An interview with an inspiring young man from Turkey about his involvement in the education field.
We are in a cultural centre in the city of Utrecht, the Netherlands.
Mustafa Simsekler is surrounded by around twenty children aged between three and ten years old and their parents. In just an hour, as part of its educational robotics workshops, his goal is teaching them how to build the “fastest car model”.
In the middle of a set of batteries, motors and coloured cards, one can clearly perceive the smiles of these children and their parents, who almost seem to be having as much fun as their children.
Little Engineers Academy
His organization is called “Little Engineers Academy”. It consists of a series of robotics workshops during which children can develop not only their hand and production skills, but in particular their ability to be real problem solvers.
I have talked with Mustafa to know more about his story and the functioning of his organization.
Can you talk to me about your background?
“I studied Electrical and Electronics Engineering in Italy and I did another bachelor’s degree in law in Turkey. I also did a masters in Robotics and children brain development.
Then I worked for Boeing aircraft company in the United States, in three different places: Los Angeles, Boston and Seattle. Then I worked in Chile and my last job was in France. I was working for NATO doing research. Then I came back to Turkey where I also worked for the Turkish Air force.”
And then what happened?
In 2016, they fired me because we were not doing what the government was asking and I was against the Turkish Syrian possible war, the government did not like it. So, I lost my job. The government started to paint us as terrorists, my brothers went to prison, they all lost their jobs and one of them was banned from university…My father couldn’t handle it and he died. It was hard for us and at that time there was this pressure from the government… It was at that moment that I founded this company, “Little Engineers Academy”, 7 years ago.
With my colleagues we tracked the academic work that was available on brain development of children and this company became so famous in Turkey. We are basing our trainings on “the game”. In fact, also the children have a job and their job is solving a game. In these workshops we only suggest to children games without laptops, phones or any kind of screen because they are very harmful in early childhood.
Little Engineers Academy
Why did you have to flee Turkey?
I founded this company in Turkey, where it became so famous that we had almost 20 workers. However, after a while the Turkish government asked for consultancy from us, they gave me a 6 years judgment, they were considering me as a terrorist.
So, one day I decided to flee, I started to swim from Turkey at 12 and I was in Greece at 6.
Then I went to Italy, because I had some ID card from my study period, and finally I came to the Netherlands, in 2021, it’s almost 15 months since I have been here.
I came here as a refugee and I was in a camp, and at that time it seemed to me so awkward to just spend my time sleeping in a bed so I started giving lessons to children in the camp. I began to do some voluntary jobs and at the time I also had a contact with Utrecht’s mayor Ms. Sharon Dijksma who really helped me find some subsidies. I started giving lessons all around the Netherlands and I am currently giving classes in 14 different places in the country. Even if other high-tech companies offered me higher salaries, I am really happy with my job, I want to do something with children so that’s why I chose this way. It was also a way to say thank you to this country.
How does your workshop work?
So, in general, all the robotic companies are using ready materials and solving ready programs and they are all dependent on screens which are really harmful for children at an early age.
Our aim is to give children only the motor and batteries, as all the other materials come from nature and can be found everywhere. For example, we are making some robots from the roots, stones, chestnuts…Children can do robotics from everything, they don’t need extra materials. And we are also doing something that they are really going to use in their homes, airplanes, bedroom lamps…
Right now, we trained 1000 children in the Netherlands and more than 6000 children in the world. This education program is working in the United States, in the United Kingdom, in the Netherlands and Turkey.
Our objective is to teach them how to solve problems, not about coding or programming. People think about coding or programming as a goal, but it’s not the goal, it is brain development, helping them develop the ability to solve problems. This is because we don’t know in the future which issues and technologies, they are going to face but we know that they will have problems in their life…If you are a good problems solver in your life, in every occasion, when they you are stressed or criticized by others, you will have the ability to make the right decisions.
In 2018, negotiations regarding Turkey’s accession the European Union (EU) came to a standstill as no further chapters could have been discussed for the foreseeable future. However, both parties maintained an amicable relationship, working toward a future where they could collaborate on common interests. In March of 2021, the European Commission expressed its readiness to cooperate with Turkey on joint areas such as counterterrorism, food security, migration trade and energy. To date, Turkey remains a key partner of the EU in its facilitated dialogue between Russia and Ukraine in the agreement on the export of grains. However, tension in the Eastern Mediterranean remains high with the EU urging Turkey to encourage stability within the region.
This summary discusses the 2022 EU Enlargement policy report as communicated by the European Commission in its 2022 Enlargement package. The report tackles multiple areas in which the EU has expressed concern such as fundamental freedoms and democracy in Turkey. The summary will also relay the report’s findings when it comes to education, culture and employment policies. All of which reflect on Turkey’s accession to the EU.
Fundamental Rights
Freedom of expression and association
Of the most crucial rights that spark controversy in Turkey, freedom of expression has been under scrutiny by the government of Turkey which did not go unnoticed. The 2022 Turkey report states that currently Turkey is in the early stages of taking a European-based human right approach when it comes to the dissemination of opposition voices and freedom of expression. Many instances regarding criminal cases and convictions of journalists, students, lawyers and human rights defenders continue in the country.
For instance, the legislative environment regarding the internet, anti-terrorism and the Criminal Code limit the exercise of freedom of expression. There have been reports of selective and arbitrary application of legislation raise concerns regarding the rule of law and the right to a fair trial. The Council of Europe Committee of Ministers strongly urged the Turkish authorities to consider changes to the Criminal Code as many cases related to freedom of expression have been lodged to the European Court of Human Rights.
As for freedom of assembly and association, the report states that there had been some serious backsliding by the Turkish government as implementation and legislation are not in line with the Turkish constitution, European standards or the international conventions which Turkey is party to. Many human rights defenders have been detained or arrested due to their exercise of their freedom of association. This included prominent non-governmental organisations such as Human Rights Association which were subjected to police raids.
Women’s and Children’s rights
It had been evident that the regression concerning the right of women and girls in Turkey has had tangible effects in the country. The presidential decision to withdraw from the Council of Europe Convention on Preventing and Combating Violence Against Women and Domestic Violence had been met with serious backlash from the public. Turkey is in the process of implementing The Fourth National Action Plan for Combating Violence against Women (2021-2025) yet, there had been 339 killing of women in 2021 alone. Turkey lacks a robust system for data collection to assess the nature of this issue. There are numerous concerns regarding women’s right as hate speech increased against independent women organizations and women’s participation in politics and decision making is low. On the other hand, some penalties were increased for violence against women who are or were the spouse of the perpetrator in July 2021.
In the area of the rights of the child, Turkey needs to improve its juvenile justice system. There has been reports of continuous juvenile arrests on charges of membership to terrorist organizations and often, detained in non-juvenile institutions. Turkey had shown limited progress in tackling and reducing core issues related to child marriages and gender-based violence against children. Additionally, the effects of COVID-19 have been tangible when it came to the decreased education of the Roma children.
Rights of persons with disabilities
Turkey has started its National Action Plan on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities which will be its implementation tool for its 2030 Barrier Free Vision Document. Turkey needs an independent implementation and monitoring framework as required by the UN Conventions on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities. This is also true for mental health and Turkey does not have a concrete foundation for mental health monitoring and implementation in the country. Moreover, community-based care services, including foster care and adoption, need to be expanded for minors with disabilities who are in need of state protection.
Education and culture
In Early Childhood Education (ECE) in Turkey, the net enrolment rate (NER) for preschool education largely decreased from 71.22 % in 2019-2020 to 56.89 % in 2020-2021 and the combined NER for Turkish children between 3 and 5 years old decreased from 41.78 % to 28.35 %. It is important to note that as the country’s efforts to improve accessibility to persons with disabilities, the number of students in special education increased from 425 774 in 2020 to 425 816 in 2021. For persons with special needs, Turkey continued to invest towards inclusive education instead of segregated settings, yet the school closures due to COVID-19 have affected the access of such students to education. It is worth to note that Turkey is in an advanced stage in implementing the Bologna measures despite the disparity in quality of education between Turkey’s 207 higher education institutions.
In 2022, Turkey had declared the year as the Year of Youth Participation. Turkey also participates in the European Year of the Youth. Turkish youth organisations showed high levels of interest in the Erasmus+ and European Solidarity Corps programmes, which continue to be major sources of funding for international youth exchange activities in Turkey.
In the post-pandemic era, Turkey’s cultural sector suffered from inadequate and unsustainable funding. Non-governmental cultural actors were hindered by the insufficient cultural infrastructure, lack of professionalism and limited management capacities. Also, the number of books obtaining the warning “harmful for minors/ +18” has increased. Six publications were declared “obscene” in 2021. The books were focused on gender-based rights, gender identity or included LGBTQI characters, and such measures pose a threat to freedom of publication.
Social policy and employment
The labour market situation in Turkey has slightly improved. The employment rate (15+) increased to 45.2 % in 2021 from 42.7 % in 2020. The rate increased for men to 62.8 % from 59.4 %, for women to 28 % from 26.2 %. Unemployment rate (15+) decreased from 13.1 % to 12 % in 2021. The unemployment rate for women remained almost at the same level with 14.7 %. The youth unemployment rate (15-24) decreased from 24.9 % in 2020 to 22.6 % in 2021. The rate of young people neither in employment nor in education or training (NEET) aged 15-24 decreased from 28.4 % in 2020 to 24.7 % in 2021; however for women, the rate is still quite high at 32.4 %. Turkey adopted its first National Youth Employment Strategy and Action Plan (2021-2023) in October 2021.
In the area of social inclusion and social protection, Turkey still requires a policy framework for poverty reduction. The accelerating inflation levels pose risks for vulnerable segments of the population. It is worth to note that social assistance payments amounted to TRY 97.8 billion or 1.74% of the GDP. Furthermore, Turkey needs a solid strategy and action plan for non-discrimination in employment and social policy. Discrimination on the grounds of sexual orientation and gender identity is not prohibited by law. The role of Human Rights and Equality Institution (HREI) and the Ombudsman remained limited in combating discrimination in employment. Employment of persons with disabilities in the private sector is reported to be challenging, partly due to limited physical accessibility, prejudices and skills mismatch. Efforts are needed to prevent discrimination for LGBTIQ in employment and social policy.
In employment and social policy, the gender gap in the labour market has remained high. Legislation needs to be improved for a better work-life balance. To achieve this, half-time work allowances were paid to 4,841 beneficiaries in 2021. The employment rate for women (18-64 age group) in case there are children in the household remained below the EU average. Women’s employment is hindered due to insufficient access to quality and affordable formal care services and the gender bias in caring responsibilities and discriminatory stereotypes. Some programmes supporting employment of mothers with children were terminated by the end of 2021.
In conclusion, Turkey lacks concrete implementation of polices regarding its fundamental rights such the freedom of speech and association. The situation concerning social policy, discrimination and the juvenile justice system need to have proper monitoring framework. There was some progress in terms early education and youth participation in the EU programmes. Still, Turkey needs to align its goals with its intent to accede the European Union.
Human rights are fundamental parts of our social and governance systems. These universal rights are inherent to every individual regardless of nationality, ethnicity, race or sex[1]. According to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR), every individual has the right to life, liberty and security (Article 3), shall not be subject to torture (Article 5) or arbitrary arrest and detention (Article 9)[2]. In addition, Article 13 and 14 of the UDHR lay down that people have the right to leave any country, including their own to seek asylum in other countries due to fear of persecution in their home country[3]. However, despite all the international norms and legal frameworks in place today, the abovementioned rights of many individuals are violated when they seek refuge in foreign countries. In particular, a recent study found that hundreds of refugees and asylum seekers are being pushed back at the borders of the European Union when they try to escape their home countries in the hope of a better life[4].
