://resourcecentre.savethechildren.net/pdf/gaza_blockade_mental_health_palestinian_children_2022.pdf/

xxviii United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs. “Back to school: 1.3 million Palestinian children in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip are returning to school during a tumultuous year.” ochaopt.org August 21, 2023. http://www.ochaopt.org/content/back-school-13-million-palestinian-children-west-bank-and-gaza-strip-are-returning-school-during-tumultuous

xxix Middle East Monitor. “Amidst the bombing, school year suspended in Gaza.” middleeastmonitor.com November 6, 2023. https://www.middleeastmonitor.com/20231106-amidst-the-bombing-school-year-suspended-in-gaza/

xxx Mhawish, Mohammed R. “‘Why bomb schools?’ Gaza families have no safe space amid Israeli attacks”. aljazeera.com October 10, 2023. https://www.aljazeera.com/features/2023/10/10/why-bomb-schools-gaza-families-have-no-safe-space-amid-israeli-attacks

xxxi Defence for Children International. “Children affected by armed Conflict.” defenceforchildren.org 2022. https://defenceforchildren.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/07/Children-and-Armed-Conflict-Report.pdf

xxxii Becker, Jo. “Israel/Gaza Hostilities Take Horrific Toll on Children.” Human Rights Watch. November 22, 2023. https://www.hrw.org/news/2023/11/22/israel/gaza-hostilities-take-horrific-toll-children

Press Release: Breaking Barriers. Broken Chalk’s Call for an Immediate Ceasefire and Self-Determination on this year’s International Day of Solidarity for Palestinians

As we reflect on this historic November 29th, marking 76 years since the UN partition plan, the world must stand united in solidarity with the Palestinian people, recognising their inherent right to resist occupation and achieve self-determination. On this heartbreaking International Day of Solidarity for Palestinians, Broken Chalk not only amplifies its voice but passionately advocates for the union of the Palestinian people under one sovereign territory and for a harmonious resolution to the enduring 75-year Israeli-Palestinian conflict.On this day in 1947, the UN adopted the partition plan, carving out a vision for a Jewish state and a Palestinian state, with Jerusalem as an international zone “corpus separatum.” This historic decision laid the groundwork for a two-state solution based on the principles of equal rights and self-determination under the UN Charter in Article 1 (2).1

In the wake of recent events, Broken Chalk echoes UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres’ assertion that the October 7th attacks by Hamas “did not occur in a vacuum” and are intertwined with the 75-year struggle for self-determination and the resistance to Israeli occupation.2 Since Hamas’ recent attack on October 7th 2023, there have been over 12,000 civilians killed in the Gaza Strip, with over 5000 being children.3 “Gaza has become a graveyard for children”, speaks the UN Secretary-General Guterres.4

Broken Chalk asserts the importance of fostering political bipartisan dialogue in pursuing a lasting solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Recognising the urgency of a two-state solution, we emphasise that the path to genuine self-determination for Palestinians must begin at the grassroots level. It is imperative that civil society be granted full autonomy to shape and forge its own states, free from external impositions. As we contemplate the long-term aspirations for Palestinian self-determination, it becomes clear that a pivotal step forward is the acknowledgement that Palestinians possess the agency to construct a model for their own state independently, free from external constraints imposed by Israel or the international community.

On this day, the 29th of November, it is imperative to passionately reassert the immediate need to uphold the commitment to a two-state solution, fostering an environment where both Palestinians and Israelis thrive with unbridled autonomy and sovereignty. A reunion of Palestinians residing in both the West Bank and Gaza must transcend mere consideration; it demands recognition as an enduring solution embedded within Israel’s policy commitments and the collective conscience of the international community. The existing division among Palestinians in these two territories not only hampers the realisation of Palestinian self-determination but also perpetuates the challenges posed by unlawful settlements in the West Bank and the apparent stagnation of the Palestinian Authority (PA).

While acknowledging Israel’s legitimate right to defend itself against a terrorist organisation wholly committed to dismantling the Jewish state, Broken Chalk emphasises the utmost importance of unwavering adherence to international law, with a specific focus on maintaining proportionality in response to security threats.5 In condemning the universally deplorable attack by Hamas, it is crucial to highlight the disparity in Israel’s approach. Palestinians in Gaza are experiencing collective punishment for the actions of Hamas, raising questions about the proportionality of Israel’s response. The methods employed by the Israeli Defense Forces appear incongruent with the target objectives, as the alarming ratio of casualties reveals a stark imbalance – for every Israeli civilian lost, 10 Palestinians have paid a devastating price.6 As we navigate this complex landscape, Broken Chalk advocates for a measured and proportionate approach that respects the principles of international law while safeguarding the rights and lives of all those affected by the conflict.

