Mustafa Ersoy’s fate hangs in the balance as he faces deportation to Turkey. With his expired passport, he has turned to Switzerland in a desperate plea for asylum.
by Inja van Soest.
In a recent report by İsmail Sağıroğlu from Boldmedya, we learn of yet another tragic chapter unfolding against a backdrop of mounting pressure within Turkey. Mustafa Ersoy, a 52-year-old educator from Konya Beyşehir, is facing deportation. After completing his studies in computer science in Kazakhstan, he stayed for a decade as a teacher. Afterwards, he returned to his homeland, Turkey, assuming roles as a manager in Beykoz and Sultanbeyli reading halls affiliated with Kaynak Eğitim in Istanbul.
However, Mustafa’s life took a sharp turn on July 15, 2016, when Turkey experienced a coup attempt. The Turkish government attributed the coup to Fethullah Gulen, a Turkish cleric living in self-imposed exile in the United States since 1999. Once an ally of President Erdogan, Gulen firmly denies any involvement in the coup. The Turkish government has labelled Gulen’s network as the “Fethullah Terrorist Organization” (FETO), accusing its supporters of establishing a “parallel state” by infiltrating various state institutions, including the police, judiciary, and military. In the two years following the coup attempt, Turkey remained under a state of emergency, leading to the arrest of tens of thousands and the suspension or dismissal of at least 125,000 civil servants, military personnel, and academics suspected of having links to Gulen.
When Mustafa’s colleagues started facing detainment and arrests, he sought refuge in Kazakhstan. However, his inability to renew his passport forced him to leave Kazakhstan, ultimately reaching Switzerland via Greece, where he applied for asylum.
Regrettably, Mustafa Ersoy’s application was rejected on two separate occasions, with him not having access to the information in his case files. The situation reached a critical juncture on Thursday, October 12th, when Swiss Police picked him up in the early morning hours at the camp where he had been staying and escorted him to the airport. Mustafa refused to board the flight to Turkey, fully aware that he would face imminent arrest and persecution upon his return. Since then, he has been in a detention centre near Geneva alongside other immigrants awaiting deportation to their home countries.
It was not until Monday, October 16th, that Mustafa received a glimmer of hope when a Swiss court granted him the right to reapply for asylum. His re-application with the legal help of FLAG21 is now under review, with a decision expected within the next ten days.
Broken Chalk firmly stands with Mustafa Ersoy and is grateful for the help he has received from FLAG21. Broken Chalk appeals to the Swiss Government to grant him asylum and protection from the potential persecution he faces at the hands of the Turkish Government.
Mr. Vural is a 46-year-old Turkish man who moved to Tajikistan in 1994, 29 years ago. He used to work as a teacher and a principal in Turkish colleges in Tajikistan, and these schools were closed down in 2016 after the coup attempt in Turkey. Mr Vural was part of the Gülen Movement, which promotes a tolerant Islam emphasising altruism, modesty, hard work and education. Under President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, the Turkish government accused the movement of being involved in an attempted coup in 2016, leading to much controversy about the movement and a political conflict. The Gülen Movement is classified as a terrorist organization by the Turkish Government. The school was closed due to pressure from the Turkish government. After this, Mr. Vural went into business and started running a restaurant. He also is a loving father of 3.
On Sunday morning, 17th of September 2023, Mr Vural was getting out of his car when eight masked men abducted him. It is believed that this abduction was done by MIT, which is the Turkish National Intelligence Organization, which gathers information of national interest for the government.
After Mr. Vural’s wife found out about the abduction, she heard that he was in the Tajikistan police department, so she went everywhere and asked, but she was unable to find him. It is believed that the next day, the 18th of September 2023, he was transported via aeroplane to Turkey. A member of the National Assembly of Turkey, Dr Ömer Faruk Gergerlioğlu, tweeted that a ‘Bombardier Challenger 604’ departed from Ankara to Dushanbe at 01:45 Tajikistan Time (TJT). The aircraft arrived in Dushanbe at 05:50 and was stationed for 30 minutes, and then flew back to the Ankara Etimesgut military airport. It is speculated that Mr. Vural was on this flight.
Tacikistan’dan Bombardier Challenger 604 Tipi uçak ile kaçırılıp Ankara Etimesgut Askeri Havalimanı’na götürüldüğü bildirilen akademisyen ve iş insanı Koray Vural nerede tutuluyor?
Two months earlier, on the 4th of July 2023, the teacher Emsal Koç had been abducted from his home in Tajikistan. He was taken to Turkey and was forced to give details on other Gülen movement members in Tajikistan.
In 2017, a lawsuit was filed against Mr Vural at the Bursa 10th High Criminal Court within the scope of the investigation against the Gülen community; Mr Vural’s name was included on the Orange list, which is a wanted terrorist list prepared by the Ministry of Interior. However, this was cancelled by the Council of State.
Mr. Vural’s family has been asking for help on X (Twitter) and has been trying to spread awareness with the hashtag #FindOurDadKorayVural. Unfortunately, they have not heard from him since his abduction.