The refugee crisis in Europe started in 2015 when a huge influx of third-country nationals arrived at the borders of the European Union. According to the statistics of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), more than five million refugees arrived at the borders of the Union by 2016[5]. Although the biggest wave of the crisis is over, still many refugees arrive to Europe nowadays as there were over half a million asylum applications submitted to the European Union in 2021[6].
However, tens of thousands of refugees are pushed back at the borders to prevent them from entering the European Union[7]. For instance, it has been reported that Spain deports unaccompanied minors to Morocco which puts the vulnerable refugee children at risk of exploitation and violates their human rights[8]. Another example is the case of Syrian refugees who wanted to enter Croatia from Bosnia and Herzegovina but were pushed back by the Croatian police officers, were beaten and unlawfully detained[9]. Additional countries that were found to be unlawfully denying entry for refugees and pushing them back at the borders with the use of force and violence include Greece, Hungary, Italy and Malta. In addition, Bulgaria is also one of the countries that unfairly pushes back refugees without any assessment of individual cases. This is illustrated by the case of a Turkish journalist who fled Turkey because he was suspected to be part of the Gülen movement which is perceived as a terrorist organization, he was fired from his workplace and feared further reprisals[10]. When arriving at the borders, Bulgarian officers failed to assess his case, disregarded his fear of persecution and return in Turkey, and forced him to sign documents he did not understand[11]. In less than 24 hours after his arrival he was handcuffed and handed over to the Turkish authorities, was held in detention and later sentenced to seven years of prison for his alleged support of the Gülen movement[12].
This case perfectly demostrates the core idea of the Refugee Convention of 1951 that was signed by all the member states of the European Union and that lays down that refugees must not be returned to a country where they face threats to their life and human rights. This is the principle of non-refoulement which is an essential component of refugees’ and asylum seekers’ protection and is part of customary international law, which means that it also applies to states that have not ratified the Refugee Convention or its 1967 Protocol. The original Convention had a limited geographical and time scope as it was only applicable to refugees of World War II, but its additional Protocol of 1967 removed this restriction and this extention of the treaty was also ratified by all EU states. In this sense, countries that unlawfully push back refugees, deny their entry and reject their asylum application without assessment not only violate their human right to life, security, movement and not being subject to torture, arbitrary arrest and detention as laid down in the UDHR, but also breach international law and norms since many of these refugees fled their country due to fear of persecution.
What even further exacerbates the problem is the fact that often times the European Union itself is indirectly funding these pushbacks, thereby supporting human right violations and going against the Union’s core values. The pushbacks were found to often be carried out with the help of Europe’s border agency Frontex which uses the Union’s financial resources. The European Ombusdman found that the European Commission has been providing funding for border control since 2018 but only established an independent monitoring mechanism to safeguard human rights at the borders in the middle of 2021[13]. The Ombudsman ruled that while the Commission lacks the authority to investigate the protection of human rights at border activities, it has the authority as well as the obligation to ensure that the Union’s funds are spent in compliance with EU law and human rights law[14]. Therefore it is the Commission’s responsibility to make sure that funds are not allocated to activities that are not in line with the European Union’s values and international law, such as the unlawful pushback of refugees. Furthermore, according to Article 258 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU), the Commission can initiate so-called infringement prodecures which are legal procedures to ensure that member states are complying with EU law[15]. This means that the European Commission can fulfil its obligation of overseeing the protection of human rights inside member states by establishing and funding monitoring bodies and in case of a breach it can initiate such an infringement prodecude and bring the case to the Court of Justice of the European Union. In addition, the Commission can also introduce conditionality between human rights protection and funding, which means that it can establish a system to make funds conditional and withhold funds from member states that do not comply with EU laws and values[16].
In conclusion, fundamental human rights are violated at the borders of Europe and the EU as refugees and asylum seekers are often pushed back and experience violence. Refugees are threatened, assaulted, abused and detained, left to die on their boats or thrown into the sea, which results in thousands of tragic deaths that could have been easily prevented[17]. This violates their human rights, namely the right to life, security and movement, as well as the right to be free from torture, arbitrary arrest and detention, which poses a severe threat to these innocent people’s physical well-being. Lastly, the European Commission is not only ignoring but also funding these human right violations which contradicts the values of the Union. Refugees are inherently a highly vulnerable group and have less access to national courts to enforce their rights and make their voice heard. Therefore it is the responsibility of the EU and its member states to ensure that refugees’ fundamental rights, and it is the European Commission’s obligation to make sure that the funds allocated to member states for border control and asylum application procedures are spent in compliance with the Union’s values as well as international law and norms.
European Ombudsman. (2022). Decision concerning how the European Commission monitors and ensures respect for fundamental rights by the Croatian authorities in the context of border management operations supported by EU funds (case 1598/2020/VS). https://www.ombudsman.europa.eu/en/decision/en/152811
Rijpma, J., & Fotiadis, A. (2022). Addressing the Violation of Fundamental Rights at the External Borders of the European Union. https://www.greens-efa.eu/en/article/study/addressing-the-violation-of-fundamental-rights-at-the-external-borders-of-the-european-union. The Greens/European Free Alliance.
[13] European Ombudsman. (2022). Decision concerning how the European Commission monitors and ensures respect for fundamental rights by the Croatian authorities in the context of border management operations supported by EU funds (case 1598/2020/VS)
According to the 2022 European Commission Enlargement Package in relation to Bosnia and Herzegovina, no progress was made in adopting countrywide human rights and anti-discrimination strategies. The 2009 law on the prohibition of discrimination is still not applied effectively in Bosnia Herzegovina. In addition, disputes over education continue and systemic solutions for ensuring inclusive and non-discriminatory education are not yet in place. In particular, the common core curriculum is not completed or applied throughout the country, and the availability of teaching in the national groups of subjects remains limited. Furthermore, no progress was made in eliminating the practice of ‘two schools under one roof’ and the name of the Bosnian language is not recognised in schools in the Republika Srpska entity, leading to recurrent school boycotts. Finally, persons with disabilities remain among the most vulnerable groups and continue to face hurdles to access education, healthcare and social assistance. The report underlines how the issue of accessibility to public buildings needs to be addressed in a systematic manner.
Education as a service for refugees and migrants
Some progress has been made in providing essential services to refugees and migrants, in cooperation with humanitarian partners. However, the actions in practice are still limited. A 2021 national report underlines for instance how only the Una-Sana and Sarajevo cantonal authorities provide access to legal guardianship and facilitate access to education for unaccompanied children.
Education in relation to the labour market
The European Commission states that one of the reasons of the persistence of high unemployment in the country is a mismatch of education curricula with the labour market needs. In order to support long-term growth, Bosnia and Herzegovina should in particular improve the quality of education and training, in particular by accelerating the modernisation of curricula with a view to better alignment with labour market needs.
Education and innovation section
Investment in education remains inadequate, highly fragmented and poorly coordinated, leading to varied standards within the country.
According to the European Commission, public spending on education accounted for some 4% of GDP in 2020. When adding private spending and support by foreign donors, the overall amount stands at nearly 5% of GDP. Despite this significant spending, in particular when taking into account the number of students, it is underlined that the system fails to provide the country’s labour force with the skills and knowledge necessary for a smooth integration in the labour market. Furthermore, the insufficient coordination leads to a lack of common standards for various levels of education, as well as in differences in the quality of teachers’ training and performance evaluation.
In addition, teaching curricula continue to be outdated and are still not sufficiently aligned with the country’s needs. The results of Bosnia and Herzegovina’s participation to the 2018 PISA study indicate that the students’ performance ranks well below the OECD average, which is a clear impediment for the country’s competitiveness and growth potential. Unfortunately, Bosnia and Herzegovina refrained from participating in the follow-up study.
Furthermore, spending on research and innovation is limited and impeded by the low degree of cooperation and coordination among the various levels of government, leading to a low efficiency of the overall system.
Finally, the absence of an efficient funding system is another factor preventing the country’s innovation policy from achieving better results for the funds spent. The country’s research capacities remain limited, while brain drain continues, most notably in the health, medical, and IT sectors with no systematic measures having been introduced so far to address the issue.
Equal treatment men and women
The principle of equal opportunities and equal treatment of men and women in matters of employment and social policy is regulated by the laws on gender equality and antidiscrimination, and by the entity-level labour laws. These laws contain provisions on gender equality covering different areas (employment, education, training and professional qualification) but in practice the enforcement of non-discrimination legislation remains low.
Education and Culture
The European Commission states that Bosnia and Herzegovina is at an early stage of preparation in the area of education and culture. It is stated that there was no specific progress in the area, with Bosnia and Herzegovina failing to participate in 2021 PIRLS or 2022 PISA. In particular, a fully functional system of accreditation of higher education institutions and in particular study programmes is still lacking.
According to the European Union, Bosnia and Herzegovina needs to align legislation at all levels of government with the framework laws on education, and ensure application of the common core curriculum based on learning outcomes. Social inclusion at all stages of education needs to be ensured. Youth strategies across the country should be developed and implemented. Finally, the European Commission provides specific recommendations to Bosnia and Herzegovina:
→ to extend and update the action plan for the national qualification framework (NQF) and establish an inter-sectoral commission for NQF;
→to ensure a fully functional system of (re-)accreditation of higher education institutions and study programmes across the country;
→ to ensure continued participation in international assessment studies and implementation of findings to improve PISA results.
Furthermore, in the specific area of education and training some other issues have to be underlined. First of all, education should be provided to children with special needs, particularly in terms of ensuring the necessary infrastructure, provisions, transportation and school assistants to support both children and teachers. Secondly, the absence of a mechanism to systematically measure or monitor the quality of education inputs, outputs, or outcomes needs to be taken into consideration. Finally, the European Commission underlines the lack of common standards for the different levels of education, as well as in teacher training and performance evaluation.
Sweden enjoys a great reputation in the world not only in the category of education, but also for its economy and successful implementation and execution of the duties of a welfare state. Sweden is known to be regulated very clearly and successfully. It is applauded for being one of the countries with the best regulatory mechanisms for the refugee crisis and immigration and to be one of the pioneers in handling the climate crisis. But is Sweden truly as imperceptible in terms of education as is assumed? Which educational challenges is Sweden facing?
General information
Swedish student are attending school compulsorily for 10 years. School is government funded, e.g. through taxes. Therefore, every child has the possibility to attend school. Access to education is high.[1] Students attend the following school stages: ”förskoleklass (‘preschool year’ or year 0), lågstadiet (years 1-3), mellanstadiet (years 4-6) and högstadiet (years 7-9).” [2] These are the compulsory years. A highschool education, gymnasium, which is attended from years 10-12 is possible, but not compulsory. The higher education system is divided into universities and högskola. Högskola can be compared to university college.
Considering the International school awards, the international school Sigtunaskolan Humanistiska Läroverket won an environmental award in 2021. This was announced by ISC Research.[3] Both Sweden’s investment in education in financial terms and the study outcome in terms of reading performance are above the OECD average, a benchmark created by PISA. This means that the Swedish government puts sufficient focus on education and that the financial input and educational output align.[4] According to the HMRI Rights Tracker, “on the right to education, Sweden is doing 86.0% of what should be possible at its level of income (measured against the income adjusted benchmark).” [5] With this, Sweden finds itself in the top 10 countries with the highest score in the category “right to education”. The leading country is Singapore with 96.5 percent. Finland, Sweden’s neighboring country, is ranked in 7th place.