The recent attacks have dealt a significant blow to the prospects of a two-state solution, with reports suggesting Palestinians in Gaza facing displacement into Sinai, Egypt, amid ongoing negotiations.7 It is crucial to shed light on the challenges Gaza faces, where limited control over its territory, borders, and economy impedes its ability to exercise full autonomy. Broken Chalk condemns the reported relocation of Palestinians to Southern Gaza and urges all parties involved to prioritise the preservation of human rights and international law.8

In alignment with Broken Chalk’s mission to make education universal, we find the cataclysmic attack on the al-Fakhoora school, operated by the UNRWA, extremely deplorable. 9 Targeting educational institutions undermines the fundamental right to education for all and hampers the prospects for a brighter future for Palestinians. As children are the future of our world, the international community must do whatever is necessary to prevent attacks on refugee camps and schools and to prevent the further loss of life of innocent men, women, and children. We call for a prospective collaboration with other NGOs to make a fundraising campaign as an emergency aid for those affected in Gaza.

As we stand together in solidarity with Palestinians on this significant day, Broken Chalk calls on the international community to renew its commitment to a just and lasting resolution that respects the rights and aspirations of both Palestinians and Israelis. We call for an immediate ceasefire and a revision of the UN partition plan in which both sides uphold the right to self-determination.

Broken Chalk announces it to the public with due respect.

Signed,

Broken Chalk


References

1 https://www.un.org/securitycouncil/content/purposes-and-principles-un-chapter-i-un-charter#rel1

2 https://www.politico.eu/article/israel-united-nations-antonio-guterres-hamas-attack-vacuum-comments/

3 https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2023/11/18/israeli-air-strikes-kill-28-palestinians-in-southern-gaza#:~:text=Since October 7, more than,to about 2.3 million people.

4 https://www.dci-palestine.org/4237_palestinian_children_killed_as_gaza_becomes_graveyard_for_children

5 https://guide-humanitarian-law.org/content/article/3/proportionality/

6 https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9jsJYHuGPms

7 https://www.timesofisrael.com/intelligence-ministry-concept-paper-proposes-transferring-gazans-to-egypts-sinai/

8 https://edition.cnn.com/2023/11/08/world/palestinians-fleeing-south-gaza-city-unbearable-situation/index.html

9 https://www.wionews.com/world/at-least-50-killed-in-israeli-airstrikes-on-al-fakhoora-school-in-gazas-jabalia-refugee-camp-660179

Current issues in Turkish prisons submitted to the UN Special Rapporteur on Torture

https://i.duvarenglish.com/2/814/458/storage/files/images/2021/05/19/hapishane-l9BQ_cover.jpg.webp

By
Carolina Silvestre, Dimitrios Chasouras, María Núñez Fontán, Olimpia Guidi, Samantha Orozco, Vahit Uzunlar

Through this report, our organisation aims to address current issues and promote good practices in prison management, focusing on Turkey. In alignment with the objectives set forth by the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR), this thematic report endeavours to shed light on the prevailing challenges and commendable practices within the Turkish prison system. The report considers the OHCHR’s delineation of eight crucial focus areas, which serves as the foundational framework for our comprehensive assessment of Turkey’s prison management practices through “Call 9.” As a critical contribution to the discourse on human rights and prison conditions, this report aims to offer valuable insights and recommendations for enhancing the well-being and dignity of detainees within Turkey’s correctional facilities, thereby advancing the cause of human rights on a global scale.


