World Children’s Day 2023

In A Theory of Justice, John Rawls contends that political institutions should prioritise the rights of the most vulnerable in society. World Children’s Day, first established in 1954, affirms that priority. It affirms children’s rights to engage in discourses which influence their communities. It allows parents, teachers, community leaders, and young adults to consider what they can do to improve the lives of young(er) people around them. In this way, World Children’s Day is an excellent moment for reflecting upon the state of children worldwide–and for taking action to change it. In this press release, Broken Chalk reports on human rights abuses against children in the Democratic Republic of Congo, Ukraine, and the Occupied Palestinian Territories. 

The Democratic Republic of Congo

As of June 2023, 2,420 children had been killed, maimed, abducted and sexually violated in The Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) (Save The Children, 2023). These atrocities emerged from the ongoing political conflict between M23, the government, and paramilitary groups. The collapse of government infrastructure makes Congo’s population–which has a median age of 16–extremely vulnerable to abduction, induction into military groups, sexual violence, and death. The prevalence of ‘street children’, as locals call them, throughout Congo captures a central dimension of human rights violations against children in Congo.

Street Children

Rape and sexual violence are standard methods of warfare employed by Congolese paramilitary groups. The victims often face immense shame from their communities (Humanium, 2020). In many cases, these rapes result in unwanted pregnancies. To distance themselves from these traumatic events–and social shame– women will often abandon their children. As a result, these abandoned children are forced to live on the streets/forests with other orphans (Humanium, 2020). Once in these groups, they are confronted with a new social hierarchy: competition with older (sexually exploitative/exploited) children, gangs, and insurgent groups. In addition to these grave circumstances, they are often used for cheap child labour (Humanium, 2020). Children are ‘saved’ from the chaos of the streets by armed groups, where they are trained as soldiers. In turn, the children are taught to reproduce the cycle of violence and exploitation which constrained them. 

Child Soldiers

According to Relief Web (2023), “The DRC had the highest number of child abductions globally”, sometimes as young as five years old. In 2023, 730 children were kidnapped from their homes (Save The Children, 2023). Furthermore, 1,600 children have been recruited by armed groups (France24, 2023). Child soldiers are subject to a tragic nexus of sexual and physical abuse. The infamous practice of holding children as “fetish keepers” is particularly appalling. Confident children are recruited because they believe they possess magic powers (Humanium, 2020). The recruits undergo a ceremonial abdominal cut. Those who survive this trial are put on the front lines of combat due to their apparent powers (Save The Children, 2023). 

A report by the International Peace Support Training Center (IPSTC) found that over 90% of child soldiers had witnessed extreme violence and murder (IPSTC, 2013, p.8). Furthermore, approximately ⅓ of child soldiers have experienced sexual abuse, while almost 80% have been maimed (IPSTC, 2013, p.8). In the wake of these facts, the government has committed to preventing child recruitment into military forces  (United Nations, 2017). For example, in 2013, 30,000 child soldiers were freed from the armed forces (ICC, 2013, p.2). Nevertheless, re-recruitment into these forces remains a serious issue. 

Education

The DRC has committed to securing free primary education for its citizens, allowing over 4.5 million children to attend school (U.S. Agency for International Development, n.d.). So far, it has produced a literacy rate of 80 % (89.5% males and 70.8% females) (Central Intelligence Agency, 2023). In 2015, the IRC, Global TIES for Children, and the DRC government jointly pursued four goals: (1) teacher training, (2) community mobilisation, (3) vocational training, and (4) professional development (rescue, 2015). By 2016, students’ reading, geometry, and numeracy scores had increased (New York University & International Rescue Committee, 2015). However, poverty and warfare continue to strain the DRC’s education system. 

The DRC’s commitment to free primary education eventually collapsed because of insufficient funding. The program depended on parents’ income, which could not support teachers’ salaries (usaid.gov). In turn, military conflict has forced millions of children to flee their homes–and schools.