Quality of university education
In total, Sweden established 50 institutions of higher education on its land.[6] According to the QS World University Ranking 2022, six Swedish universities are among the top 200 universities worldwide, the best ranked being Lund University coming in place 89, scoring 60.1 overall. Lund University is followed by KTH Royal Institute of Technology and Chalmers University of Technology. Two other universities are ranked by the QS Ranking within the top 200 universities worldwide, the remaining 45 universities are not mentioned. The worst ranked university on the QS World University Ranking 2002 is Umeå University, scoring 30.5.[7]
Migrated students and the issues they face
Sweden is a country with large numbers of immigration. 14.4% of Swedish citizens are, as of 2009, born in other countries, and therefore immigrated to Sweden.[8] The PISA report recommends Sweden to have a closer focus on the needs of those with an immigration background, who make up more than 5 percent of their attending students. As immigrant students have it much harder to obtain high study results, there should be extra support for this demographic of students.[9] The gap in study performance between those born in Sweden and those whose families immigrated to Sweden is significant: 27% less students from immigration backgrounds are able to achieve high levels in the PISA testing. Furthermore, anxiety is also much higher amongst those students who are not born in Sweden.[10] Furthermore, almost one in two immigrant students in Sweden finds themselves at a disadvantage.[11] The gaps in performance and dedication to study remain big between those who were born in Sweden and those who immigrated. Even though Sweden has taken significant steps towards creating equal opportunities for those who seek refuge and more opportunities in the Swedish country and making relatively open immigration policies, there still is a lot of work that needs to be done. Seen on a global scale, the chances of those with low study performance due to socio-economic background attending the same school as those with high study performance is relatively high. It is stated that “disadvantaged students have at least a one-in-five chance of having high-achieving schoolmates”. [12] When asked if they believe that their intelligence cannot be affected, which is a question asked by PISA to find out if students have a will to improve their learning capacities and knowledge, more than 60 percent of students disagreed with this statement in 2018. This means that they believed that their own actions could affect their intelligence. Yet, there was a negative difference between immigrant and non-immigrant students.[13]
However, there are serious efforts to include those students from other countries into the Swedish educational system. They receive the right to study at the same schools as Swedish students and there is more focus being set on integration. Students who are originally from other countries also have the right to tutoring in their mother tongue if enough students with the same mother tongue are in their vicinity.[14] This indicates that the Swedish government also takes steps to accommodate those who are not native in the Swedish culture and language.
Performance
On the PISA report 2018 [15], Sweden’s general educational performance ranks at place 11. It is the 5th best country according to study performance in Europe. The PISA test examines students’ academic abilities in three disciplines: reading, mathematics and science. Students performace is measured in points and divided into 6 levels, level 1 being level 1a and 1b. In all three categories, Sweden scored in level 5, together with many other European states, such as Germany, Ireland and Switzerland.[16] Sweden’s study performance has been increasing in between the tests from 2015 to 2018.[17] Even though the trend was negative, now the curve is flattening, which means that the negative developments in reading performance are slowly coming to an end. It also shows that the investment in education, which is over OECD average, also leads to reading results higher than average. Students in Sweden scored 505 points on the reading test, the OECD average being 487 points and the maximum 555 points.[18]
New trends- Prepping being taught at schools
As a result of new developments, preppin is now being taught at Swedish highschools. Out of fear of a Russian military attack, not only private courses, but also public schools teach how to prepare for an emergency of this nature. There remains a possibility that Russia might settle its military on the Swedish island Gotland to be in a better position to attack and possibly annex the Baltics. Risk managers are giving classes at Swedish schools to inform the students about possible dangers and how to prepare for them. In these classes, students are taught how to prepare not only for the Russian invasion, but also for other catastrophes that could be a result of climate change or other global influences. [19] Sweden has already been focusing energy on teaching prepping since 2017, which had been intensified by the Covid 19 pandemic.[20]
Conclusion
To conclude, Sweden enjoys a good reputation for its education for a reason. The financial input is high, and the study performance has been increasing as well. Sweden has been successful at fixing its issues with decreasing performance and is slowly bringing this trend to an end. However, Sweden faces multiple immigration gap related issues. There should be a stronger focus at aligning the needs of immigrated and native-born students.
Bergmark, & Hansson, K. 2021. “How Teachers and Principals Enact the Policy of Building Education in Sweden on a Scientific Foundation and Proven Experience: Challenges and Opportunities.” Scandinavian Journal of Educational Research, 65(3), 448–467. https://doi.org/10.1080/00313831.2020.1713883.
Forsberg, E., Hallsén, S., Karlsson, M., Bowden, H. M., Mikhaylova, T., & Svahn, J. (2021). “Läxhjälp as Shadow Education in Sweden: The Logic of Equality in “A School for All.’” ECNU Review of Education, 4(3), 494–519. https://doi.org/10.1177/2096531120966334.
Olsson, Emelie, 2021. Understanding swedish prepping : a mixed-method study on resilience, trust, and incentives to prepare for crises. Second cycle, A2E. Uppsala: SLU, Dept. of Urban and Rural Development.
Persson, Magnus. 2022. “Crossing a Social Demarcation Line: Students Experience Friction in the Transformed Swedish Higher Education System.” International Studies in Sociology of Education 0 (0): 1–20. https://doi.org/10.1080/09620214.2022.2125039.
[20] Olsson, Emelie, 2021. Understanding swedish prepping : a mixed-method study on resilience, trust, and incentives to prepare for crises. Second cycle, A2E. Uppsala: SLU, Dept. of Urban and Rural Development.
Over 20 years, Israel has seen some significant developments connected to its education system. These advancements, by 2019, led to Israel becoming one of the highest spenders on primary, secondary, and post-secondary non-tertiary education as a share of GDP amongst OECD countries (Israel: 6.7%, OECD average: 4.9%),[i] with more than half of the population holding tertiary attainment between age 25 and 64.[ii] Furthermore, Israel’s fast technological developments put the country on the list of the top 20 most innovative countries in the world.[iii]
Despite all successes, Israel is still behind in ensuring some basic human rights regarding access to education for all its citizens and residents. Following brief overview of Israel’s ethnic composition and education system, this article highlights some of the most urgent issues in the country’s education sector by looking at educational differences along ethnic groups and socioeconomic classes, analysing the consequences of the COVID-19 pandemic, as well as investigating what is going on in Area C of the occupied territories of the West Bank.
The Composition and Historical context of Ethnic Groups in Israel
Israel is a multi-ethnic, multinational, and multicultural state; 74% of the population is Jewish, 21% is Arab, 1.5% is Ethiopian, and the remaining 3.5% are identified as “others”. The composition of the Arabic-speaking population can be further categorised according to religious beliefs: 85% of them are Muslim, 7.5% are Christian, and the remaining 7.5% are Druze.
The ethnic composition of the Israeli population is crucial to discussing issues in the country since many problems stem from discrimination and clashes among ethnic groups, and the Israeli education system reflects these issues too. Conflict among these ethnic (and religious) groups frequently have deep historical roots, particularly in the case of clashes between the Jewish and the Arabic groups. Their conflict dates back to the very creation of Israel as a state, and the several wars throughout the 20th century, such as the 1948 Arab-Israel War, the Six-Day War of 1967, and the Yom Kippur War of 1973, further complicated the relationship of the two sides.
The Arabic-speaking minorities’ national identity rarely associate with Israel, whose political leadership stresses the state’s Jewish character, while refusing to recognise Arab or Palestinian national identities. Moreover, Israel frequently applies discriminatory practices towards these ethnic groups (also in the education sector) because state authorities frequently perceive them as a security threat due to the historical Arab-Israel conflicts.[iv]
The Younger the Better – The Israeli Education System
From its very foundation in 1948, the State of Israel has been closely monitoring and regulating its education system because they have been considering education as a way to ensure social mobility. The 1949 Compulsory Education Act was the first official legal action taken in Israel to enforce compulsory education which ensured free school attendance for children for 9 years from age 5.[v] Later amendments further expanded the Act, and, by 2009, compulsory education was extended until grade 12, while, by 2016, compulsory school entrance age was lowered to age 3.[vi] The successes of the Israeli education system are further reflected in the fact that despite compulsory education starting at age 3, 47% of children are already enrolled in an educational institution before age 2.[vii] Furthermore, 99% of the child population between age 3 and 5 was enrolled in an educational institution in 2019.[viii]
State-funded Israeli general education works along a four-stream system to satisfy all cultural, religious, and ethnic demands of its population. Consequently, the state provides secular, religious, and ultra-orthodox (Haredi) educational institutions for Jewish Israelis, while Arab schools serve the needs of Arab, Bedouin, Christian Arab, and Druze Israeli minorities.[ix] Along these ethnic and cultural lines, Hebrew-speaking schools are managed by Jewish principals while schools teaching in Arabic are coordinated by Arab principals. However, all principals are subjugated to centralised Israeli administration, funding, and curriculum which ensure similar requirements and control teacher-salaries.[x]
‘Some are More Equal Than Others’[xi] – Ethnic Discrimination in Education
Although the four-stream school system seemingly satisfies different types of cultural and religious demands, the curricula of Arab schools are largely organized by a Zionist narrative which omit Arab historical, geographical, and cultural perspectives.[xii] Arabs are underrepresented in governmental educational decision-making bodies, as well as in educational planning and supervision positions, which prevents the interest of the Arabic-speaking community from being asserted both on national and on local levels.[xiii] Thus, despite the wide-range of official responsibilities of the Arab schools’ leaders, they have little influence on decisions concerning their institutions as most educational policies are top-down determined.[xiv]
Inequality is also prominent between Jewish and Arab schools when it comes to budget allocation for advance learning programmes, and to provide programmes supporting students who have fallen behind or children with disabilities.[xv] Moreover, an approximately 30% smaller budget is allocated to the Arab school system in population ratio. Differences in school budgets are tightly connected to inequality of opportunity and quality issues, as Arab schools often have ‘fewer classrooms, libraries, laboratories, and qualified teachers’.[xvi] These factors also result larger classes which hinder the learning of students because they have less individual attention from their teachers. In addition, Arabic-speaking students are required to learn Hebrew too, which is an additional subject for Arab students on top of all other compulsory subjects, yet schools do not receive extra funding to support their learning. [xvii]
The abovementioned factors negatively influence the learning outcomes of Arabic-speaking students which is indicated by the average lower achievement of Arab pupils and students on both national and international exams.[xviii] Arab students are 30% less likely to receive a matriculation certificate (Bagrut) which is needed to enter higher education and certain courses or even jobs.[xix]
Ethiopian students also experience significant discrimination. Although most of them attend Jewish religious schools, particularly the Orthodox Jewish community in particular questions the legitimacy of the minority’s Jewish identity due to their relatively recent presence in Israel and often also because of their darker skin colour.[xx] Racial discrimination, sometimes even by teachers, combined with low socioeconomic background widens the educational gap between Jewish and Ethiopian Israelis and results a considerably large dropout rate (10.5% official dropout and 23% hidden dropout) among Ethiopian students.[xxi] The issues Ethiopian students face are so severe that only ‘30% of twelfth-grade Ethiopian students earn the Bagrut at the level required for university entrance, compared to 65% of the general Jewish student population’ which further hinders Israeli Ethiopeans’ social mobility.[xxii]
Haim Zach / Government Press Office, CC BY-SA 3.0 <https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/3.0>, via Wikimedia Commons
Innovation But Not Equal Distribution –Socioeconomic Obstacles in Education
In Israel, socioeconomic inequalities majorly exist along ethnic and religious lines: Arabs and Haredi Jews together constitute approximately 30% of the Israeli population but make up 60% of the poor in the country.[xxiii] The reason behind this overrepresentation varies for the two groups.
As mentioned before, historical hostility between Arabs and Jewish Israelis are still prominent and often result in discrimination towards Arabs. Haredi Jews, on the other hand, are stuck in lower socioeconomic positions because of their strictly orthodox religious lifestyle in which men dedicate their life for reading the Torah and the community lives in relative segregation.[xxiv]
Figure 2 Israel Sci-Tech Schools. “Haredi Schools and Villages.” Friends of Israel Sci-Tech Schools. https://www.israel-scitech-schools.com/pioneering-models/haredi-schools-and-villages/. (Accessed: 15 October 2022).