For the comprehensive evaluation of prison management in Turkey, “Broken Chalk” has laid down ten critical points of focus that underpin the core objectives of this report. These ten key areas encompass issues of profound importance in understanding prison conditions and human rights in the Turkish correctional system. These points are as follows:

  1. Babies in Turkish Prisons: The presence of infants in correctional facilities raises concerns about the rights and well-being of both the child and the incarcerated parent.
  2. Sick Prisoners in Turkey: Ensuring adequate healthcare and treatment for ill inmates is fundamental to their human rights.
  3. Pregnant Women in Turkish Prisons: The unique needs of expectant mothers behind bars require special attention and care.
  4. Deaths Due to COVID-19 in Turkish Prisons: In light of the global pandemic, examining the impact of COVID-19 on prison populations is of utmost importance.
  5. Deaths Due to Sickness in Turkish Prisons: Understanding the circumstances leading to deaths within prisons is essential to addressing systemic issues.
  6. Parole Right Violations in Turkish Prisons: Ensuring prisoners’ rights to parole are respected and upheld is critical in fair and just incarceration.
  7. Allegations of Torture and Ill-Treatment in Turkish Prisons: Investigating claims of torture and ill-treatment is critical for upholding human rights and international standards.
  8. Exceeding Capacity in Turkish Prisons: Overcrowding poses significant challenges to the well-being of inmates, and its implications are central to this report.
  9. Denial of the Right to Defence in Turkish Prisons: Ensuring access to legal representation and due process is pivotal in safeguarding the rights of those incarcerated.
  10. Access to Health Services in Turkish Prisons: Adequate healthcare services are a fundamental human right for those within the prison system.

    Each of these points has been included in the report to shed light on specific areas of concern within the Turkish prison system, with the ultimate goal of improving conditions, safeguarding human rights, and contributing to international discourse on the subject.

Afghanistan: Gender Inequality in Education

Written by Juliana Campos and Derin Erk. 

The Taliban Government and Women’s Rights

After over two years under Taliban rule, Afghan women continue to endure profound challenges: limited mobility and freedom of speech, lack of autonomy and a ban on education. Even if a 20 year gap separates the Taliban’s first government, overthrown in 2001, from their reclaim of power in 2021, not much seems to have changed in their interpretation of Islamic law, though officials continue to vehemently deny human rights are being violated.

Taliban representatives claim the western media is responsible for corrupting popular opinion on their government and that UN reports do not convey the reality of today’s Afghanistan. According to them, the ban on women’s education is a temporary measure, while the government prepares an “Islamic environment” that complies with their interpretation of Sharia law and meets the demands of the Afghan people. However, after two years, no progress has been made and there seems to be little indication the Taliban will indeed address the very urgent issue of gender inequality in Afghanistan and lift restrictions such as the ban on education for women. 

What Does The Education Ban Mean for Afghan Women?

Education equips women with the tools to make more informed choices, to lead healthier lifestyles and it protects them against abuse by teaching them to recognize violent behaviour and to fight for their physical and mental integrity. Not only is it an empowering tool on an individual level, educating women benefits entire communities. Being the primary caregivers in many societies, well instructed women are able to better prepare themselves for life-changing decisions such as marriage and pregnancy, raising healthier children, in happier households.

Furthermore, education allows women to take on a more active role in their nation’s economy and development, by granting them the practical knowledge needed to use their talents and creativity to open their own businesses, for example. Taliban spokesperson Suhali Shaheen claims that 8.500 business licenses have been granted to Afghan women under their ruling and that over 800.000 women are currently working in Afghanistan.[1] The government has yet to publish these official reports and their sources, but even if they prove to be accurate, if the ban on education isn’t lifted, these numbers will certainly face a dramatic decrease in the next few years.

The fact remains that many women who remember the severe restrictions imposed in the late 1990’s by the Taliban fear being once again deprived of the knowledge that previously allowed them a small sense of economic, emotional and political independence. The impacts of such strict rules imposed by the Taliban have already been recorded during their previous period in power between 1996 and 2001. If nothing is done to change the current scenario, the world risks witnessing another generation of illiterate Afghan women, completely excluded from social life and deprived of formal education. 

By reinstalling laws which limit women’s freedom in society, banning women from working, studying and being seen in public without a male chaperone (the Mahram), the Taliban severely worsens gender inequality in Afghanistan and denies women the chance to develop emotionally and intellectually, besides directly affecting the country’s economy.

The United Nations’ Take on Women and Girls’ Education Under the Taliban

The UN has been vocal about the situation in Afghanistan, particularly on Afghan women’s rights. It considers the Taliban takeover in 2021 a reversal of women’s freedoms. Indeed, it seems the little progress made in the past 20 years has suffered a complete turn over in a matter of months.