Ukraine

On February 24th 2022, Russia started its invasion of Ukraine. Since then, over 3,000 schools have been destroyed, 7 million children have been displaced, 9,701 civilians have been killed, and 17,748 have been injured (United Nations, 2023). Russia’s relentless airstrikes and on-ground military operations constitute numerous human rights violations. According to a report published by the Independent International Commission of Inquiry in Ukraine, these violations include “unlawful attacks with explosive weapons…torture, sexual and gender-based violence, and transfers and deportations of children” (IICIU, 2023). Children in Ukraine face a unique set of human rights violations of the Convention on The Rights of The Child (CRC).

Education

The Ukrainian constitution affirms that “everyone has the right to education” (Human et al., 2023, p.58). Ukraine further recognises education as a human right, providing that “…international humanitarian law envisages [that]:… the right of children to receive an education shall be guaranteed” (Human et al., 2023, p.58). However, Russian forces have eroded (at best) and wholly decimated (at worst) Ukraine’s educational infrastructure. 

There are reports of Russian military forces using schools as military infrastructure.  In “Tanks on The Playground”, Human Rights Watch found that the Russian troops had commandeered a school in Izium. Eventually, a fire-fight between the Russian and Ukrainian military caused a fire which burned it down. There have also been reports of Russian forces stealing supplies from and hanging swastika insignias within schools. Online education has also been attempted–even though Russian attacks on power generators have severely restricted internet access. Nevertheless, the Ukrainian Ministry of Education reports that +95% of students were enrolled in schools (Human et al., 2023b).

Trafficking 

The mass displacement of Ukrainian children has also increased the prevalence of human trafficking. Traffickers take advantage of and foment chaos at the borders, where children become separated from family members and are ultimately abducted (Siegfried, 2022). Traffickers include private and public bodies. The Yale School of Public Health found that Russian forces were abducting children and sending them to re-education camps (Viswanathan, 2023). Putin claims these transfers were conducted legally and saved their lives (Dickinson, 2023). Ukrainian officials have identified close to 20,000 victims, spread across Russia’s 40 camps, located from Crimea to Siberia. 

Palestine – Education amidst suffering, fear and occupation

 The recent events unfolding in Palestine have brought everything to a halt. Since the beginning of the occupation, Palestinian citizens have experienced numerous forms of suffering at the hands of Israeli authorities. Nevertheless, the current conflict has not only aggravated the fear and pain of Palestinian men and women but also prevented the proper development of future Palestinian generations.

  Education represents a significant element of Palestinian society. According to UNICEF, 95.4% of Palestinian children have been enrolled in primary education. However, the statistics fail to tackle an ongoing challenge: school access. While the enrollment percentage presents a chance for a bright future for Palestinian children, the reality on the ground seems different. Vulnerable categories such as adolescent children with disabilities are more likely to drop out of school, with  22.5% of boys and 30% of girls with disabilities aged 6-15 never even enrolling in schools (UNICEF, 2018). 

  Moreover, due to the ongoing tensions in the Palestinian territories, half a million children are in dire need of humanitarian assistance to access quality education. The volatile environment and repetitive violent episodes of escalation around the West Bank and Gaza Strip, alongside restrictions imposed by Israeli authorities, pose further threats and challenges to the protection of children’s rights within the Palestinian Territories. Furthermore, the violations of children’s rights in Palestine not only sabotage the ability of children to learn and develop their potential but also enhance mental health issues, with fear, distress and intimidation impacting their everyday lives (OCHA, 2017).