While Jewish Israelis usually receive quality education for years and live in families where both parents work, Arab and Haredi communities frequently lack quality education, have lower paid jobs, and live in families where either one or both parents are unemployed.[xxv] Low socioeconomic background is generally in negative correlation with dropout rates, while the parents’ level of education is also a significant factor; the higher the number of years the parents attended school, the lower their children’s chances to drop out.[xxvi] This shows a vicious circle of social immobility which widens the educational and socioeconomic gap between the ethnic and religious groups in Israel.
However, not only are parents’ financial and educational statuses determinant in dropout rates. Since funding for general education institutions is allocated by local governments, schools in less affluent areas are frequently underfunded and cannot always provide quality education. This means that funding for Arab schools in Arab neighbourhoods can be 10 or even 20 times lower than in wealthier areas.[xxvii] Moreover, the population of Arab areas is increasing, which means a significant rise in student numbers in Arab schools.
In light of the above, the redistribution and reconsideration of funding allocation is becoming urgent to ensure quality education to all students in these areas.[xxviii] Financial issues affect the quality of Arab schools negatively, which can have a demotivating effect on Arabic-speaking student to continue or finish their studies. It gives some hope, however, that dropout rates have significantly declined since 2003 among Arabic-speaking students and fallen from 15.8% to 8.1% thanks to some reforms targeting the Arab education sector.[xxix]
When it comes to the Haredi community, boys from age 14 often transfer to yeshiva schools which are not supervised by the Israeli Ministry of Education. These schools follow a specific curriculum which rather focuses on religious studies and gives little space to regular school subjects. This means that Haredi students usually perform worse than other Jewish Israelis on international exams neither do they attain the Bagrut, which prevents them from entering higher education.[xxx]
However, recently the Israeli government has shown some admirable efforts in assisting yeshiva schools to ensure more regular subjects being taught, and thus increasing the chances of young Haredi Jews to pursue higher education and higher paid jobs. The state offered to cover 100% of the funding with an additional stipend for each student at every Haredi school that adopts core subjects in its curriculum, like mathematics or English.[xxxi]
Lacking Technology in the 15th Most Innovative Country – Issues During the Pandemic
The COVID-19 pandemic further widened the educational gap along socioeconomic lines. Israel has closed its educational institutions due to the pandemic in March 2020 and continued providing education through remote teaching.
However, many households lacked basic facilities needed for online education (computers, internet access, or even electricity) and even if they had access to them, families often could not afford multiple devices and facilities to support the learning of all their children.[xxxii]
The seriousness of these issues is exacerbated by the fact that students with low socioeconomic statuses are more likely to need assistance or extra attention from teachers which they rarely had the chance to get through online teaching, especially that some teachers also had difficulties adapting to remote teaching.[xxxiii] While some only struggled with getting used to the online platforms, others simply did not have access to appropriate facilities necessary for remote teaching.
In addition, online teaching was problematic in the Haredi Jewish community also because they traditionally avoid using internet, and although the number of internet users in the community is increasing, it is still not without obstacles for some children to participate in online education. A few Haredi schools simply refused to stop in-person teaching.[xxxiv]
Troubled Territories – Area C
Eventually, it is important to take a look at the West Bank territories (the majority of Palestine’s territory) occupied by Israel with almost only Arab residents. Legal, administrative, and governmental (and so many other) statuses of this region are complex and cluttered, but it is clear that Israel have significant influence over the region in every aspect.
The occupied West Bank territories were divided into three administrative regions in 1995, Area A, B and C.[xxxv] To put it simply, Area A is majorly governed by the Palestinian Authority (PA), while in Area B the PA has similar responsibilities, except for the security of the area which is managed by Israeli authorities. Area C, which means roughly 60% of the West Bank’s territories, is under Israeli control apart from certain civilian issues such as education and healthcare.
Figure 3 Welcome to Palestine. “Everything You Need to Know about Areas A, B and C.” Welcome To Palestine, July 21, 2017. https://www.welcometopalestine.com/article/areas-a-b-c-explained-west-bank-israel-gaza-palestine/. (Accessed: 15 October 2022).Figure 4 Kadman, Noga. “Acting the Landlord: Israel’s Policy in Area C, the West Bank.” B’TSELEM. June 2013. https://www.btselem.org/publications/summaries/201306_acting_the_landlord. (Accessed: 19 September 2022).
Despite it seems that Israel does not have much to do with education in the West Bank, they do have a tremendous amount of indirect influence over these civilian sectors just by controlling land or constructions in Area C. Besides, international law also identifies some responsibilities for Israel as it states that territorial occupants need to ensure human rights and dignified living conditions for people subjected to occupation.[xxxvi]
The education sector in Area A and B are affected by the overwhelming control of Israeli authorities in Area C, since the isolated regions with no airport or bay can only get supplies through Area C. However, this article primarily focuses on Area C as the education sector faces the most severe problems there.
Area C of the occupied West Bank territories hosts approximately 325 thousand Jewish Israelis, 180 thousand Palestinians, and 20 thousand Bedouin and other shepherding Israelis.[xxxvii] Israeli control limits non-Israeli settlement and certain activities, such as construction and infrastructural matters. These measures often leave non-Jewish villages without basic utilities and services, such as water, electricity, healthcare, education, or appropriate public transportation and roads.[xxxviii] Moreover, Israeli authorities have the right to demolish Palestinian and Bedouin settlements along Israeli interest and relocate their population.[xxxix] Some Bedouin villages are demolished simply because the Israeli authorities do not acknowledge them as official settlements. [xl]
Despite the lack of direct Israeli influence on education, these conditions prevent mostly Palestinian and Bedouin children from attending school among appropriate conditions, or even from attending at all. The demolition of settlements endangers educational institutions as well, while new schools can rarely be built due to the restriction of non-Jewish construction. This leaves entire villages without any form of educational services. In 2012 alone, 37 schools were facing demolition because they were built without a permit from Israeli authorities.[xli]
The lack of infrastructure is also challenging for non-Jewish children to physically get to school, as public transportation and school buses are limited in the area.[xlii] 189 out of 532 settlements do not even have a primary school at all,[xliii] which means that many children have to walk up to two hours each way to get to school.[xliv] This often becomes impossible when weather conditions are hostile.[xlv]
In addition, it is often unsafe for small children to travel alone to school due to frequent atrocities targeting Palestinian and Bedouin children, some of which is committed at military checkpoints where children often need to cross to get to school.[xlvi] During school raids, the Israeli military frequently arrests several students and confiscate school equipment. These dangers discourage parents to send their children to school, especially their daughters. [xlvii]
Girls’ education is particularly endangered as some traditional societal norms prohibit them to travel alone and when no male family member can accompany them on the way, they cannot attend school.[xlviii] In addition, early marriage, or the need for them to stay home to help take care of their grandparents or disabled siblings, for instance, also results in many girls never attending or failing to finish their education. [xlix] However, it is not genuine to girls to potentially drop out or miss school to help out their parents.[l] As the socioeconomic gap widens between Jewish Israelis and non-Jewish citizens and residents, some families become unable to afford school equipment, basic needs like shoes,[li] or public transportation, thus they cannot send their children to school despite education itself is free.[lii]
These circumstances negatively influence the quality of education which results in common disinterest in education among children in Area C which can result in children leaving school, while the ones who can continue with their studies often do this in poor-equipped educational institutions.[liii] Dropout rates are particularly high among Bedouin children: only 32% of them get a matriculation certificate compared to 68% of the Israeli population (excluding the Haredi community). [liv] These issues were exacerbated by schools shifting to online teaching during COVID-19, as Bedouins frequently live in tents without any electricity, internet access, and computers.[lv] ‘About 100,000 Bedouin students and about 2,000 Bedouin college students from the Negev’ had severe difficulties to attend school during the pandemic. [lvi]
Finally, it is also important to highlight that education in Area C lacks the adequate financial resources. Most financial support arrive from international organisations, such as the USAID, UNRWA, and the Middle East Quartet.[lvii] However, both these organisations and the PA need to complete prolonged bureaucratic procedures to finance projects and receive permit from Israeli authorities. The difficulties frequently result in organisations abandoning their projects or lead to subsequent delays in project implementation.[lviii]
Final Remarks
Israel inarguably has some admirable achievements regarding its education sector. However, policymaking and policy implementation face severe difficulties not only in terms of creating effective and inclusive policies for its ethnically and religiously diverse population, but also because of (unresolved) historical conflicts among the country’s ethnic groups. These clashes are reflected in Israel’s education system where the disadvantage of, for example, Arab or Ethiopian Israeli students is significant compared to Jewish Israeli students. These inequalities are partly indicated by the generally worse performance of Arab or Ethiopian students on both international and domestic exams.
Tackling educational inequalities (or any discriminatory practices embedded into a social, political, or economic system) is a multi-generational project. However tedious, slow, or impossible it seems sometimes to carry on with such an initiative, the current state of the Israeli education will lead to further damage if inequality issues are left unresolved. The vicious circle of poverty, closely intertwined with ethnic lines, cannot break without mutual cooperation, understanding, and the recognition of each other’s grievances. The Israeli government in cooperation with civil society actors must bridge societal gaps and the wide-spread disconnection between ethnic groups and between socioeconomic classes, to build an empathetic and harmonious society.
Of course, issues are more complex than simply setting up a few educational programmes or giving some extra funding for Arabic-speaking schools, for instance. But change must start somewhere, and maybe it has already in the six Hand in Hand Arabic-Jewish schools.[lix] The bilingual privately funded schools work with a multicultural curriculum that aims to advance inclusion and equality in the Israeli society. Hand in Hand does not only initiate productive discussion between ethnic groups but also facilitate their harmonious cohabitation and cooperation to build a healthier society and a peaceful future.
[x] Da’as, Rima’a, and Alexander Zibenberg. “Conflict, control and culture: implications for implicit followership and leadership theories.” Educational Review 73, no.2 (2021): 199.
[xi] Orwell, George. Animal Farm. 1945. Reprint, Boston ; New York: Houghton Mifflin Harcourt, Corp, 1945.
[xii] Reingold, Roni, and Lea Baratz. “Arab School Principals in Israel – between Conformity and Moral Courage.” Intercultural Education 31, no. 1 (November 20, 2019): 88.
[xiii] Da’as, Rima’a and Alexander Zibenberg. “Conflict, control and culture: implications for implicit followership and leadership theories.” Educational Review 73, no.2 (2021): 189.
[xiv] Reingold, Roni, and Lea Baratz. “Arab School Principals in Israel – between Conformity and Moral Courage.” Intercultural Education 31, no. 1 (November 20, 2019): 89.
[xv] Da’as, Rima’a and Alexander Zibenberg. “Conflict, control and culture: implications for implicit followership and leadership theories.” Educational Review 73, no.2 (2021): 199.
[xvi] Zeedan, Rami, and Rachel Elizabeth Hogan. “The Correlation between Budgets and Matriculation Exams: The Case of Jewish and Arab Schools in Israel.” Education Sciences, 12, no.554 (2022): 2.
[xvii] Resh, Nura, and Nachum Blass. “Israel: Gaps in Educational Outcomes in a Changing Multi- Ethnic Society.” In The Palgrave Handbook of Race and Ethnic Inequalities in Education, edited by Peter A. J. Dworkin and A. Gary Stevens, 631–94. Palgrave Macmillan, 2019; 671.
[xviii] Da’as, Rima’a and Alexander Zibenberg. “Conflict, control and culture: implications for implicit followership and leadership theories.” Educational Review 73, no.2 (2021): 199.
[xix] Zeedan, Rami, and Rachel Elizabeth Hogan. “The Correlation between Budgets and Matriculation Exams: The Case of Jewish and Arab Schools in Israel.” Education Sciences, 12, no.554 (2022): 2.