Though UN’s statements help spread awareness and reliable information, the organisation has not directly intervened on a larger scale and has not shown intention to do so, as of today. As previously mentioned, the Taliban has accused the UN of misrepresenting the situation in Afghanistan in their reports and while this is a debatable statement, one thing is for certain: women and girls are barred from receiving education. Other areas in Afghan women’s social lives may be more tricky to evaluate from far away, as many of them spend a great portion of the time inside their homes, but the state of females’ access to secondary education and higher education is clear; there is no such access.

Are There Prospects for Change?

The simple answer would be that if the international community does not intervene, there aren’t many grounds for optimism. Interviews given by Taliban representatives have made it clear that they will not be giving up the right to rule given to them by God, according to their beliefs. Therefore, it is expected that their policies on women and their rights and freedoms will continue, as it is unlikely the government will ever be overthrown by the Afghan people, who are forbidden to speak against the regime. 

Conclusion 

It is unfortunate to conclude that the Taliban government’s restrictions on women’s rights and women’s education stand strong after two years. Being banned from attending schools and universities will not only greatly hamper women’s quality of life and their well being, but also difficultate their conquest of social and financial independence through education. Moreover, the Afghan nation as a whole will greatly suffer the effects of this ban, as including women in state affairs, the economy, and social life in general is an important pillar in a country’s development.

There is little to no prospect of change for the near future as the Taliban remains determined and strong in its seat. Perhaps the most effective measure the international community can take is advocating for women’s rights and spreading awareness about what is happening in Afghanistan today.

References

Cover Image by Graham Crouch/World Bank.

*Upon request, the article may be translated into other languages. Please use the comments section below*

Educational Challenges in Bhutan

Flag of Bhutan

Written by Shrila Kanth.

Bhutan is a small country that lies between India and China, nestling the Himalayas. Although the nation’s international presence was obscure for decades, ruled by the Wangchuck monarchy since 1907, the country has made several appearances at international forums 1970 onwards, and has always taken pride in maintaining their traditions and cultures. Bhutan was also introduced to modern and organised schooling relatively late between 1913 and 1914, and it was only in 2008 that the country established a two-party democracy after elections.

Currently, in the educational sector, Bhutan is struggling to provide students with refined infrastructure, human resources, and has failed to implement programs and standardisation, which affect the nation’s literacy rate and enlarges the socio-economic gaps between the diverse population. Prior to the introduction of formal education systems, Bhutan only had Monastic educations, where people would discuss religious themes and scriptures, and younger monks would learn from older monks and teachers. Organised Monastic education however, was introduced in 1622 by the formal monk body in Thimpu, where young monks focused on their spiritual growth. In 1913, on the basis of orders given out by Gongsa Ugyen Wangchuck, the first monarch of Bhutan, Gongzin Ugyen Dorji, established the first modern school in Haa. The goal of establishing formal schools in the country primarily focused on generating resources and aiding the country’s developing economy. It was after the inception of the first five-year plan in 1961, that the nation chose to place systematic education development as a priority. Bhutan has shown exponential educational growth over the course of decades, but the challenges of poor infrastructure, the lack of funds and finances, and the quality of education are still monumental.

Jakar tshechu, school children. Image by Arian Zwegers sourced from Flickr

Historical Context

In 1914, 46 Bhutanese boys travelled to Kalimpong, India to study at a mission school. Simultaneously, Dorji established the first modern school in Haa with teachers from the Church of Scotland Mission, and later another school was established in Bumthang for the Crown Prince and the children of the Royal court’s education. The curriculums were taught in Hindi and English.

Before the first five-year plan that focused on stabilising the educational sector of the nation, schools were classified as either ‘schools for Nepali Immigrants’ and ‘schools for Bhutanese.’ Most Nepali Immigrant schools consisted of one Indian teacher, a handful of students in one classroom in various districts across the country. The classes were conducted by the invited Indian teachers in Nepali, Hindi or English, and the schools were privately established in order to fulfil the demands of local residents. Furthermore, the ambiguity regarding the languages of instruction is in relation to the southern districts of the country where people were ethnically Nepali-Bhutanese. Nepalis had begun to immigrate to Bhutan in the late nineteenth century, when the British East India Company had just established tea plantations across the South-Asian subcontinent and sent workers from North-East India to Nepal. Some workers had escaped to Bhutan by crossing the ill-defined border at the time and settled down in the Southern districts of the small hill surrounded nation. These Nepali settlements in Bhutan were extremely self-sufficient, with mere interventions from the Bhutanese government. When they required a formal education, the residents of the  communities built schools for cheap, hired teachers from neighbouring nations, and conducted small classes.