 While statistics bring an unparalleled contribution to the situation on the ground, they nevertheless fail to tackle the experiences of Palestinian children and citizens. In a recent article published by Al Jazeera, Ruwaida Amer, a science teacher at a local school in Gaza, describes the war’s impact on her everyday life.  “For me, it is an almost maternal relationship between me and my students, and it extends beyond schoolwork”, she recalls.  Since the government announced the suspension of the 2023-2024 school year, she has been unable to meet her students. She thoughtfully describes how her teaching career developed into something more than a teacher-student relationship. “They have this knack for making me laugh even when I am annoyed at their naughtiness – I cannot keep a straight face”, she fondly remembers. However, with the brink of the Israeli offensive within the territories of Palestine, the situation has changed. Now, all the beautiful experiences that she had with them are but mere memories. “I miss their morning sleepiness. I miss their naughtiness.  I miss hearing them shout “Miss!” when I greet them. I want this war to stop so I can go back to getting to know them.” (Amer et al., 2023)

References 

Central Intelligence Agency. (2023). Congo, Democratic Republic of the – The World Factbook. https://www.cia.gov/the-world-factbook/countries/congo-democratic-republic-of-the/#people-and-society

Dickinson, P. D. (2023, July 27). Russia’s mass abduction of Ukrainian children may qualify as genocide. Atlantic Council. https://www.atlanticcouncil.org/blogs/ukrainealert/russias-mass-abduction-of-ukrainian-children-may-qualify-as-genocide/

Education | Democratic Republic of the Congo | U.S. Agency for International Development. U.S. Agency For International Development. (n.d.-b). Education | Democratic Republic of the Congo | U.S. Agency for International Development. https://www.usaid.gov/democratic-republic-congo/education#:~:text=Free%20primary%20education%20is%20becoming,of%20teachers%20tended%20to%20decrease.

France24. (2023, September 8). Violence makes eastern DR Congo “worst place” for children : 

UN. France 24. https://www.france24.com/en/live-news/20230908-violence-makes-eastern-dr-congo-worst-place-for-children-un

Human Rights Watch. (2023). “Tanks on the Playground” Attacks on Schools and Military Use of Schools in Ukraine.

Human Rights Watch. (2023b, November 9). Ukraine: War’s Toll on Schools, Children’s Future. Human Rights Watch. https://www.hrw.org/news/2023/11/09/ukraine-wars-toll-schools-childrens-future#:~:text=Russia%27s%20full%2Dscale%20invasion%20of,are%20attacks%20on%20their%20future

Independent International Commission of Inquiry in Ukraine. (2023). Report of the Independent International Commission of Inquiry on Ukraine. OHCHR. https://www.ohchr.org/sites/default/files/documents/hrbodies/hrcouncil/coiukraine/A_HRC_52_62_AUV_EN.pdf

IPSTC. (2013). Reintegration of Child Soldiers in Eastern Democratic Republic of Congo. International Criminal Court.

New York University & International Rescue Committee. (2015). Opportunities for Equitable Access to Quality Basic Education (OPEQ): Final Report on the Impact of the OPEQ Intervention in the Democratic Republic of Congo. https://www.rescue.org/sites/default/files/document/642/ed-opportunitiesforequitableaccesstoqualitybasiceducation.pdf

Opportunities for Equitable Access to Quality Basic Education (OPEQ): Final report on the impact of the OPEQ intervention in the Democratic Republic of Congo. (2015). rescue.org.https://www.rescue.org/report/opportunities-equitable-access-quality-basic-education-opeq-final-report-impact-opeq

Prashad, J. P. (2020, May 19). Children of the Democratic Republic of the Congo – Humanium. Humanium. https://www.humanium.org/en/democratic-republic-congo/

Save The Children. (2023, June 27). DRC remains the epicentre of a child suffering in war as the country tops the world list of grave violations against children – the Democratic Republic of the Congo. ReliefWeb.  

Siegried, K. S. (2022, April 13). Ukraine crisis creates new trafficking risks. UNHCR. https://www.unhcr.org/news/stories/ukraine-crisis-creates-new-trafficking-risks

United Nations. (2023, September 24). Ukraine: Civilian Casualty Update 24 September 2023. ohchr.org. https://www.ohchr.org/en/news/2023/09/ukraine-civilian-casualty-update-24-september-2023#:~:text=From%2024%20February%202022%2C%20which,9%2C701%20killed%20and%2017%2C748%20injured.