[xx] Resh, Nura, and Nachum Blass. “Israel: Gaps in Educational Outcomes in a Changing Multi- Ethnic Society.” In The Palgrave Handbook of Race and Ethnic Inequalities in Education, edited by Peter A. J. Dworkin and A. Gary Stevens, 631–94. Palgrave Macmillan, 2019; 659.
[xxiii] OECD. “Israel: A Divided Society – Results of a Review of Labour-Market and Social Policy.” OECD. OECD, 2010. https://www.oecd.org/els/44394444.pdf (Accessed 20 September 2022).
[xxiv] Black, Shlomo, Itschak Trachtengot, and Gabriel Horenczyk. “Community Post-Traumatic Growth: Israeli Ultra-Orthodox Coping with Coronavirus.” Contemporary Jewry 42, no. 1 (March 2022): 86, 90.
[xxv] OECD. “Israel: A Divided Society – Results of a Review of Labour-Market and Social Policy.” OECD. OECD, 2010. https://www.oecd.org/els/44394444.pdf (Accessed 20 September 2022).
[xxvi] Yanay, Guy, Hadas Fuchs, and Nachum Blass. “Staying in School Longer, Dropping out Less: Trends in the High School Dropout Phenomenon.” Taub Center for Social Policy Studies in Israel, 2019; 19.
[xxix] Yanay, Guy, Hadas Fuchs, and Nachum Blass. “Staying in School Longer, Dropping out Less: Trends in the High School Dropout Phenomenon.” Taub Center for Social Policy Studies in Israel, 2019; 9, 11-12.
[xxxi] Shain, Yossi. “Régóta esedékes változás következik a Haredi iskolarendszerben – Vélemény.” The Jerusalem Post | JPost.com, 2022. július 2. https://www.jpost.com/opinion/article-711008. (Accessed: 28 September 2022).
[xxxiii] Sabag, Ziba, and Shirly Cohen. “The Influence of the COVID-19 Epidemic on Teaching Methods in Higher Education Institutions in Israel”. Journal of Research in Higher Education 1 (2020):44-71.
[xliii] OHCHR. “United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs – Occupied Palestinian Territory | Access to Education in Area c of the West Bank.” United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs – occupied Palestinian territory, July 4, 2017. https://www.ochaopt.org/content/access-education-area-c-west-bank. (Accessed 20 September 2022).
[xlvi] OHCHR. “United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs – Occupied Palestinian Territory | Access to Education in Area c of the West Bank.” United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs – occupied Palestinian territory, July 4, 2017. https://www.ochaopt.org/content/access-education-area-c-west-bank. (Accessed 20 September 2022).
[lii] Kadman, Noga. “Acting the Landlord: Israel’s Policy in Area C, the West Bank.” Edited by Yael Stein. B’TSELEM. The Israeli Information Centre for Human Rights in the Occupied Territories, June 2013. https://www.btselem.org/publications/summaries/201306_acting_the_landlord. (Accessed 19 September 2022); 52.
[liii] UNICEF. “State of Palestine: Country Report on Out-of-School Children.” UNICEF, July 2018, 3.; Kadman, Noga. “Acting the Landlord: Israel’s Policy in Area C, the West Bank.” Edited by Yael Stein. B’TSELEM. The Israeli Information Centre for Human Rights in the Occupied Territories, June 2013. https://www.btselem.org/publications/summaries/201306_acting_the_landlord. (Accessed 19 September 2022); 82.
Taliban means suppression of women. Taliban means degrading a woman’s qualities, place and role in society. Taliban means no education or work for women other than housework and childbearing. Taliban means deprivation of women’s fundamental human rights, living in fear and without dignity.
Most Afghans, including some Taliban, do not support excluding women and girls from the education system and are seriously concerned about the consequences for the whole nation.
After the Taliban’s announcement to ban female students from university, male university students walked out of their exam in protest against the Taliban’s decision, and several male professors resigned.
Muslim countries, such as Turkey, Saudi Arabia, Pakistan and Qatar, have voiced their sorrow at the university ban and urged the Taliban authorities to withdraw their decision.
“There is no religious or cultural justification for it,” said 26-year-old Husna Jalal, a Political Sciences graduate from Kabul.
Jalal fled Afghanistan in August last year after the Taliban took over the city of Kabul. Jalal has been working for four years in Kabul after graduating from university, but like many working Afghan women predicted the strict Sharia would be implemented soon after the Taliban took over the country.
“It’s heartbreaking to see my sisters being violated of their fundamental human rights. I saw them marching in the streets crying out for freedom and equality, and how Taliban security forces used violence to break up the group and stop them from practising their freedom of speech”, said Jalal. “People worldwide need to raise their voices for my sisters; the Taliban have taken all our hopes.”
The Taliban, known as the Talib, who sought to end warlordism in Afghanistan through stricter adherence to Sharia since 1996, took control of Afghanistan as the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan by force in 2021.
For decades, the role of Sharia has become an increasingly contested topic worldwide. The International European Court of Human Rights in Strasbourg (ECHR) ruled in several cases that Sharia is “conflicting with the fundamental principles of democracy”. Some traditional practices comprise severe human rights violations, especially on women and their freedom of education.
When the Taliban came, they abolished the Ministry of Women. Women were gradually withdrawn from television screens. Tens of thousands of women were unemployed in different branches. They were forbidden to go anywhere exceeding 72 km without a mahram. Women are being pulled out of social life. The health services offered to them are limited, their employment opportunities are limited, and their right to education has been taken away.
Taliban’s recent announcement to immediately suspend until further notice women from universities across the country is a blatant violation of their human equal rights consecrated in multiple international treaties worldwide.
“The first commandment of Islam is “read”. Islam urges both men and women to seek knowledge. While the Qur’an addresses human beings, it advises men and women to gain knowledge, find the truth, reveal and develop their own potential, and become perfect human beings,” said PhD holder from Islamic Theology, Dr Ali Unsal in a recent interview for Broken Chalk.
Dr Ali Unsal is an experienced writer, researcher, teacher, and preacher with a strong background in Islamic Theology and Islamic Jurisprudence. Dr Unsal earned his PhD in Islamic Theology and Master and Bachelor of Divinity from top divinity schools in Turkey. He has lived in the US for several years, where he enhanced his academic and professional studies and experience by engaging with both Muslim and non-Muslim Americans via seminars, workshops, counselling, local community services and academic writing. He headed the Institute of Islamic and Turkish Studies (IITS) in Fairfax, VA.
Dr Unsal organizes panels, seminars and discussions with academicians from different countries, and he is fluent in English, Turkish, Arabic, Bahasa Indonesia and Tatar.
According to Dr unsal, Hz. Muhammad encouraged the education and upbringing of girls, who were especially despised and undervalued throughout history. “For example, in one of his Hadiths, “Whoever raises and disciplines two girls until they reach adulthood, we will be together with that person on the Day of Judgment,” explains Dr Unsal.
“When women came to him and said that he constantly taught men in the mosque and conveyed the message of Allah, but that women were deprived of this, he gave them a special time and gave them a kind of education.
Hz. Aisha, the wife of Muhammad, became one of the most prominent scholars of her society with what she learned from her. Everyone would come and learn from him what he was missing. In the history of Islam, women occupied a significant place in scientific and cultural life. Continuing education in an unofficial structure in the Islamic world and being attached to the teacher rather than to the school made it easier for women to receive education from scholars in their close circles. Among the masters of Tâceddin es-Subki, one of the great Islamic scholars, who listened and learned hadiths, 19 women are mentioned. Suyûtî learned hadith from 33, İbn-i Hacer 53 and İbn-i Asâkir 80 women,” said Dr Unsal.
On August 24th last year, the foreign ministers of the G-7 group of states – an intergovernmental political forum- urged the Taliban to retract the bans on women’s education, warning that “gender persecution may amount to a crime against humanity that will be prosecuted.”
Several media sources reported Taliban forces outside Kabul universities since the ban, stopping women from entering the buildings while allowing men to go in and finish their work.
The Minister of Higher Education, Nida Mohammad Nadim, a former provincial governor, police chief and military commander stands firmly against women’s education, saying it is against Islamic and Afghan values.
“In my opinion, it has nothing to do with Islam,” said Dr Unsal. “Because it totally goes against Pashtun traditions. In that tradition, a woman should only stay at home, cook her food, give birth to a child, and not go out unless necessary. This has nothing to do with Islam. Because the Prophet’s wife, Hatice, was a big businesswoman. Women were present in all areas of social life. In the market, in the mosque. Hz. Ömer appointed a woman named Şifa as an inspector to supervise the bazaar.”
Minister Nadim also told the media that the ban was necessary for several reasons: to prevent the mixing of genders in universities, that women did not comply with the dress code, that female students went to other provinces and lived without their families, and because the study of specific subjects and courses being taught violated the principles of Islam. These reasons do not seem convincing to the world’s public opinion.
Why does the Taliban restrict women’s education? Islam Doesn’t Deny Women Education, So Why Does the Taliban?
“In my opinion, there could be two reasons.,” explains Dr Unsal. “First, there is no state experience. They cannot read the dynamics of society correctly. They still have a tribal mentality. This makes them do very wrong things. They cannot embrace all segments of society.
The second is a kind of shift of perspective or a kind of ignorance. They interpret Islam in line with their own tribal culture. Unfortunately, this is both contrary to the universality of Islam and far from responding to the needs of modern times. Therefore, they act with a radical and marginal interpretation.”
Across the country, the Taliban have banned girls from school beyond the sixth grade, blocked women from their jobs and ordered them to wear a burqa or head-to-toe clothing in public. Women have also been banned from parks and gyms.
“Many young girls are traumatized when held. Some families in the news say that their daughter is constantly crying and cannot be comforted. Young people and families are worried about their future,” said Dr Unsal.
“Our sisters, our men have the same rights; they will be able to benefit from their rights … of course, within the frameworks that we have,” said Taliban spokesman Zabihullah Mujahid. Despite initial promises to a more moderate Sharia rule and to respect women’s rights, the Taliban have implemented their interpretation of Islamic law/Sharia since they took control in August 2021, and evidence continues to emerge that the Taliban are violating the rights of women.
So how can the international community help Afghanistan females?
“EU should stop funding the Taliban’s business. Children from Taliban families should be sent back to Afghanistan to study there, not abroad, said Jalal.
“International donors should identify and exert the leverage they have on the Taliban, whether it’s through diplomatic sanctions, economic sanctions, aid, political pressure, and other means. They should use it to press for concrete commitments on women’s rights that will be meaningful to women and girls and measurable through monitoring,” said Jalal.
According to Dr Unsal, sanctions from international donors might not work. The Taliban has a holding and rugged character. The correct thing would be that Muslim societies, such as the organization of the Islamic Conference or Organisation of Islamic Cooperation or the communities of Islamic scholars do something in collaboration with human rights organizations which will yield faster results.
“The Taliban are disturbed by the world’s criticism of their decisions for their society and the demand for their mistakes to be corrected. They say, “Don’t interfere in our internal affairs”.
Some international universities or organizations may offer training opportunities and provide free lectures, courses and diplomas.
Another thing is that some countries with which the Taliban, not from the Western world, but from the Islamic world, can cooperate can help ease this tension through their scholars,” suggested Dr Unsal.
“Women in Afghanistan are tired of talking and sharing their stories with the foreign press and organizations. They feel like no one is going to help or can’t help,” said Jalal.
Education is an internationally recognized human right essential to Afghanistan’s economic growth and stability. The Taliban are obliged under International Law and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights to respect women’s rights fully. Afghanistan ratified the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) in 2003.
The Taliban inherits Afghanistan’s obligations under that Convention, including “pursuing by all appropriate means and without delay a policy of eliminating discrimination against women.