Over the course of time, Bhutan saw the emergence of schools for the Bhutanese. They rapidly grew popular, with the number of students increasing, as well as the number of educators. The languages of instruction varied from Hindi, English, Nepali, Classic Tibetan and more. The first school opened in Haa welcomed the public and recognised the first batch of children who graduated from a mixed-sex primary school. Both types of schools had the support of local governments and public schools had a larger intake of up to 100 students. While for Nepali Immigrant schools the initiative was taken up from the local ground levels, for Bhutanese schools, the initiative was taken for the masses by governing bodies and officials in the nation.

Thinleygang Primary School, Bhutan 2005. Image by Andrew Adzic from Wikimedia

Educational Challenges

Since the implementation of the first five-year plan in 1961, Bhutan has witnessed rapid growth in the number of schools. From about 11 schools in 1961, the number of schools rose to over a thousand by 2019, including primary schooling, post-secondary schooling, vocational and technical training. The constitution of the Kingdom of Bhutan, Article-9, Section-16 states, “the State shall endeavour to provide free basic education up to tenth standard to all school going age children,” (Kuenzang Gyeltshen, 2020), and the ministry makes sure there is no discrimination, gender based or socio-economic, in the enrollment process. The completion rate among female students stands at 102.3 percent, while for male students it stands at 84.8 percent. Schools for disabled students and students with Special Educational Needs (SEN) have also been established across the country.

Although in recent times Bhutan has made large investments in the education sector and funded infrastructural changes and established an institute to train educators, despite the rapid growth, the nation is still struggling to overcome certain challenges.

The lack of human resources and financial aid is posing to be the greatest threat to Bhutan’s education system. The country primarily funds its educational developments by loans from other nations at the moment, and does not have sufficient funding to provide new teachers or students with the prescribed training or in-class learning. Most incoming teachers are currently dependent on international scholarships and training programs.

Furthermore, the Royal Government of Bhutan still needs to overcome challenges presented by the disparity in economic statuses of families, socio-economic backgrounds, disabilities in students, as well as different terrains cutting off access to education. Students from certain hilly terrains of the country are cut off from quality education and well-established schools, leading to problems of overcrowding in classrooms, paving the way for ill-managed workload for the teachers. Moreover, students are unable to achieve the goals set for them. In the twenty-first century, education is not solely focused on academic grades, but is also focused on nurturing students with values and holistic learning. The TIMSS has proven that Bhutanese students are learning at a level lower than the international average (Kuenzang Gyeltshen, 2020). Students in Bhutan have demonstrated learning gaps in some of the core subjects, proving there is immense room for improvement in terms of the quality of education provided to them at the moment.

In addition to the aforementioned issues, there also exists a gap in the literacy rate of male students in comparison to female students. While male students have acquired a literacy rate 73.1 percent, females on the other hand stand at 63.9 percent. This is an equity based challenge Bhutan has to overcome which reflects gender based bias that still exists in the country (Kuenzang Gyeltshen, 2020). Bhutan does not have an education act or policy in execution at the moment. Their system efficiency needs to be improved in order to be more inclusive, and needs to provide the correct resources in order to develop and progress. A legislative education Act needs to be provided in order to witness tangible results and aid their educational sector, along with their globalisation goals. While Bhutan has proven to be a rapidly developing country and has taken the initial step towards achieving their goals, especially based on their first five-year plan, the nation still needs to come up with concrete plans to provide financial support to the educational sector.


References:

 BBC. (2023, March 21). Bhutan Country Profile. BBC News. https://www.bbc.com/news/world-south-asia-12480707

Education system in Bhutan – GlobalReachBhutan. GlobalReachBhutan -. (2021, July 30). https://globalreach.bt/education-system-in-bhutan/ 

Part 1: Comparative education & history of education 67. (n.d.). https://files.eric.ed.gov/fulltext/ED568679.pdf


Upon the request, the article can be translated to any other requested language. Please indicate your wish in the comment section.