United Nations. (2017). Grave Violations. childrenandarmedconflict.un.org. https://childrenandarmedconflict.un.org/where-we-work/democratic-republic-of-the-congo/

N/D. “State of Palestine:  Out-of-school children”. UNICEF. 2018. Date of access: 18.11.2023 https://www.unicef.org/mena/reports/state-palestine-out-school-children

N/D. “Occupied Palestinian Territory: Humanitarian Needs Overview 2018, November 2017”. OCHA. 2017. Date of access: 18.11.2023 https://reliefweb.int/report/occupied-palestinian-territory/occupied-palestinian-territory-humanitarian-needs-overview-2

Amer. Ruwaida. “In this relentless war, oh, how I miss my students”. Al Jazeera. 2023. Date of access: 18.11.2023

https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2023/11/12/in-this-relentless-war-oh-how-i-miss-my-students

Viswanathan, G. V. (2023, February 22). YSPH research reveals relocation and re-education of Ukrainian children – Yale Daily News. Yale Daily News. https://yaledailynews.com/blog/2023/02/22/ysph-research-reveals-relocation-and-re-education-of-ukrainian-children/

The silent sacrifice: Children in Cobalt Mines and the Toll on their Education

Written by Anna S. Kordesch

In the cobalt-abundant regions of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), a grim reality hides beneath the earth’s surface. Children, some as young as six, labour in hazardous mines, extracting a mineral vital to the global technological advancement—cobalt. This essential element, used in the manufacture of rechargeable batteries for devices like smartphones, laptops, and electric vehicles, exacts a heavy toll not only on the youthful miners but also on their aspirations for education, which are left in ruins.

This article delves into the distressing ordeals of children working in the cobalt mining sector and the significant repercussions it exerts on their educational prospects. By scrutinising the diverse elements that sustain this cycle of exploitation, the aim is to uncover the systemic challenges eroding the prospects of an entire generation in DRC.

Although education represents the promise of a more hopeful future, it remains an elusive 

aspiration for many children trapped in cobalt mines. It is crucial to delve into the complex network of elements that deprive these young individuals of the chance to receive an education, develop, and escape the relentless grip of poverty. This text explores the limitations in access to schools, insufficient educational infrastructure, and the economic burdens that compel children to work in the mines. By doing so, it scrutinises how these interrelated difficulties perpetuate a cycle of illiteracy, effectively stripping an entire generation of their potential.

This article serves as a strong call, calling upon governments, corporations, and civil society to confront the entrenched problems that uphold the exploitation of children in cobalt mines. Through our efforts to shed light on the severe impact on education, we aim to spark substantive conversations and motivate tangible actions aimed at protecting the rights and prospects of these at-risk children.

Mining in Kailo, Congo. Photo by Julien Harneis on Wikimedia Commons.

The Importance of Cobalt for the World Market

Cobalt (Co) is a global metal with widespread applications in commercial, industrial, and military sectors. Its primary and essential use is in the electrodes of rechargeable batteries. Cobalt is a crucial component for many of today’s everyday devices, including smartphones, laptops, tablets, and various other electronic gadgets. Moreover, it plays a vital role in renewable energy technologies, being used in wind turbines and solar panels i.

Southern Congo is situated above an estimated 3.4 million metric tons of cobalt, representing over half of the world’s known supply. Many Congolese, including children, have taken 

employment in the industrial mines in this region. The vast cobalt reserves highlight that the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) will likely remain the primary source meeting the increasing global demand for cobalt in lithium-ion batteries. DRC’s cobalt mine production has experienced almost constant growth, going from 11,000 mines in 2000 to 98,000 in 2020. This remarkable increase is closely linked to the world’s escalating need for this metal. While the DRC is home to valuable minerals such as cobalt, copper, coltan, and gold, it is also one of the world’s most impoverished nations, grappling with issues of poverty and humanitarian crises that afflict its population ii.