Women now need a male guardian to travel more than 48 miles or to undertake basic tasks such as entering government buildings, seeing a doctor or taking a taxi. They are banned from nearly all jobs except medical professions and, until Wednesday, teaching. Women also can no longer visit public parks.
Taliban’s ban on women and girls from education has permanently sentenced Afghan females to a darker future without opportunities.
“Half of society consists of men, and the other half is women. Therefore, girls have the same right to education as boys. There are vital roles that women can play in all areas of life. In some areas, they can do better jobs than men. This decision of the Ministry of National Education of Afghanistan is both a violation of human rights and a misfortune for Afghanistan,” said Dr Unsal.
*The Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) is a milestone document in the history of human rights. Drafted by representatives with different legal and cultural backgrounds from all regions of the world, the Declaration was proclaimed by the United Nations General Assembly in Paris on 10 December 1948 (General Assembly resolution 217 A) as a common standard of achievements for all peoples and all nations. It sets out, for the first time, fundamental human rights to be universally protected and it has been translated into over 500 languages. The UDHR is widely recognized as having inspired, and paved the way for, the adoption of more than seventy human rights treaties, applied today on a permanent basis at global and regional levels (all containing references to it in their preambles).
Zambia is a landlocked country located in the south central part of Africa. It has a population of about 18 million according to the world bank. Zambia has one of fastest growing economies in Africa, however, its educational sector faces several of challenges as 60% of the population living below poverty and 40% out of this living in extreme poverty.
Despite the global pandemic, Corona virus, Zambia faces the following problems in its educational sector; lack of qualified teachers, educational materials, financing and lack of adequate school infrastructures. According to Kelly (1992) poverty has stricken the education system in many of African countries, therefore most pupils and teachers are not able to find the basic needs they deserve”. This is true about Zambia, because even though with the existence of the government and organizations to help the welfare of the country, Zambia still needs more interventions to change the current situation in its educational sectors.
Lack of qualified teachers
A large number of teachers at fundamental schools in Zambia in both rural and urban areas are not completely trained or qualified. This affects the quality of the provision of the education framework. The issue is that teachers are not able to teach and cover some topics which they do not fully understand. A case which Hoppock (1966) called academic poisoning where pupils are taught wrong abilities and theories. In regards to this, there is need for teachers to be trained and treat their respective job as professions and not anything else.
Educational Materials
Most schools in Zambia do not have adequate educational materials like books, rulers, maps, charts and many other resources needed for the provision of education to children. According to Carmody (2004), education without resources is like education without a future. In this case, Carmody is alleging that quality and sustainable education cannot continue or be given without any formal documentation or resources to back it up. There is need for educational materials at basic level in many schools in Zambia . There is a need to improve the procurement of books and other educational materials in order to improve the standard of the Zambian educational system in both rural and urban areas.
Financing
Money is the limiting factor for most of the activities in which we are basically found. When it comes to the educational sector, teachers require salaries and compensation. According to research, there had been a number of strikes made by educators in the teaching profession in trying to request money and complaints on salary delays. These strikes directly affect the provision of the education system in Zambia . Therefore, finances are one of the biggest factors to be paid attention to.
Lack of adequate school infrastructures
A great problem for most people in Zambia is the lack of adequate school infrastructures. Numerous children in Zambia are not able to go to school because they are discouraged by the distance they have to walk to and from their school. Due to this problem some parents fear to send their children of young age to school especially the female pupils. The government and various organizations have taken part in building schools in the country, however there is still a need for more intervention.
Conclusion
It is important that all stakeholders work with the Zambian government to make resources available. Student centered learning approach through improved teacher training courses should be provided to teachers. Lastly, governments, donors, organizations and all stakeholders need to work collaboratively to improve the educational sectors.
The Romanian education system has developed greatly in the past decades, however it still faces many difficulties in providing all people with the right to access to education. According to the Human Rights Measurement Initiative, Romania is doing 65% of what it could possibly do with its national income when it comes to ensuring the right to education[1]. Romania ranks at the bottom, of all European countries. This essay explores the main educational issues in Romania, sorted into four main categories: access to education, quality of education, discrimination and violence in education and the effect of the Covid-19 pandemic on education.
Access to education
Marginalized social groups and minorities face difficulties in exercising their right to education in Romania. In particular, Hungarian and Roma minority children, disabled, rural and poor children, refugees and children who lack birth certificates are the ones who are the most vulnerable and are often left out of education or have less access than the rest of society.
Hungarians are the largest minority group in Romania and even though minority language education is allowed by law for Hungarian students, they often have no access to it due to the shortage of teachers. In addition, classes about Hungarian culture, history and language are in addition to the Romanian curriculum that all students must follow, resulting in higher number of lessons for minority children, bigger workload and thereby lack of equal opportunity[2].
70% of Roma people live in poverty in Romania according to the World Bank[3]. Poverty limits their access to education as Roma children were found to have lower enrolment rates, higher dropout rates and their illiteracy rate is ten times higher than other students in Romania[4].
In rural areas, 16% (ages 7-10) and 25% (ages 11-14) of children are not enrolled in primary education while these ratios are significantly lower, 9% and 6% respectively in urban areas[5]. This is mainly caused by the lack of educational institutions in rural areas and inadequate infrastructure to travel to the nearest school.
Disabled children also face difficulties in accessing education in Romania. 40% of children with disabilities are placed in segregated schools or do not participate in education at all, while only 21% of high schools are equipped with access ramps[6].
In the year between 2019-2020 Romania adopted a new legal framework to enhance the integration of refugees and migrants. However, enrolment for foreign children still remains a challenge as the procedure is regularly delayed and Romanian language education is hardly accessible because of the shortage of staff [7]. Furthermore, migrant children are often enrolled in grades below their age because of their lack of language skills, they experience psychological problems due to leaving their home country and receive no psychological counselling or support[8].
Finally, even though registration at birth is mandatory in Romania, many children still lack these official documents that prevents them from accessing public services such as education, thereby putting them in a disadvantaged position[9].
Quality of education
Although the general literacy rate of people over 15 years was 99% in Romania in 2021, a national literacy study in 2022 found that 42% of Romanian students in grade 1 to 8 are functional illiterate, meaning that they are able to read words and texts but have difficulties in interpreting the information[10].
Dropout rates are the highest in Romania between all EU countries with over 15% in 2021[11]. The Romanian Education Ministry developed the National Program to Reduce School Drop-out to reduce this rate by covering educational expenses. The shortcoming of this policy is that it tries to reduce dropout rates by financial tools, thereby disregarding dropouts caused by pregnancy, child marriage, disability, and other social-cultural and health reasons which cannot be tackled by merely financial tools.
Sanitary conditions are alarmingly poor in Romanian schools. Only 72% of schools had basic drinking water and hygiene services in 2021, which was the lowest in Europe[12]. In 2018, thousands of schools lacked sanitary and fire safety authorization[13]. To ensure the quality and success of education and reduce dropout rates, an undisturbed and well-equipped educational environment is essential.
Romanian students scored on average 50 points below the OECD average on the 2018 PISA test in all 3 categories (reading, mathematics, science)[14]. Socio-economic status seemed to be a significant predictor of reading test scores in Romania, as the variation between the top and bottom quarters of economic, social and cultural status is one of the highest of all participating countries[15]. This illustrates the inequality in the quality of education received by different social groups.
In 2022 a new law was made in Romania that ruled sex education can only be taught from grade 8 and with the parents’ written consent. Grade 8 in the Romanian education system corresponds to age 14-15 while in the meantime the proportion of teenage mothers is the highest in Romania from all EU countries. In 2020, 357 children were born to mothers between the age 10 and 14 while this number is well below 120 in all other EU states[16]. Making sex education less accessible leads to and early pregnancy and motherhood which often forces young girls to drop out from school and discontinue their education.
Shortage of qualified teachers, low salaries and low societal appreciation of teachers is an issue in many Eastern-European countries and Romania is no exception. In the academic year 2019-2020, the annual gross starting salary of public-school teachers was around 9000 euros in Romania[17], one of the lowest in the EU. This means 750 euros per month which is not enough to cover living costs in Romania.
Information Technology (IT) skills and digital literacy are essential in the 21st century. In Romania only 57% of students between 15 and 19 had basic or above basic IT skills, compared to the 82% EU average[18]. This is mostly caused by schools’ lack of adequate equipment and qualified teachers to offer high-quality IT classes. Rural areas are especially lacking digital infrastructure and internet connection[19].
All these shortcoming of the educational system can be partly explained by the low government spending on education in Romania. In 2020 Romania’s spending on education was the second lowest in the EU with only 3.7% of the country’s GDP compared to the 5% EU average[20].
Discrimination and violence in education
Roma students experience discrimination in the Romanian education system, just as the minority is often discriminated against in the whole population. Roma children are often put in segregated classrooms despite the 2007 Ministerial Order that banned their segregation which has lacked implementation ever since. Segregated classes have often worse learning environment compared to mixed classes[21], they lack heating, water and qualified teaching staff more often and therefore have lower academic results and higher dropout rates[22].
A study showed that 30% of female students experience some form of sexual harassment and abuse throughout their studies while this ratio is 50% for university students[23]. Sexual abuse committed by teachers often remains unreported because of the social status and power of teachers and because of the fear of adverse consequences. Sexual harassment affects children’s physical and mental well-being, increases the chance of depression and can lead to teenage pregnancy, which again, forces girls to drop out from school.
A study from 2022 found that 82% of students have witnessed bullying at school, illustrating the prevalence of the issue[24]. Bullying at school can take various forms such as social exclusion, physical threats and spreading rumours and can have a negative effect on victims’ mental health which in turn affects their academic progress and learning process.
In 2020 the Covid-19 pandemic hit the world and schools around the globe closed and switched to online education to halt the spread of the virus. Online education deepened the gap between urban and rural areas as rural students had significantly less access to internet and digital equipment necessary to participate in classes. In 2021, 87% of urban households had access to internet, while only 73% in rural areas[25]. The Ministry of Education and Research estimated that over 250.000 children had no access to online education during the pandemic because of lack of electricity, equipment or internet[26]. These disadvantaged students from poor areas fell behind with the course materials and without immediate measures, their dropout rates will increase.
Another barrier of online education is the lack of IT skills. 50% of students who did not attend online classes reported that the reason for this was that the teacher did not give classes online[27]. This is mostly caused by teachers’ lack of knowledge on how to teach online and the teachers’ lack of access to internet, equipment, and online educational tools. In addition, 13% of students reported that they did not know how to use online platforms[28]. The pandemic affected the education process of marginalized children more, creating further challenges for them to access education.
Mercator European Research Centre on Multilingualism and Language Learning. (2019). The Hungarian Language in Education in Romania. https://eric.ed.gov/?id=ED599938
Sârbu, E. A., & Oneț, R. (2020). Violence, Gender and Ethnic Discrimination in Two Romanian Cities. Identities in Globalization. Intercultural Perspectives, 134–138.
[23] van Kline, M. (2022). Journalistic Project Aims To Document The Sexual Harassment in Romanian Schools
[24] van Kline, M. (2022). Save the Children Romania Survey Shows Bullying Is A Widespread Issue in Romanian Schools
[25] Marica, I. (2021). Statistics Office: Over 80% Of Households In Romania Have Access To The Internet
[26] Asproiu, I. (2022). Romanian Educational Platform Aims To Reduce School Dropout With Online Courses For Students
[27] UNICEF. (2020). Rapid Assessment Of The Situation Of Children And Their Families With A Focus On The Vulnerable Ones In The Context Of The COVID-19 Outbreak In Romania – Round 1.