Unveiling Human Rights Violations: The Targeting of Gülen Movement Followers in Turkey

Sümeyye Tercanoğlu

By Anna Moneta

In October 2023, Sümeyye Tercanoğlu and her husband, a Turkish Gulen teacher, faced conviction for suspected affiliation with the Gulen movement. The allegations centred around their purported use of ByLock, a phone application believed by the government to be a platform for Gulen movement supporters engaging in secret communication since the failed coup attempt in 2016. It’s essential to note that no concrete evidence supports these allegations. The Gulen movement, led by an influential Islamic cleric, aims to provide devout Muslims with the necessary secular education for success in contemporary society while also emphasizing the importance of traditional religious teachings. The movement promotes a tolerant form of Islam, highlighting values such as altruism, modesty, hard work, and education (Pew Research Center, 2010). The Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan has been actively targeting followers of the Gülen movement since the corruption investigations of December 17-25, 2013. The government’s actions against the Gülen movement have raised concerns about human rights violations and the erosion of democratic principles.

taken from https://polatlipostasicom.teimg.com/crop/1280×720/polatlipostasi-com/uploads/2023/10/zarif-sumeyye-tercanoglu-neden-tutuklandi.png

Upon Sümeyye Tercanoğlu’s arrest, a deeply distressing situation unfolded. She was separated from her 4-month-old child, who, since the day of the arrest, had not been breastfed and lacked access to his mother’s breast milk—crucial for his healthy growth. Legislator Ömer Faruk Gergerlioğlu, known for his human rights advocacy and affiliation with the Green Left Party (YSP), raised concerns about the plight of pregnant women or mothers with infants, asserting that such separations occur on a near-daily basis. He specifically called for the release of Sümeyye Tercanoğlu, shedding light on the human rights implications of these incidents.

Simultaneously, the European Court of Human Rights issued a significant judgment in the case of Yüksel Yalçınkaya v. Türkiye, holding violations of Article 7 (no punishment without law), Article 6 § 1 (right to a fair trial), and Article 11 (freedom of assembly and association) of the European Convention on Human Rights. Much like the case of Sümeyye Tercanoğlu, Mr. Yalçınkaya’s conviction was significantly based on the use of the encrypted messaging application ByLock.

The judgment underscored that the Turkish judiciary’s uniform and global approach to ByLock evidence did not comply with national law or the object and purpose of Article 7, designed to safeguard against arbitrary prosecution, conviction, and punishment. Procedural shortcomings in criminal proceedings, specifically regarding access to and compelling challenge of ByLock evidence, were also noted, breaching the right to a fair trial under Article 6. This systemic problem has broader implications, with approximately 8,500 applications on the Court’s docket involving similar complaints under Articles 7 and/or 6 of the Convention. Under Article 46, the ECHR mandated that Turkey implement general measures to address these systemic problems, particularly concerning the Turkish judiciary’s approach to ByLock evidence. This underscores the urgent need for Turkey to address the human rights violations associated with convictions based on ByLock usage.

Bibliography

Liu, J. (2010) Gülen movement, Pew Research Center’s Religion & Public Life Project. https://www.pewresearch.org/religion/2010/09/15/muslim-networks-and-movements-in-western-europe-gulen-movement/. Last visited November 13th 2023.

European Court of Human Rights. (2023) Judgment concerning Türkiye, ECHR. Available at: https://www.echr.coe.int/w/grand-chamber-judgment-concerning-turkiye. Last visited November 13th 2023.

Yüksel Yalçinkaya v. Türkiye. (2023). European Court of Human Rights. https://hudoc.echr.coe.int/#{%22itemid%22:[%22001-227636%22]}. Last visited November 13th 2023.

Detention of Ismet Ozcelik Extended by 10 Months

By Aneta Orlowska

The case of Ismet Ozcelik, a Turkish national, has once again highlighted the concerns surrounding justice and the legal profession in Turkey. Ozcelik, an academic who has been held in detention since 2017 on alleged links to a cleric blamed for a 2016 coup attempt, was due for release from prison. However, his departure has been extended by an additional ten months, raising questions about the fairness and independence of the Turkish legal system.

Ozcelik, along with Turgay Karaman, a school principal, was deported from Malaysia to Turkey in 2017, where they were accused of ties to the network of Fethullah Gulen. The Gulen movement, led by an influential Islamic cleric, Fethullah Gulen, aims to provide devout Muslims with the necessary secular education for success in contemporary society while also emphasising the importance of traditional religious teachings. The movement promotes a tolerant form of Islam, highlighting values such as altruism, modesty, hard work, and education (Pew Research Center, 2010).