Small-scale mining in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) engages individuals of all age groups, including children, who are compelled to labour under challenging and unfavourable conditions. Among the 255,000 Congolese involved in cobalt mining, 40,000 are children, with some as young as six years old. Most of them earn less than $2 per day, primarily relying on their hands as their primary tools for work iii.

The Dangers of Cobalt Mining

Unfortunately, children are indeed involved in artisanal mining. The youngest children often start by accompanying their mothers to the mines, while older ones take care of their younger siblings and, over time, become directly involved in the mining activities. The prevailing perception in developed countries is that child labour is a practice to be unequivocally condemned, representing one of the worst forms of exploitation.

In addition to the environmental toll of cobalt mining activities, there is a significant human cost  associated with it. For adults working in these mines, there’s a heightened risk of injury or even death. This peril stems from the lack of basic protective equipment, such as hard hats and vests, as miners often work barefoot and use their hands to extract ores. Furthermore, in a 2016 report by Amnesty International, it was revealed that many mines are constructed in unsafe ways, subjecting workers to life-threatening situations in their pursuit of cobalt. Numerous miners have lost their lives or suffered severe injuries due to incidents like tunnel or pit collapses, underground fires, and suffocation. The risks of accidents resulting from improperly constructed excavations and mines can lead to fatalities from suffocation, asphyxiation, or drowning.

Children, in particular, are exposed to this inhumane working environment, living in constant fear for their lives as they strive to earn money to support their families. Child labor is a grave issue in the DRC, where children not only work in an unsafe environment but also face physical abuse, sexual exploitation and are exposed to drug use.

Environmental factors also pose significant risks in cobalt mining, including mosquito-borne illnesses linked to unintended water pooling in placer mining areas or diarrheal diseases caused by poor sanitation practices. These health concerns can be exacerbated by the remote locations of the mines and the absence of medical services, making timely treatment often unavailable.

Artisanal mining. Photo by Fairphone, on Flickr.

Where does Education Fit In?

In addition to the clear violations of human rights and the life-threatening conditions that children in the DRC face due to their labour, their right to education is profoundly impacted. While the Congolese government introduced the DRC Child Protection Code in 2009, which mandates “free and compulsory primary education,” the lack of adequate government funding places the burden of covering non-tuition fees, including teacher salaries and uniform costs, on parents. Parents are required to pay between 10,000 and 30,000 Congolese Francs ($10-30) per month, an expense that many cannot afford. This financial barrier further hinders these children’s access to education. While parents may aspire to provide their children with access to formal education, economic constraints frequently force them to withhold this educational opportunity in the interest of ensuring the family’s financial viability iv.

Kabedi is a 12-year-old girl in the DRC who has returned to school after three hard years of working in an artisanal copper and cobalt mine. She explains, “When I was 9, I started working in the mine after my father died to help my mother.” Kabedi toiled from morning to night, seven days a week, collecting, crushing, and transporting copper and cobalt ores. Despite her efforts, at the end of the day, Kabedi would return home exhausted with an average of 5,000 Congolese Francs (around $2.5) in her pocket. This starkly illustrates that while these children work in cobalt mines out of sheer necessity, the income they earn is still insufficient to cover their basic needs and education costs v.

Furthermore, the gruelling work hours these children endure highlight that this kind of life is fundamentally incompatible with the continuity of education. In the DRC, the average number of years of education completed by young adults is less than four. Data reveals that only about 18% of the total population manages to attain the highest education level, which is six years of schooling. Many children have to forsake their education to bring food to the table at the end of the day. This results in a self-perpetuating cycle in which, once caught, it becomes exceedingly challenging to extricate oneself from and consequently pursue an education vi.

Access to education plays a pivotal role in significantly reducing vulnerability to child slavery and can serve as a means to lift children out of poverty. Therefore, safeguarding the availability of education is a crucial element in preventing child slavery and mitigating vulnerability to exploitative labour and slavery in adulthood.