In a significant judgement on the 26th of September, the Grand Chamber of the European Court of Human Rights held that Türkiye has to address a systematic problem of terrorism convictions decisively based on using a messaging application by the accused. The Court held that there had been a violation of Article 7 ECHR (no punishment without law), Article 6(1) ECHR (right to a fair trial) and Article 11 (freedom of assembly and association).
Facts of the case
The case had to deal with the conviction of a former teacher, Yüksel Yalçınkaya, who was assumed to have participated in an armed terrorist organisation called the “FETÖ/PDY” formerly known as the “Gülen movement” and considered by the Turkish authorities to be behind the attempted coup d’état of 15 July 2016.
The teacher was arrested in 2016 on suspicion of membership in a terrorist organisation. He was put in pre-trial detention and received his bill of indictment in 2017. According to the authorities, the accusation and the following arrest were based on the following evidence: suspicious banking activity, membership of a trade union, which allegedly had a terrorist link and the use of a mobile application called ByLock, which had reportedly been used for communication purposes by the members of the terrorist organisation.
Following his trial, Mr. Yalçınkaya was sentenced to six years and three months in prison. A decision later upheld by the Court of Appeal in Ankara and the Cassation Court. The decisive evidence in the case was using the mobile application, which was considered exclusively employed by the “FETÖ/PDY”. The Bank Asya account and the participation in the trade union served as supportive evidence due to their affiliation with the terrorist organisation.
Applicant’s submission before the Court of Human Rights
Following his conviction, Mr Yalçınkaya lodged an application with the European Court of Human Rights in 2020 due to alleged violations of his rights under the European Convention on Human Rights.
He relied on Article 6(1) ECHR, which stipulates the right to a fair trial. According to the applicant, there were irregularities regarding the collection and the admissibility of the evidence regarding the ByLock application. Furthermore, according to the applicant, there were difficulties in challenging said evidence, which is an essential procedure constituting a fair trial.
Mr Yalçınkaya also alleged a violation of Article 7 (stipulating that there shouldn’t be a punishment if the act or the omission were not categorised as a crime at the time of committing) and 11 ECHR (stipulating the freedom of assembly and association) because his conviction was based on acts which did not constitute a crime under Turkish law—mainly, the participation in a trade union and the possession of a bank account.
Government’s submission
The Turkish Government argued that a state of emergency justified all measures taken following an attempted military coup. Therefore, according to its representatives, Türkiye has not violated any applicant’s rights under the ECHR. The Government used in its defence article 15 ECHR, which stipulates that in the case of any nation-threatening emergency, the country might derogate from its obligations under the Convention.
Judgement of the Court
Regarding the defence put forward by the Turkish Government regarding Article 15 ECHR, the Court of Human Rights has decided that Article 15 does not allow for a derogation from Article 7 ECHR. Therefore, it will be considered only about the other articles mentioned in the case.
Regarding the violation of Article 7 ECHR, the Court established that it prescribes that only an existing legal provision can define a criminal act and lay out a penalty. Such a law should not be enacted to the detriment of the accused. The Court agreed that article 314(2) of the Turkish Criminal Code and the provisions of the Prevention of Terrorism Act, which constitute the legal framework under which Mr Yalçınkaya was convicted in Türkiye are clear and well-defined enough for the applicant to understand whether he has committed a criminal offence.
Under Turkish legislation, for the convicted to be liable for participation in a terrorist organisation, there has to be proof of his specific knowledge and intent to be a member of the terrorist group. For example, there had to be an “organic link” with the organisation; that link should be continuous, and they must be well aware that the group’s activities are illegal and the person must possess a specific intent to further such unlawful activities. There should also be proof that the accused willingly participated in the organisation’s hierarchical structure. It is not enough that the law was well defined. The law had to be applied precisely, following all of its requirements regarding a conviction. Something the Turkish authorities failed to do.
The ECtHR held that the Turkish authorities failed to prove every requirement of the law but instead automatically presumed that Mr Yalçınkaya was a member of the “FETÖ/PDY” solely because he was using the app ByLock. That assumption was made irrespective of the nature of his messages or the receivers of his messages. The applicant had no opportunity to defend himself nor challenge such presumptions and allegations. Therefore, his rights under Article 7 ECHR were violated as the article aims to ensure safeguards against arbitrary convictions.
The Court also sided with the applicant regarding the violation of Article 6 ECHR, or the right to a fair trial. The Court held that for Article 6 to be ensured correctly, evidence in a problem had to be collected fairly and legally, and the accused should be able to challenge and review the evidence against him. Those are some of the factors required for a fair trial to be ensured.
In this case, the Turkish courts had failed to ensure the safeguards prescribed by Article 6(1) ECHR. Firstly, there was no valid reason why the ByLock data was kept from the applicant, nor why the applicant was not allowed to comment on the evidence against him, which would have also allowed him to challenge its validity. The Courts have also denied the applicants’ request that the ByLock data be submitted to an independent examination to ensure its validity. The disregard for such safeguards constitutes a violation of Article 6 ECHR.
Regarding Article 11 ECHR, the Court held that the applicant’s conviction of membership in a terrorist organisation based on his participation in a trade union constitutes a violation of his rights. The mere participation in a trade union that has operated lawfully before the coup cannot be foreseen as an indication of criminal conduct.