Since the failed coup attempt, the Turkish government has detained and jailed tens of thousands of people, pending trial, on suspicion of involvement with Gulen’s network. Human rights organizations have criticized this widespread crackdown for its impact on the rule of law and the right to a fair trial.

One of the key pieces of evidence used against Ozcelik was the allegation that he had used a mobile app called Bylock, which Turkish authorities claimed was used exclusively by Gulen’s followers. However, the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) has clarified that using Bylock cannot serve as reasonable suspicion for arrest or evidence for a conviction. Despite this, Ozcelik’s requests for an expert panel examination to contest the claims against him were denied, violating the principle of equality of arms in the legal process.

In addition to the Bylock allegation, Ozcelik’s participation in a protest and his social media posts criticizing the government’s actions were presented as evidence of his alleged membership in an armed terrorist organization. The UN Human Rights Committee and the ECtHR have emphasized protecting the fundamental rights to peaceful protest and freedom of expression. They have stated that these activities should not be criminalized without concrete evidence of involvement in illegal or terrorist activities.

Another contentious aspect of the case is the involvement of a private education company, Polat A.S., with which Ozcelik was a shareholder. Turkish authorities accused the company of being a front for carrying out alleged terrorist activities. However, critics argue that no concrete evidence substantiates this claim. Polat A.S. was a legally incorporated company operating under Turkish law and with a license from the Ministry of Education. Using such legal activities as grounds for criminal conviction raises concerns about the validity of the charges against Ozcelik.

The extension of Ozcelik’s detention by ten months has raised further concerns about the erosion of justice and the stifling of the legal profession in Turkey. Human rights defenders and legal experts have consistently expressed worries about arbitrary detention and the use of terrorism charges against individuals who exercise their rights to freedom of expression and peaceful protest.

The case of Ismet Ozcelik and others like him underscores the need for Turkey to uphold fundamental principles of justice, independence, and respect for human rights. International bodies, including the United Nations, have called for the release of detainees like Ozcelik and have highlighted the importance of providing effective remedies for those who have suffered violations of their rights.

As the detention of Ismet Ozcelik continues, it remains a stark reminder of the challenges facing the Turkish legal system and the urgent need for reforms to protect the rights and freedoms of all individuals.

Note: This article is based on available information and does not constitute legal advice or an official statement of the events described.

REFERENCES
  • Initiative, T. A. L. (2023, July 30). How having “the wrong” dish led to imprisonment for terrorism. The Arrested Lawyers Initiative is a volunteer organisation to defend the defenders. https://arrestedlawyers.org/2023/07/28/how-having-the-wrong-dish-led-to-imprisonment-for-terrorism/
  • İsmet Ozcelik. Tenkil Memorial. (n.d.). https://tenkilmemorial.org/en/tenkil-veritabani/ismet-ozcelik/
  • Miles, T. (2019, May 29). Turkey was told by U.N. to free and compensate gulen-linked detainees. Reuters. https://www.reuters.com/article/us-turkey-un-idUSKCN1SZ1RD
  • Scf. (2023, November 9). Man imprisoned on Gülen links to spend ten more months behind bars for making prayer beads. Stockholm Center for Freedom. https://stockholmcf.org/man-imprisoned-on-gulen-links-to-spend-10-more-months-behind-bars-for-making-prayer-beads/
  • Turkish Minute. (2023, November 9). Man imprisoned on Gülen links to spend 10 more months behind bars for making prayer beads. https://www.turkishminute.com/2023/11/09/man-imprisoned-on-gulen-link-to-spend-10-more-months-behind-bars-for-making-prayer-beads/
  • The United Nations Human Rights Committee has decided that Turkey is unfair. Justice Square. (n.d.). https://www.justicesquare.com/uncategorized/the-united-nations-human-rights-committee-has-decided-that-turkey-is-unfair/
  • Çetin, T. (2019, June 5). Un asks Turkey to release i̇smet özçelik and Turgay Karaman immediately. BoldMedya. https://boldmedya.com/2019/06/02/un-asks-turkey-to-release-immediately-ismet-ozcelik-and-turgay-karaman/