In 2020 and 2021, education continued to face various types of aggression in several countries. Students, teachers, schools, and universities encountered harmful and wrongful acts committed either by armed groups or generated by political circumstances, such as wars and armed conflicts. Numerous incidents of atrocities were reported to be committed against thousands of students, staff members, and teachers. The Global Coalition to Protect Education from Attack (GCPEA) identified many attacks that resulted in the abduction, injury, or death of thousands of students and educators who were kept as hostages or were arrested. Other acts of violence also took a place, such recruiting and training children to participate in armed conflicts, sexual violence, and the use of heavy arms and explosives against hostages.
The Education under Attack 2022 report by GCPEA[i] reviews the challenges many countries’ education systems face, as well as how students, teachers, and staff members in education are affected by such issues, what kind of dangers they are subjected to, and why, in many cases, their studies or career are interrupted.
According to this report, more schools suffer from violent actions and attacks compared to universities. Moreover, due to the Covid-19 pandemic, schools became easier targets for state militaries and other armed groups to occupy, as remote teaching left the buildings empty. Consequently, according to the report, the number of attacks on educational institutions increased noticeably in 2020 and 2021, but the number of people affected by these attacks declined. According to the GCPEA, this can be explained by the decreased number of people present in school buildings due to the pandemic.
In the following, this article provides a summary of the Education Under Attack 2022 report’s findings on several countries where such attacks and issues occurred.
Afghanistan:
The GCPEA identified more than 130 attacks in 2020 and 2021, targeting schools in different parts of Afghanistan, where explosive weapons were used against educational institutions, and schoolteachers and students were terrorised [p.92]. Attacks were committed by groups with different profiles, such as the Afghan Air Force which bombed schools in 2020 [p.93], the ISIS in Khorasan Province, and the Taliban which increased their criminal activity in 2021 seeking territorial dominance. Moreover, after the Taliban took control of the country in May 2021 with the withdrawal of US troops from Afghanistan, there was a significant increase in atrocities targeting different civilian groups, women, and journalists meanwhile more than 250 schools closed in Afghanistan or were exposed to military occupation [p.92]. The rise to power of the Taliban severely affected Afghan education, leaving more than 4 million children out of school, 60% of whom were girls. This is because the Taliban prohibited girls from attending schools in some of the regions under their control, although in some other areas girls were allowed to go to school. Unfortunately, the report does not give any specific explanation for the different rules on girls’ education among different regions ruled by the Taliban.
Azerbaijan:
The six-week conflict in 2020 between Azerbaijan, Armenia, and the de facto Nagorno-Karabakh security forces resulted in the destruction of more than 130 schools in and around Nagorno-Karabakh, as well as several other schools faced obstruction due to the conflict. While the Nagorno-Karabakh authorities reported damage to more than 70 schools during the conflict, the Azerbaijani authorities reported 54 cases [p.98]. However, the Armenian authorities did not report clear numbers on school damage or attacks on educational institutions during the conflict period. According to Human Rights Watch, both Azerbaijani and Armenian forces either attacked schools using explosives or initiated air-striking targeting educational institutions. Furthermore, some schools were used as barracks or for military purposes in all territories involved, according to the GCPEA [p.99].
Burkina Faso:
Burkina Faso witnessed one of its fastest-growing crises in 2020 and 2021. A serious conflict escalated among different non-state armed groups fighting against each other as well as the state security forces. Brutality against civilians was not only committed by non-state armed groups but by security forces too who also arrested and killed many civilians whom they suspected to be associated with the non-state armed groups.
In Burkina Faso too, schools were easy targets for perpetrators and several schools suffered armed attacks or were reported to be occupied and used as military bases. In 2020-2021, there were more than 145 attacks on schools reported in the country according to the GCPEA, during which attacks more than 250 students and school personnel were killed, suffered injuries, or were abducted. In 2020, 70 attacks [p.101], while in 2021, 46 attacks on schools were confirmed by the UN [p.102]. However, the GCPEA identified at least 78 attacks in 2021 [p.102].
Higher education institutions also faced violence, but the reported number of attacks on universities was way lower than that of schools. Nevertheless, according to the GCPEA, both general education and university students experienced sexual violence while going to or coming back from their schools or universities.
Cameroon:
Attacks on schools and students are not new phenomena in Cameroon, and the period from 2020 to 2021 was no different from previous years. Attacks were committed by different armed groups, such as Boko Haram, and the ISWAP group which is a splinter group from Boko Haram in the Far-North region. [p.105].
In 2020 and 2021, schools were often used as military bases in different parts of the country, such as the Far North, the North-West, and the South-West regions [p.105]. Furthermore, the GCPEA confirmed more than 55 attacks on students and more than 65 attacks on schools in those two years. However, these numbers are still significantly decreased compared to prior years, like 2019, when the number of reported attacks against students reached almost 4000 cases while teachers experienced atrocities on 1124 occasions.
In 2020 and 2021, cases of sexual violence and sexual abuse targeting higher education students and teachers were also reported [p.108], while in 2021, there were also several reported cases of abducting students and staff [p.109].
Central African Republic:
The Central African Republic experienced significant brutality associated with elections. Conflict emerged between non-state armed groups and state forces supported by pro-government allied groups. All of these conflicting parties, including the police, occupied or attacked schools during the period from 2020 to 2021 at least on 85 occasions [p.110]. The GCPEA reported 2 attacks targeting students, teachers, and academic personnel. Furthermore, the GCPEA reported 45 cases of using schools for military purposes in the highlighted period [p.111]. In 2021, the UN verified that multiple dozens of schools were occupied by different military or armed forces, but the GCPEA identified only 5 cases in the same year, which resulted in unclear numbers and information [p.112].
Colombia:
Armed conflict continued to be present in Colombia in 2020 and 2021. The conflicted parties were the Columbian government, the Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia (FARC), and other armed groups that escalated chaos in the country in 2020. Due to these issues, accessibility to education suffered major limitations which were exacerbated by the spread of Covid-19. Because of the pandemic, large numbers of children were out of school and have become easy targets of recruiters for groups participating in the armed conflict [p.113].
According to GCPEA reports, at least 35 schools, mostly in rural areas, were targeted by different non-state armed groups, who often used explosives and engaged in fights with each other or with state forces near schools [p.113, 114]. Some schools ended up being used for military purposes. However, while the GCPEA identified 6 cases in the 2020 to 2021 period, the UN confirmed only 1 incident in 2020 [p.116] which makes it difficult to access clear and certain information on the number of attacks.
Higher education institutions were not safe from attacks either; in 2020 and 2021, 19 cases were reported [p.118]. Furthermore, the GCPEA identified more than 60 attacks targeting students and members of staff in 2020 and 2021, with most of these incidents occurring in 2020. Furthermore, 2 cases of sexual violence were reported by the GCPEA in 2021 [p.117].
Eventually, some teachers received threats from non-state armed groups for their involvement in teachers’ unions, while also threatening non-local teachers to keep them out of certain regions. This prompted state authorities to move some teachers to safer locations [p.115].
Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) :
Armed conflict has been significantly affecting the Democratic Republic of Congo, where clashes among state forces and 130 different non-state armed groups are spreading chaos around the country. The fighting negatively affected thousands of students and prohibited them from attending school, which was further exacerbated by the spread of Covid-19, leaving millions of students without education.
More than 600 attacks by armed groups on schools were confirmed by the GCPEA in 2020 and 2021. The organisation also reported on the occupation of 25 schools that were used for military purposes [p.120, 123], while higher education institutions were targeted 12 times in this period [p.124].
Ethiopia:
Ethiopia has been suffering from political-regional clashes among different governmental and non-state groups, such as the Central Government Troops, the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), militias from the Amhara region, and others [p.126].
Attacks on schools committed by several different armed groups noticeably increased from 15 cases in the period 2018 to 2019 to 32 cases in the period from 2020 to 2021. Furthermore, almost 70 cases of schools used as military bases were identified by the GCPEA in 2020 and 2021. In addition, the GCPEA reported 14 incidents of proceeded attacks on higher education institutions during this period [p.129].
India:
Increasing political tension between India and Pakistan, as well as other domestic issues in India, have triggered some armed clashes and attacks in the country. In 2020 and 2021, attacks on students and teachers were reported in Jammu, Kashmir, and some eastern states more than 55 times according to GCPEA estimates. Attacks on schools included threatening, arresting, and detaining more than 1600 students and educators [p.131]. As for the military use of schools, the UN confirmed that a total of 7 schools were used for these purposes in 2020 [p.132].
The Covid-19 pandemic further exacerbated issues regarding the accessibility of education in India. The government’s measures to contain the virus and stop its spreading included shifting in-person teaching to remote education which resulted in severe negative effects on more than 290 million students [p.130]. Among other issues, many of these students did not have internet access to participate in online classes.
In the period from 2020 to 2021, students and higher education staff also encountered almost 65 attacks, 28 of which were committed by the government to suppress protests [p.133]. However, the reported number of incidents targeting higher education institutions was lower than in 2018 and 2019.
Iraq:
Iraqi educational institutions experienced an increasing number of attacks in the 2020 to 2021 period, some of which were committed by the Iraqi government itself. Several attacks targeted protestors who were demonstrating against corruption, the poor quality of public services, and low wages. In some regions of the country, teachers participated in the protests because of immense delays in receiving their wages. Multiple attacks targeted higher education students and staff too; altogether 10 cases were recognised by the GCPEA [p.137].
In 2020 and 2021, 11 attacks were reported by the GCPEA on schools used as polling centres in the Iraqi elections. Attacks were executed by planting explosive devices in schools or nearby them to disrupt the elections or to target police guarding the building [p.135]. Furthermore, the GCPEA reported the use of schools for military purposes on 33 occasions.
Kenya:
The decade-long conflict in the North-Eastern region of Kenya between the government and the Al Shabab Islamic fundamentalist armed group has spread instability across the country and negatively affected the education sector, among others.
Teachers were in particular danger in Kenya in 2020 and 2021, as the Al Shabab repeatedly attacked teachers who the group considered to be outsiders and/or Christians. This aggression led to the closing of hundreds of schools, thousands of teachers fled, while teachers originally from the area where the attacks occurred were transferred from the region. The GCPEA also recorded 5 incidents where the Al Shabab targeted students [p.139].
The GCPEA identified only 1 case of a school being used for military purposes between 2020 and 2021. However, attacks on higher education institutions reached a much higher number of 10 incidents [p.140]. These attacks were committed by the government which ordered the police to use teargas against protesters demonstrating against the government [p.141].
Libya:
In 2020, violent acts committed by non-state armed groups increasingly targeted schools and universities leading many of them to close which negatively affected more than 127,000 students. The GCPEA reported 22 attacks on schools in the period from 2020 to 2021, most of which were committed by shelling school buildings [p.142]. According to the UN, between 2019 and 2021 around 700 schools were closed because of conflict. Furthermore, 8 attacks on higher education institutions were reported by the GCPEA [p.144].
Mali:
Clashes between non-state armed groups, state forces, and international forces [p.145] continued in the 2020 to 2021 period in Mali, particularly in the northern, central, and southern territories of the country. In these 2 years, the hostility rate, and the number of victims dramatically increased: the GCPEA identified more than 620 attacks on educational facilities and teachers. Moreover, several cases of schools being used as military bases were reported by the GCPEA and the UN. There were also numerous cases of recruitment of children for armed conflict in schools which majorly reduced the willingness of parents to send their children to school [p.147].
Mozambique:
In 2020 and 2021, armed conflict continued between government forces, non-state armed groups, and the Al Shabab Islamic terrorist organisation in Mozambique. The GCPEA identified several cases of attacks on educational facilities, particularly in Delgado province, which has been the most affected by the conflict. Delgado experienced more than 100 violent attacks against schools, which led to the severe damage and destruction of educational institutions, leaving many children without access to education. However, schools in the rest of the country were not free from atrocities either: according to the UN, a minimum of 220 schools encountered violent attacks in 2021 in Mozambique [p.149]. Moreover, according to Human Rights Watch there have been incidents of kidnapping children and women, and enslaving them or sexually abusing them [p.148].