According to the court
There are currently approximately 8,500 applications on the Court’s docket involving similar complaints under Articles 7 and 6 of the Convention, and given that the authorities had identified around 100,000 ByLock users, many more might potentially be lodged. The problems which had led to findings of violations were systemic. Under Article 46 (binding force and implementation of judgments), the Court held that Türkiye had to take general measures appropriate to address those systemic problems, notably regarding the Turkish judiciary’s approach to Bylock evidence.
Following the decision
The Court’s judgement received criticism from the Turkish Minister of Justice Yılmaz Tunç, who described it as unacceptable due to the ECtHR “overstepping its jurisdiction” by examining the credibility or lack of evidence used in the national trial. On the contrary, the applicant’s lawyer, Johan Heymans, characterised the judgement as a “milestone” and stated his belief that the decision of the Court would set an important precedent for similar Turkish cases.
Sources:
YÜKSEL YALÇINKAYA v TÜRKİYE App no 15669/20 (ECtHR, 26 September 2023)
European Court of Human Rights, ‘Türkiye must address systemic problem of convictions for terrorism offences based decisively on accused’s use of the ByLock messaging application’ (Press Release issued by the Registrar of the Court, 26.09.2023) accessed 17 September 2023
‘Conviction based on app use violated Turkish teacher’s rights, European court rules’ (Euronews, 26 September 2023) <https://www.euronews.com/2023/09/26/conviction-based-on-app-use-violated-turkish-teachers-rights-european-court-rules> accessed 17 September 2023
In the world of fame and glamour, there’s often an untold story of deep gratitude for teachers. One such heartwarming moment unfolded during Adele’s concert special, “An Audience with Adele,” in 2021, in which the audience witnessed the profound impact of a year eight teacher on an internationally known singer and songwriter.
Amidst the performance, Emma Thompson, an actress herself, posed a simple yet profound question to Adele. She asked whether Adele had anyone who had been truly inspiring and supportive in her youth. Adele’s response was spontaneous and filled with genuine warmth. With a hint of nostalgia in her voice, Adele shared her high school English teacher, Miss McDonald, with the audience. “It was just one year, but she got me really into literature. Like, I’ve always been obsessed with English, and obviously now I write lyrics,” Adele revealed. She also confessed that whilst Miss McDonald taught street dance, Adele was too shy to join her course. What stood out in Adele’s recollection was Miss McDonald’s unique charm. “She was so bloody cool. So engaging. She really made us care, and we knew that she cared about us.” What seemed to have left an impression was how she used to dress, with gold bracelets and sequins, with her appreciation for her teacher being tangible in her voice and her very British way of speaking about her teacher, with warmth but the typical directness and an amount of hard truth being tangible.
As Emma Thompson continued the conversation, the audience erupted in cheers. Adele, tears of joy streaming down her face, broke into a radiant smile as she realised her beloved teacher, Miss McDonald, was present. In a touching moment, teacher and student embraced, and Adele publicly acknowledged how Miss McDonald had “changed her life.”
Adele’s story of teacher appreciation is not the only one that has been shared. In 2017, John Legend wrote an article for the Huffington Post, expressing hope for future generations due to the incredible educators who influenced his life. He paid tribute to his English teacher, Mrs Bodey, saying, “Until her class, I hadn’t believed in my ability as a writer. She recognised my potential and showed me that I could write with creativity, clarity, and passion.” Legend credited teachers like Mrs. Bodey for instilling the confidence to chase his dreams.
Dr Maya Angelou, the literary icon, once spoke reverently about her neighbour and teacher, Bertha Flowers. Angelou attested that Flowers remained a guiding light throughout her life, symbolising the kindness and grace that humanity could embody.
The influence of teachers extends far beyond music and literature. Numerous actors, musicians, writers, artists, and world leaders have testified to the profound impact of their educators.
Take Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, a globally respected democratic politician known for her direct and evidence-based political approach. In 2020, she received a heartfelt message from a teacher on Twitter, prompting her to express gratitude for her unwavering support and belief in her during her formative years.
Teachers play a pivotal role in the lives of young people, shaping how they view themselves, learn, and engage with the world. Teachers possess the extraordinary ability to make students feel seen and valued, nurturing a sense of purpose and direction.
As we celebrate Teacher Appreciation Day, let’s take a moment to reflect on the teachers who have left a lasting mark on our lives and the countless others who have ignited greatness in the world’s most celebrated individuals. Teachers are the unsung heroes shaping the future, one student at a time, leaving behind a lasting legacy of knowledge, compassion, and empowerment.
Today, we honour and thank the educators who have illuminated our paths toward wisdom and a better, fairer and more inclusive future.
“The teachers we need for the education we want: The global imperative to reverse the teacher shortage.”
Every year, World Teachers’ Day on October 5 reminds us how vital the role of teachers is for quality education for all.
It commemorates the 1966 signing of the International Labour Organization (ILO)-United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) Recommendation Concerning the Status of Teachers setting international standards for treating teachers, including recruitment, training, continuing education, and labour conditions.
Nowadays, the circumstances are challenging for teachers all over the world. For this reason, UNESCO and Education International have declared the theme for this year: “The Teachers We Need for the Education We Want: The Global Imperative to Reverse the Teacher Shortage.”