Potential Solutions

Solutions to address mining injustices can involve various stakeholders. An example of such 

efforts is the Fund for the Prevention of Child Labor in Mining Communities, a collaboration between UNICEF and the Global Battery Alliance. Through this initiative, UNICEF aims to support the school reintegration of 500 children who have left mining work. While international organisations are playing their part in upholding children’s right to quality education, jeopardised by harsh physical labour, civil society is raising awareness through the hashtag #NoCongoNoPhone to combat the cobalt supply chain that fosters child labour. A third key actor, the government in the DRC, is working with the Enterprise Generale du Cobalt to gain control over the artisanal cobalt mining sector, with the aim of curbing the illegal use of children as forced labour. These collective efforts from various actors are essential in addressing the complex issues surrounding child labour in cobalt mining vii.

Indeed, this collective action involving a multitude of actors is essential to effectively combat this illegal employment, which deprives countless children of a meaningful future that hinges on their right to quality education. Society must become aware of the dark realities occurring behind the everyday use of these common devices. It is only through such global awareness that children in the DRC can hope for a chance to one day lead age-appropriate lives, free from the burden of child labour in the cobalt mines.

References

Gulley, A. L. (2022). One hundred years of cobalt production in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. Resources Policy, 79, 103007. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.resourpol.2022.103007

The DRC mining industry: Child labour and formalisation of small-scale mining. Wilson Center. (n.d.). https://www.wilsoncenter.org/blog-post/drc-mining-industry-child-labor-and-formalization-small-scale-mining

Alshantti, O. (2023, March 15). Cobalt mining in the Democratic Republic of the Congo: The human and environmental costs of the transition to Green Technology. Spheres of Influence. https://spheresofinfluence.ca/coblat-mining-drc-green-technology/

From mine to school. UNICEF. (2021, May 15). https://www.unicef.org/drcongo/en/stories/mine-school

Democratic Republic of Congo – World Bank. (n.d.). https://databankfiles.worldbank.org/public/ddpext_download/hci/HCI_2pager_COD.pdf

Philipp, J. (2021, November 5). The effects of cobalt mining in the DRC. The Borgen Project. https://borgenproject.org/cobalt-mining-in-the-drc/

i The DRC Mining Industry: Child labor and Formalization of Small-Scale Mining. (n.d.). Wilson Center. https://www.wilsoncenter.org/blog-post/drc-mining-industry-child-labor-and-formalization-small-scale-mining

ii Gulley, A. L. (2022). One hundred years of cobalt production in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. Resources Policy, 79, 103007. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.resourpol.2022.103007

iii The DRC mining industry: Child labour and formalisation of small-scale mining. Wilson Center. (n.d.). https://www.wilsoncenter.org/blog-post/drc-mining-industry-child-labor-and-formalization-small-scale-mining

iv Alshantti, O. (2023, March 15). Cobalt mining in the Democratic Republic of the Congo: The human and environmental costs of the transition to Green Technology. Spheres of Influence. https://spheresofinfluence.ca/coblat-mining-drc-green-technology/

v From mine to school. UNICEF. (2021, May 15). https://www.unicef.org/drcongo/en/stories/mine-school

vi Democratic Republic of Congo – World Bank. (n.d.). https://databankfiles.worldbank.org/public/ddpext_download/hci/HCI_2pager_COD.pdf

vii Philipp, J. (2021, November 5). The effects of cobalt mining in the DRC. The Borgen Project. https://borgenproject.org/cobalt-mining-in-the-drc/

Safe Schools Declaration and Guidelines on Military Use

Written by Gianna Chen

The endorsement of Safe Schools Declarations and Guidelines on Military Use is an international collaboration effort to protect education from attack. It consists of proposals and actions to prevent schools and universities from armed conflict. More importantly, the Declaration aims to reduce the use of schools and universities by parties of armed conflict and attempts to minimise the negative impact caused to student’s safety and access to education. According to the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, every individual has the right to educationi. However, the lack of explicit standards or norms to protect educational institutions from using military effort is a challenge to the right to education. Further, it allows fighting forces to exploit the use of schools and universities to support military efforts. Examples of military use of education facilities such as fighting positions, overnight shelters, strategic positioning and operating bases should be prevented and limited if there are no other alternatives. Subsequently, it led to the destabilisation of education opportunities, emphasising the psychosocial distress and a range of health issues that could affect students, teachers and communities.