Myanmar:
The country witnessed severe political instability in the period from 2020 to 2021: a military coup overthrew the government, and in reaction to this, anti-coup protests began, while wide-scale strikes left the country in a state of chaos and insecurity.
According to the GCPEA, more than 200 attacks on schools took place, most of which included the use of explosive weapons, while using arson, bombing, and airstrikes were frequent too. Furthermore, students, teachers, and educational personnel were targeted in several attacks, while the GCPEA also confirmed more than 220 cases of schools and universities being used for military purposes [p.153].
Niger:
Conflict among several armed groups continued in Niger in 2020 and 2021, which significantly impacted the safety of the civilian population of the country. The western Tillabéri and Tahoua regions and the eastern Diffa region are the most affected by the conflict, which also affects the education sector. According to the GCPEA, more than 40 schools were attacked, threatened, or set on fire in 2020 and 2021 [p.156]. Students, teachers, and educational staff also faced violent atrocities on 17 reported occasions [p.157].
Nigeria:
Armed conflict among the state military forces, the Islamic State militias in West Africa Province, and other fragmented armed groups continued to be present in Nigeria in 2020 and 2021. The conflict seriously affected general safety in the country as well as the education sector, among others [p.159]. According to the GCPEA, 21 attacks on schools occurred in 2020 and 2021, and more than 1850 students, teachers, and educational personnel were injured, killed, or abducted. Since some of the injured or abducted students were relatives of “high-profile” personnel, the government developed stricter measures and closed more than 600 schools to prevent similar tragic incidents [p.160]. However, cases of abduction and murder targeting higher education staff and students also rose, which affected more than 100 people in 2020 and 2021 [p.162]. The GCPEA also reported multiple cases of sexual violence committed by all parties in the conflict, including state authorities, such as the police.
Pakistan:
Violent attacks targeting the education sector, as well as students, teachers, and educational staff, were committed by various actors in Pakistan. While the conflict of non-state armed groups significantly affected the education sector, the government did also stand behind some atrocities targeting protesting students and educational staff. More than 250 students, teachers, and educational staff were arrested in 2020 and 2021.
The GCPEA confirmed 7 attacks on schools by armed groups in the period from 2020 and 2021. One of these incidents was a bomb attack which injured more than 130 people and caused 7 deaths [p.164]. Moreover, higher education institutions were also terrorised: 18 attacks were reported by the GCPEA which resulted in the death of 4 female vocational trainers and the arrest of more than 140 students and staff members [p.166].
Palestine:
Clashes between Palestinian armed groups and the Israeli state authorities continued in 2020 and 2021. As a result of the conflict, 429 kindergartens, schools, and universities became victims of violent attacks according to the GCPEA. However large this number may seem, it is still less than the number of attacks committed in 2019, when the Coronavirus pandemic also severely affected the education sector [p.168].
The GCPEA reported at least 85 attacks on students and educational staff in the observed period. Intimidation, detention, and opening fire on unarmed school students and staff on the way to or from school were among the most common types of atrocities [p.171]. Furthermore, the GCPEA identified 19 attacks on higher education students, staff, and facilities too [p.173].
The Philippines:
The conflict between state forces and non-state armed groups continued in 2020 and 2021, as the Philippine government began a campaign to combat the spread and trade of illegal drugs. The armed clashes largely affected the education sector, among others, which prevented thousands of students from accessing appropriate education and educational facilities. The period from 2020 to 2021 showed a decline in the number of attacks targeting schools with only 8 attacks reported by the GCPEA, while, from 2017 to 2019, 62 attacks were recorded by the UN [p.175]. Students, teachers, and educational staff were also targeted on 5 different occasions and suffered from detention and shootings [p.176].
Somalia:
Somalia has been experiencing a series of crises in the forms of armed conflicts between non-state armed groups and international forces, political instability and poor general security, as well as natural crises, such as floods and the Covid-19 pandemic. While all of these issues severely affected the education sector, the armed conflicts were particularly damaging in 2020 and 2021, as they left over 3 million children without education. Moreover, different armed forces recruited more than 1716 boys to join fights, while many girls became victims of sexual violence [p.178].
In 2020 and 2021, the GCPEA confirmed 84 attacks on schools by using explosive weapons planted at or near schools [p.178]. Students, teachers, and educational personnel were also targeted on several occasions, and the GCPEA identified 146 abduction cases.
South Sudan:
Despite the peace agreement that was signed to settle the conflict between the government and oppositional groups and to facilitate the establishment of a transitional government, political tension continued to be present in South Sudan in 2020 and 2021. The conflict affected the education sector as well; the GCPEA identified 11 attacks in this period, which, however, were fewer than the 18 attacks committed in the period from 2018 to 2019 [p.180]. A similar declining pattern can be observed in the number of schools used for military purposes: in 2020 and 2021, only 10 cases were reported, while 35 incidents occurred in 2018 and 2019 [p.181]. Furthermore, in 2020 and 2021, the GCPEA reported an attack on a higher education facility while another targeted university students [p.182].
Sudan:
Sudan experienced political transitions in 2020 and 2021 which severely affected general safety in the country. In reaction to several issues regarding both the oppressive Sudani government and the education system, such as the lack of suitable facilities for disabled students, widespread protests started among students, teachers, and educational personnel in 2021. The government decided to apply harsh measures to suppress the uprisings: protesters were targeted in 6 attacks in the form of detention and the use of teargas according to the GCPEA.
However, not only armed conflicts disturbed the education sector in Sudan: the spread of Covid-19, natural disasters, such as floods damaging 559 schools, and food insecurity severely affected children’s education. These disasters lead to millions being in need of humanitarian assistance, and most of the victims were children according to the UN.
Syria:
As armed conflicts continue in Syria between non-state armed groups and government forces, schools still suffer numerous attacks all around the country. However, the intensity of these attacks declined in 2020 and 2021: this period recorded 85 attacks on schools according to the GCPEA, which is a significant decrease compared to the 260 recorded incidents in the previous 2 years. Most of the attacks in 2020 and 2021 occurred in the forms of shelling and air strikes in northwest Syria, in Aleppo and Idlib [p.186], however, Damascus, Homs, Al Hasaka, Deir-Ez-Zor, and Quneitra were also largely affected [p.187]. In addition, over 35 cases of schools and universities used for military purposes were reported [p.190]. Furthermore, the GCPEA also reported 17 incidents targeting students, teachers, and educational personnel, who were victims of intimidation, threats, arrests, and detention [p.188, 189].
Thailand:
Instability continued to be present in Thailand due to the non-state armed groups in the southern provinces of the country, putting people’s lives at risk. The GCPEA identified 5 attacks on schools in 2020 and 2021, while 6 attacks were reported targeting students, teachers, and educational personnel. While the exact number of attacks on schools did not change compared to the 2018 to 2019 period, attacks on students and teachers have decreased compared to previous years [p.192, 193].
In addition, atrocities targeting students and education staff have also been committed by state authorities. In the 2020 to 2021 period, the Thai police arrested students who protested against the education minister for his incompetence in preventing and appropriately handling cases of harassment and beatings in schools and kindergartens.
Turkey:
Since the 2016 coup in Turkey, several sectors, such as the media, business, and education sectors have faced drastic changes. The Turkish government has been targeting institutions, platforms, and people, who have any real or claimed connection to an Islamic scholar and American Turkish millionaire, Fetullah Gülen, who the government accuses of standing behind the coup. The education sector has particularly been affected by the government’s purges: schools and universities were shut down, thousands of teachers lost not only their jobs but also their teacher certificates, and academics have been imprisoned for alleged connections to the Gülen Movement.
In 2020 and 2021, the GCPEA confirmed 3 attacks on schools [p.194], while school students, teachers, and education personnel were also attacked on 3 occasions. Using schools for military purposes reached a minimum of 7 cases which indicates an increase compared to previous years [p.195]. One case of sexual violence was also confirmed by the GCPEA in the 2020 to 2021 period. As for attacks on higher educational institutions, a total of 30 incidents were reported resulting in the injury or arrest of more than 600 university students. Most of these attacks and arrests targeted students, teachers, and educational staff who were participating in education-related protests [p.196].
Ukraine:
The eastern part of the country experienced shelling and small armed clashes on several occasions in 2020 and 2021. These attacks resulted in the destruction of several schools: 30 attacks were identified by the GCPEA in that period, which damaged a total of 25 schools. The number of attacks shows an increase compared to the 2018 to 2019 period [p.198].
As for attacks on students, teachers, and educational personnel, 5 incidents were identified by the GCPEA in 2020 and 2021. This number marks a decrease compared to incidents reported from 2018 to 2019, which were a total of 15 cases [p.199].
Yemen:
The intensity of the conflict in Yemen increased in 2020 and 2021 and clashes between state forces and non-state armed groups escalated. The GCPEA reported 48 attacks on schools in that period, in the form of air strikes, shelling, and the use of explosives [p.200]. As for attacks on students, teachers, and education staff, the GCPEA reported 13 large-scale cases one of which included the abduction and assault of more than 100 students and teachers [p.201].
The rate of using schools and universities for military purposes was particularly high as 49 of these cases were reported by the GCPEA in the 2020 to 2021 period. Furthermore, the GCPEA identified 20 schools where armed groups were recruiting and training children for fighting [p.203]. The GCPEA also identified 10 cases of attacks on higher education facilities and 14 attacks targeting higher education students and teachers [p.204].
We use cookies on our website to give you the most relevant experience by remembering your preferences and repeat visits. By clicking “Accept All”, you consent to the use of ALL the cookies. However, you may visit "Cookie Settings" to provide a controlled consent.
This website uses cookies to improve your experience while you navigate through the website. Out of these, the cookies that are categorized as necessary are stored on your browser as they are essential for the working of basic functionalities of the website. We also use third-party cookies that help us analyze and understand how you use this website. These cookies will be stored in your browser only with your consent. You also have the option to opt-out of these cookies. But opting out of some of these cookies may affect your browsing experience.
Necessary cookies are absolutely essential for the website to function properly. These cookies ensure basic functionalities and security features of the website, anonymously.
Cookie
Duration
Description
cookielawinfo-checkbox-analytics
11 months
This cookie is set by GDPR Cookie Consent plugin. The cookie is used to store the user consent for the cookies in the category "Analytics".
cookielawinfo-checkbox-functional
11 months
The cookie is set by GDPR cookie consent to record the user consent for the cookies in the category "Functional".
cookielawinfo-checkbox-necessary
11 months
This cookie is set by GDPR Cookie Consent plugin. The cookies is used to store the user consent for the cookies in the category "Necessary".
cookielawinfo-checkbox-others
11 months
This cookie is set by GDPR Cookie Consent plugin. The cookie is used to store the user consent for the cookies in the category "Other.
cookielawinfo-checkbox-performance
11 months
This cookie is set by GDPR Cookie Consent plugin. The cookie is used to store the user consent for the cookies in the category "Performance".
viewed_cookie_policy
11 months
The cookie is set by the GDPR Cookie Consent plugin and is used to store whether or not user has consented to the use of cookies. It does not store any personal data.
Functional cookies help to perform certain functionalities like sharing the content of the website on social media platforms, collect feedbacks, and other third-party features.
Performance cookies are used to understand and analyze the key performance indexes of the website which helps in delivering a better user experience for the visitors.
Analytical cookies are used to understand how visitors interact with the website. These cookies help provide information on metrics the number of visitors, bounce rate, traffic source, etc.
Advertisement cookies are used to provide visitors with relevant ads and marketing campaigns. These cookies track visitors across websites and collect information to provide customized ads.