Actually:
55% of teachers now expect to leave the profession earlier than they had planned,
35% expect to quit in the next two years,
78% of educators say that low pay is a serious issue,
84% of teachers spend their own money on basic classroom supplies
45% of teachers say they do not feel respected by the public
42% of teachers said their teaching suffered due to the state of their mental health.
Only 10% of teachers would strongly recommend the profession to a young adult.
However, the role of teacher is still essential, as:
The average teacher affects over 3,000 students during their career.
54% of students say a teacher has helped them in a difficult situation.
75% of students say teachers are mentors and role models.
83% of students say a teacher has boosted their self-esteem and confidence.
79% of students say a teacher has encouraged them to follow their dreams.
Now is the time to recognize the contribution of teachers, as they play a significant role in the future generation of society.
Now is the time to reimagine education and achieve our goals for equal access to all.
As Broken Chalk, we believe teachers should work with their students on this important day. Teachers have dedicated themselves to their work and continue to educate people, contributing to society and humanity wherever they live. Unfortunately, some are no longer with us due to poor government practices, armed groups, and mass shootings. We advocate the rights of teachers through the national and international judiciary and wish to draw the attention of governments, stakeholders, non-governmental organizations, and human rights defenders in the fight against the human rights violations educators face.
We wish all the teachers in the world a happy World Teachers’ Day!
Broken Chalk announces it to the public with due respect.
The European Commission has adopted its 2022 Enlargement Package, which evaluates the progress made by the Western Balkans and Turkey on their path toward EU membership. The Commission recommends granting candidate status to Bosnia and Herzegovina, contingent upon their implementation of measures to strengthen democracy, uphold the rule of law, combat corruption, and safeguard media freedom.
State of the EU: MEPs debate about the EU’s most immediate challenges. Photo by European Parliament
The Commission highlights the significance of EU enlargement as a long-term investment in peace and stability. Montenegro needs to address rule of law concerns, while Serbia should establish a government committed to EU reforms. Albania and North Macedonia must intensify their efforts in upholding the rule of law, combating corruption, and fighting organized crime.
Kosovo should enhance democracy and combat corruption, while Serbia and Kosovo are expected to engage in constructive dialogue to normalize their relations. Turkey needs to address concerns regarding democracy, the rule of law, and fundamental rights, while respecting the sovereignty of EU member states.
The Council will now assess the Commission’s recommendations and decide on the subsequent actions to be taken.
The discussion about landmines and explosives remnants of war is relevant for several reasons. First, because it affects almost all the globe, even though it is more risky in some places. Secondly, there are several civilians who are victims of this problem. In this sense, addressing this problem and working together as a community is one way to deal with it. Above all, the importance remains on framing the issue as a humanitarian problem.
The “Landmine Monitor 2022”[1] by the International Campaign to Ban Landmines offers an amount of information and data about antipersonnel mines that explode from the presence or contact of a person. It is an unstable explosive item used in wars and conflicts, from the past or nowadays. You could say that it is an almost invisible problem since citizens are often unaware that they are walking through areas with landmines. From citizens working on farms to students walking to school, this weapon is fearful in various communities.
There are discussions about how to solve this problem. One of them is the removal of mines already laid in places of conflict. The other is the non-production of these products. It is necessary to stop their use, transport, and stockpiling of these weapons. In this context, a treaty (the 1997 Mine Ban Treaty) was created to provide guidance on how to mitigate the issue. Both governments and non-state actors implement these measures and ensure their effectiveness. It has been more than 25 years since the signature of the Mine Ban Treaty.
Despite decades, there is still a need for significant efforts to clear lands with landmines. There is still debate about the transparency of the States Parties in disclosing information about these locations, especially about the continued production of those weapons. The report states that in 2021 alone, more than 2,100 people were killed by approaching landmines, and nearly 3,500 were injured. Even more aggravating is that more than three-quarters of these people were civilians.
One of the most significant challenges in applying and enforcing the rules against these weapons is their continued use by countries participating in contemporary conflicts, for example, Russia invading Ukraine. Even though it is not a participating country in the treaty, Russia uses landmines in a participating country. In addition, non-state armed groups also use these weapons as a source of hard power. The report mentions, for example, the use of landmines in at least five treaty countries, such as Colombia and the Democratic Republic of Congo, as well as India and Myanmar (which do not participate in the treaty).
This is problematic in the sense that it affects citizens on a daily basis. In addition to the insertion of more explosives, people must deal with landmines left over from other wars. It is estimated that about 5,544 people have been killed or injured by this type of remnant explosive. The conflicts that are taking place only add to the increase in this number. For this reason, the issue of ending the use and production of landmines stands out as a humanitarian issue for urgent action. People who do not necessarily actively participate in these conflicts continue to live in these places with explosives planted.
We need an effective way to slow the pace of survey and clearance. And until we get a practical way to mitigate these explosives, humanitarian education actions are the most effective in combating the growing number of dead and injured citizens. Direct education is needed for the population living and working in contaminated areas and spaces in conflict, such as Afghanistan, Ethiopia, Yemen, and Ukraine.
According to the report, risk education has been conducted in at least 30 States Parties during 2021, with clear examples of improved actions. In addition, the United Nations (UN) Protection Cluster has incorporated risk education as an action plan for humanitarian response in countries that lack such intervention. These plans combine ways to educate and warn the local population about the risks and the places that need to be vacated. The use of media is essential in disseminating this information, but it should not be the only one, as direct dialogue is more effective and more accessible for localities with less access to information via the internet.
Risk Education:
In 2019, the Oslo Action Plan was adopted, which includes a session dedicated to risk education and action plans for State Parties to carry out in this regard. These actions include:
Integrating risk education within broader humanitarian, development, protection, and education efforts and with other mine action activities;
Providing context-specific risk education to all affected populations and at-risk groups;
Prioritizing people most at risk through analysis of available casualty and contamination data and an understanding of people’s behaviour and movements;
Building national capacity to deliver risk education, which can adapt to changing needs and contexts; and
Reporting on risk education in annual Article 7 transparency reports.
Risk education has become the main pillar of humanitarian action against landmines. Although it is often overlooked or watered down by State Parties with little transparency, it is a humanitarian action that deserves recognition for mitigating casualties and preventing injuries.
The Monitor shows that in 2021, only 8 out of 22 State Parties have delivered effective data on risk education, with an explanation of the activities carried out and specified sex and gender differentiation data: Angola, Cambodia, Colombia, Iraq, South Sudan, Sudan, Thailand, and Zimbabwe. The other States Parties provided only less detailed information. They prioritized risk education according to the number of events by area, citizens’ proximity, and operators’ location.
Having transparent knowledge about the reality of the population in which risk education will be conducted is important. Issues such as gender, age, and people with disabilities are factors that change the approach and the knowledge to be passed on. In addition, it is necessary to have sufficient knowledge of the risk areas, the most affected groups, as well as the cultural activities and behaviour of these citizens. All these facts are essential in creating risk education programs.
For instance, there are some border regions with refugees or internally displaced persons (IDPs) where risk education must happen in camps and in host communities. While there are communities where children often grow up in contaminated areas but they do not have the knowledge of the risks. Children seem to be targeted for risk education in most of the States’ Parties.
Generally, gender is an issue to look at in global and humanitarian problems because women and girls tend to be the most affected in these situations. In the case of landmine-specific issues, the situation is the opposite. Monitor data shows that women and girls are less susceptible to dangerous behaviour because they tend to take care of household activities. While men and boys tend to be more responsible for travelling away from home, whether for hunting or other activities. But women and girls are still a risk group.
Landmine Monitor 2022 | Beneficiary data for 2021 provided to the Monitor by 57 risk education operators across 23 States Parties.
According to the Oslo Action Plan, there is a recommendation that the State Parties integrate risk education with broader humanitarian, development, and protection actions. This is because there are risk groups that need broader actions, for example, health programs for workers who work in contaminated areas, as happened in Afghanistan. These and other actions are essential for the population at risk.
The effort must also be directed at school children. This is because only a few States Parties have the risk program integrated into the school curriculum: Afghanistan, Cambodia, Colombia, South Sudan, Sri Lanka, and Sudan. Expanding these programs and more integrated education is needed for all participants in the agreement and in all countries suffering from explosive mine problems. Children need to understand the dangers around them in order to avoid death and injury. The role of social and non-state actors in this regard is to oversee these implementations and reinforce the importance of caring for children and local citizens.
Conclusion
Although this issue is a problem specific to some localities, the number of citizens who are directly impacted by landmines and explosives has increased considerably. A problem such as this involves not only the removal of remaining mines but the production of these weapons and their use in conflicts, which is quite complex. The actors involved have various interests in the use and production of these weapons and often, humanitarian and educational actions seem to be diminished when faced with decisions made by state actors.
However, signing treaties and strengthening these rules can be effective in saving the lives of dozens of citizens. For this and other reasons, as global citizens, it is crucial to spread the word about the problem faced primarily by regions that are in conflict. Speaking out and spreading the word about this dilemma enables more non-state actors to learn about the victims of these operations. It also enables special actions, such as risk education, that protect local citizens. It is essential to point out that global information dissemination networks have the capacity to reinforce treaty decisions and pressure governmental agenda changes. In this sense, information exists as an artifice to combat such complex problems. Thus, information dissemination and risk education are valuable tools to protect and unify citizens.
[1] All information and data used here is from the International Campaign to Ban Landmines, Landmine Monitor 2022 (ICBL-CMC: November 2022).
Featured image: JRS and the International Campaign to Ban Landmines: 25 years of the Ottawa Convention and 25 years of the Nobel Peace Prize – JRS.
The 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights, is the cornerstone of the United Nations and our international order: ” Everyone has the right to education. Education shall be free, at least in the elementary and fundamental stages. Elementary education shall be compulsory. Technical and professional education shall be made generally available and higher education shall be equally accessible to all based on merit.”[1] Since then, education has undergone spectacular development in the history of humanity: but today, dictated by economic rather than humanistic choices, the right to education seems to be falling all around the globe.
Children write their own Declaration of Human Rights at the UN in Vienna. Photo by UNIS Vienna.
The survey conducted by U-Report, a project coordinated by UNICEF, on the theme of basic education among a panel focusing on young people (only 5% of respondents were aged over 31), clearly shows the colossal challenges facing the right to education. 32,847 individuals were surveyed, with a response rate of 91%; 65% of respondents were male (10,891) and 35% were female (5,738). Sub-Saharan African countries, in particular Nigeria, had the most respondents, with 1,836, followed by Congo-Kinshasa with 1,839. By contrast, Europe was the region with the least participation: the United Kingdom was the region with the most respondents, with 160 people polled. When asked “How often do you feel you learn at school”, 42% of respondents said “Always”. However, this response differed according to gender: while 45% of men answered “always”, only 36% of women gave this answer. Women were more likely to answer ‘often’ at 32% (compared with 28% of men) and ‘sometimes’ at 25% (compared with 20% of men). The question “Did you receive enough help at school to acquire basic skills (such as reading and maths) to continue learning and find a job after graduating? 77% of the French answered “yes”, followed by 70% of the Congolese and 58% of the British. The next question reflects respondents’ concerns about the erosion of the right to education: 74% of those questioned believe that the learning crisis will have a negative impact on the future of their country. The Germans, Malaysians, and Dutch are all convinced of this, with 100% positive responses, followed by the Greeks at 83%, the Indians at 82%, and Nigeria at 80%. Respondents aged 25 and over were the most pessimistic, at over 80%. On the subject of the political response to the challenges undermining basic education, those aged 25 and over were the most skeptical, with over 38% giving a negative response. Among Belgians, 68% responded ‘more or less’, while among Canadians 59% were ‘satisfied’ and ‘more or less satisfied’ with the policies being pursued, while among Chileans 78% disapproved. The Germans gave a negative response of 55%, and none of them gave a positive response. French and Indian respondents were more divided: 26% and 25% respectively felt that their governments were providing effective responses to the education crisis, 36% and 34% respectively considered this response to be ‘more or less’ relevant, and 33% disapproved. Finally, when asked “What do you think is the most urgent action that governments should take to tackle the crisis in education and training? 34% of those polled voted in favor of the issue of education funding, 39% of men and 35% of women. Moreover, 28% of women gave priority to helping children who have dropped out of school, compared with 22% of male respondents.
What interpretation can be given to all these responses? First of all, there is no schism between the so-called “North” and “South” countries, as might have been expected. The crisis in education is therefore global, and economic choices have a lot to do with it. Whereas education was the only issue common to both blocs of the Cold War – in Maoist China as much as in the United States of America, in Nasserite Egypt as much as in Kubitschek’s Brazil, and Europe – the Washington Consensus of 1989 put an end to this fundamental notion of “right”. It is important to remember the neo-liberal shift that has been imposed on education: the “reorientation of public spending priorities” introduces the principle of profitability into the public service and will be particularly devastating in Third World countries. The case of Latin America is particularly interesting: as a kind of laboratory for neoliberalism, the right to education has been severely undermined, as in Argentina, Brazil, and, more recently, Chile, where educational structures are gradually being privatized. The public authorities in South Korea have largely delegated education to the private sector (shadow education): 74.5% of South Koreans under the age of twelve were in private education in 2019, according to data from the Korean Statistical Information Office. The introduction of competitiveness at and between higher education institutions is a problem highlighted by the UNICEF survey. Tuition fees have been introduced to address the lack of academic infrastructure, but this response is neither relevant nor effective. The story of a Chilean student in France gathered in 2018 by the newspaper Libération as part of an investigation into the increase in tuition fees is just one example of the iniquitous nature of this method:
“These new tuition fees are too high, especially as I’m already 10,000 euros in debt from my degree in Chile, where the fees are also enormous. I chose France for several reasons: for the language, for the excellent training in social and political sciences. And, of course, the tuition fees, were quite affordable, unlike in Chile where the education system is privatized and only accessible to a minority. In my country, education is very expensive. For those who aren’t lucky enough to get a grant based on social or academic criteria, the only option is to go into debt for several years after graduation.”[2]
Political choices are undermining the very principle of the right to education. The crucial need for investment in education has been exacerbated by the coronavirus pandemic, and this is true across the board: in developed and developing countries alike, the privatization of education has shown the extent of the devastation: according to the World Bank, “COVID-19 has caused the worst crisis in education and learning for a century”.[3] Above all, the pandemic has highlighted the damage caused by the disengagement of public authorities. The right to education depends on quality infrastructure and, therefore, investment to match. All respondents, whatever their country of origin, are in favor of massive refinancing of education.
It is worrying to note that the conservative trajectory extends across all the world’s continents, from the rewriting of common history in countries such as India, where Muslim memory is obliterated; to Russia, where revisionism is the narrative employed at the highest levels of the State; but also more traditional democracies such as Japan, where the work of remembrance relating to the Second World War remains problematic, and South Korea, where the Korean War is largely revisited by the new history textbooks.[4] The fact that India, the world’s largest democracy, has embarked on a panoptic shift is dramatic in terms of individual freedoms, particularly academic freedom, which is a pillar of social development, and in geopolitical terms, with the risk of alignment with the Russian Federation and China. Narendra Modi is today a Prime Minister courted by the Great Powers, who have no hesitation in casting a modest veil over his most aggressive policies in the hope – more akin to wishful thinking than anything else – of bringing Delhi closer to the Western bloc.[5] The revision of Indian school textbooks completely obliterates the legacy of some three hundred years of the Muslim Mughal Empire, the assassination of Gandhi by the Hindu nationalist Nathuram Godse in 1948, and the bloody repression of the Gujarat riots in 2002, for which Prime Minister Modi is held responsible.[6]
The frequency of learning differs significantly between the two sexes, and this issue deserves to be highlighted. Admittedly, the survey has its limitations, since it is not a question of the resources put in place but of the personal feelings of each respondent: by its very nature, the response is therefore biased. Nevertheless, the 9-point gap between men and women should not be underestimated. This factor can be explained in several ways: education systems designed for men and favoring activities that favor them; lower self-esteem among women than among men; external conditions that undermine women’s education and learning. Bullying at school, low enrolment rates for girls, and sexism are undeniably among the causes. It would have been interesting if the survey had asked respondents about this.
According to the results of the survey, the educational crisis is particularly acute in Germany, Malaysia, and the Netherlands. In Germany, an investigation carried out by journalists from Spiegel and published on 17 March this year, entitled “The education fiasco” (Der Schule-Fiasko), caused quite a stir: “Postponing investment in the younger generation means saving for fools”, says Aladin El-Mafaalani[7] . No one will be left behind in this major transformation”, declared Social Democrat Chancellor Olaf Scholz to the Bundestag (the German Federal Parliament) two years earlier. Unfortunately, this promise has come to nothing. In Germany, according to a 2018 OECD study, it takes 180 years on average for a student from a social class background to “approach the average income”.
To conclude in a few words, the UNICEF survey highlights not only young people’s pessimism and concern about the decline in the right to education but also and above all their unshakeable attachment to the principle of education as an inalienable human right. The pandemic has not only revealed but also aggravated these inequalities in education. The young people interviewed are well aware of the devastation caused by decades of privatization and unbridled competition in education.
[1] Article XXVI of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.
[5] This is borne out by the somewhat insistent invitation extended by French President Emmanuel Macron to Prime Minister Modi to take part in the French bank holidays celebrations on 14 July.
After enduring the hardships of the Covid-19 pandemic, which implied a range of socioeconomic challenges, including educational impoverishment due to the closure of schools, the Tigray territory in northwestern Ethiopia suffered yet another blow in November of 2020, when civil war struck the region. The consequences of the conflict between the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) and Ethiopia’s National Defence Forces (ENDF), aided by the Eritrean military, represent one of the most devastating humanitarian crises in the world, piling on top of several longstanding crises in Ethiopia such as severe drought and acute famine. The consequences of this conflict are broad, including a critical situation regarding education.
According to the latest UN OCHA (United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs) report on the matter, around 85% of the schools in Tigray have been partially or entirely damaged by the conflict, and some 411.000 school-age children are in dire need of essential services, which profoundly affects their educational development. The UN plans to cover the needs of 3.6 million affected children and almost 190.000 teachers by providing accelerated learning activities for those who have been out of school for more than three years and providing psychosocial and mental health support services and learning packages.[1]
The current conflict was prompted by a power struggle between the TPLF and the current Ethiopian president Abiy Ahmed. The TPLF ruled the country for over thirty years until Ahmed came to power in 2018 to dismantle the TPLF’s regime. As Ahmed became the president of the country, he managed to rearrange the political power while ostracizing the TPLF. Parallelly, Ahmed also managed to end the longstanding war with neighbouring Eritrea.
On the 4th of November 2020, the government accused the TPLF of attacking a military base near Mekelle and ordered a military intervention to address the situation while calling for the aid of Eritrean forces and Tigray’s neighbouring region’s militias. Since then, the scale of the conflict has grown exponentially, with both sides committing mass killings and other atrocities that have called the attention of the international community. Ethnic discrimination against Tigrayans has been speculated to be entangled with the motivations of this war. It should be considered that while the focus of the conflict was on Tigray, conflict consequences eventually extended to the neighbouring regions of Amhara and Afar.
In March 2022, the government agreed to an indefinite ceasefire, but the conflict resumed in August. Nevertheless, a permanent cessation of hostilities was agreed upon in November 2022. While at this moment, the situation seems to have calmed down, Ethiopia now faces the aftermath of a devastating conflict, which calls for accountability on both sides as well as amending the several crises stemming from the war, among them the educational crisis.
One of the main reasons why the war on Tigray provoked an educational crisis was the military occupation of schools to use them as bases, accompanied by the plundering, pillaging, and looting of academic centres and the extensive structural damage suffered by the buildings.
IDP families and children at Primaray School in Mekelle IDP center April 15, 2021. Photo by UNICEF Ethiopia.
There have been many examples of this on both sides of the conflict. For instance, the historical school of Atse Yohannes in Mekelle was used by the ENDF for half a year, Eritrean forces used a primary school in Basen, and the TPLF used an elementary school in Bissober. This, of course, prompted the closure of schools, impeding the attendance of teachers and students, and resulted in extensive damage to infrastructure and school material since the use of the school would make the school a likely confrontation scenario. In some cases, it even resulted in derogatory messages towards locals being painted on the school walls.
According to several sources, around 2.8 million children missed out on education because of the war, and more than 2000 causalities have been reported regarding students and teachers.
The death of teachers and principals also represents a problem since it has generated a shortage of school staff, especially in areas where access to such qualifications is reduced. Due to this shortage, teachers are now forced to have many students in each class, making monitoring students’ progress closely difficult.
Beyond the military use of schools, a range of problems regarding quality and access to education emerged from the war. Trauma and psychological duress have been rampant among students and teachers, negatively impacting their capacity to attain their learning objectives.
Families’ financial losses provoked by the conflict, combined with extreme drought, famine, and health insecurity, have prompted students to stop learning activities to contribute to their family’s economy. Poverty has also hampered the recovery of damaged schools and the capacity to provide a salary for school staff. Teachers have also been more unable to perform their duties since they had to focus on surviving the situation.
The war on Tigray has generated an estimated 3.5 million internally displaced people, mostly women and children. Internally displaced students often found themselves in precarious situations and could not attend school. Students who moved to regions with different indigenous languages also found a barrier to school integration. In many cases, even to this day, internally displaced people and refugees from the war have sheltered themselves inside schools, the occupation of the space being an obstacle to resuming regular school activity.
According to research on the impact of armed violence on students’ educational attainment in Tigray, the school enrollment rates dropped dramatically due to conflict (almost a 10% decline in the studied areas), and educational wastage overall increased, with dropout and repetition rates at risk of rising. Moreover, the long-term impact of the educational crises is the potential lack of social capital and skills of future generations, rendering the communities of Tigray even more vulnerable.
While humanitarian aid is currently reaching the affected areas in northwestern Ethiopia, it should be noted that the mere reopening of schools without further consideration won’t be a fully effective solution. Facilities will need to be safely rebuilt, and students and teachers will have to deal with the traumatic experience of war and loss in the coming years. Tigray’s educational system was not built overnight, and recovery will not be quick either. Aid and resources such as school materials or teacher training will be crucial to restore the system.
Finally, it should be noted that this educational crisis was not entirely unavoidable. The occupation and looting of schools for military purposes are rarely justified under Ethiopian law. They can constitute a war crime and a human rights violation since it deprives children of access to education. More than that, the African Committee of Experts on the Rights and Welfare of the Child has urged African countries to ban the use of schools for military purposes or to enact specific measures to discourage it. The African Union Peace and Security Council has also called upon African countries to endorse the Safe Schools Declaration, which contains concrete protection measures. In this sense, Broken Chalk encourages the Ethiopian authorities to support such mandates, to strengthen the law and its application to protect the educational system, as well as to provide the necessary aid sociopsychological and material to affected students and school staff during the coming years to ensure they can recover and strive for the development they deserve.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Assefa, Y., Tilwani, S. A., Moges, B. T., & Shah, M. A. (2022). The impact of armed violence on students’ educational attainment and the role of parents in resilience schooling and the education process. Heliyon, 8(12), e12192. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.heliyon.2022.e12192
After the 2016 failed coup attack in Turkey, the Turkish government accused Fethullah Gülen and Gülen’s “Hizmet” movement as the masterminds of the failed coup attack. Then, many teachers, professors, government officials, prosecutors, army members, police officers and human rights activists were detained, persecuted, and oppressed for their alleged link to the Hizmet movement. But what is the Hizmet Movement? Who is Fethullah Gülen? In addition, why is the current Turkish regime accusing Gülen of plotting the failed coup attack in 2016?
Broken Chalk is a non-profit organisation that fights against all types of discrimination, particularly human rights violations in education. As a fast-growing organisation, Broken Chalk strives to remove existing barriers in the educational sphere worldwide, collaborating with communities and organisations that share a similar mission and becoming a leading organisation that sustainably addresses human rights violations.
As part of Broken Chalk’s mission to defend human rights in the field of education, the “Broken Chalk Talks” program, launched on Monday, is a mini-seminar series for a 3-week period, whereby Dr Ismail M. Sezgin gives a lecture. As the Executive Director and Co-Founder of the Center for Hizmet Studies and research assistant at Regent’s Park College, his purposes with this initiative are to educate people about Fethullah Gülen – a Turkish Islamic scholar who self-exiled in the USA since 1999 -, about Hizmet Movement, and on the oppression of Hizmet Movement members, for many of them have been detained and stripped away from their jobs and positions.
In the first week of the seminar, Dr Ismail briefly introduced Fethullah Gülen’s life and activism since an early age, the atmosphere in Turkey during the 1990s, and how he was forced to emigrate to the United States to protect himself from his potential assassination. Dr Ismail provided a brief history of the Hizmet movement and its activism and dedication to human rights and charity works to improve marginalised people’s education, health, and living conditions. For the next two weeks, the seminar will discuss the Hizmet Movement and the ‘AKP’ – the current ruling party in Turkey and explain the reason for the AKP’s accusations towards Gulen and the Hizmet Movement on the grounds of ‘terrorism’. He will additionally dive into the reason for the Hizmet Movement’s support for AKP and Erdogan from 2002 until 2013, why the Hizmet movement stopped supporting the AKP, as well as the persecution of the Hizmet Movement in Turkey after the failed coup attack in 2016.
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