Photo by Ahmed akacha on Pexels.

Developed between 2012 and 2014 and published in 2015 in Oslo, the Safe School Declaration has been endorsed by 118 states. It is an inter-governmental political commitment to protect students, teachers, schools and universities from attack during armed conflict. The guidelines for protecting schools include the followingii: 

  • “… Use the Guidelines and bring them into domestic policy and operational frameworks as far as possible and appropriate;
  • Make every effort at a national level to collect reliable, relevant data on attacks on educational facilities, on the victims of attacks, and military use of schools and universities during armed conflict, including through existing monitoring and reporting mechanisms, to facilitate such data collection and to provide assistance to victims, in a non-discriminatory manner;
  • Seek to ensure the continuation of education during armed conflict, support the re-establishment of educational facilities and, where in a position to do so, provide and facilitate international cooperation and assistance to programmes working to prevent or respond to an attack on education, including for the implementation of this Declaration…”

By addressing the importance of education and the right to education, the guidelines intended to achieve a durable peace and hope to inspire responsible practices among those involved in the planning and executing military operations. On top of that, the Declaration serves as a framework for states to cooperate and meet on a regular basis to assess the implementation and application of the guidelines.

In addition to the Declaration, the military use of education facilities under extreme circumstances such as war and international or national violence should be avoided to the greatest extent following the guidelines listed belowiii: 

  1. Functioning schools and universities should not be used by fighting forces of parties to armed conflict in any way.
  2. Schools and universities that have been abandoned should not be used by fighting forces of parties to armed conflict for any purpose in support of their military effort. 
  3. Schools and universities must never be destroyed as a measure intended to deprive the opposing parties of the armed conflict.
  4. Prior to any attack on a school that has become a military objective, parties to armed conflict should consider all feasible alternative measures before attacking them. 
  5. The fighting forces of parties to armed conflict should not be employed to provide security for schools and universities. 
  6. All parties to armed conflict should incorporate these guidelines into their doctrine, military manuals, rules of engagement, operational order, and other means of dissemination. 

The above-summarised guidelines contain the fundamental humanitarian standard for states to follow during armed conflict. It is essential to refrain from actions that interfere with children’s access to education and reinstate the role of education in durable development and promoting understanding, tolerance and friendship among all nations. The impact of conflict, violence and military disruption on educational institutions not only increases the risk of students and teachers being exposed to a range of abuse but also threatens the very right to life, the right to education and the right to be in their home and communities. The Safe Schools Declaration marks the baseline for protecting education institutions to be used for military purposes. It urges states committed to the Declaration to incorporate the guidelines into their domestic policies and defend the fundamental human rights to which every individual is entitled.

References

GCPEA. Safe schools declaration and guidelines on military use. Global Coalition to Protect Education from Attack, 2022.

GCPEA. Guidelines for protecting schools and universities from military use during armed conflict. Global Coalition to Protect Education from Attack, 2022.

GCPEA. COMMENTARY ON THE “Guidelines for Protecting Schools and Universities from Military Use during Armed Conflict”. Global Coalition to Protect Education from Attack, 2015.

Human Rights Watch. Protecting Schools from Military Use Law, Policy, and Military Doctrine. Human Rights Watch, May 2019.

i GCPEA. COMMENTARY ON THE “Guidelines for Protecting Schools and Universities from Military Use during Armed Conflict”. Global Coalition to Protect Education from Attack, 2015.

ii GCPEA. Guidelines for protecting schools and universities from military use during armed conflict. Global Coalition to Protect Education from Attack, 2022.

iii GCPEA. COMMENTARY ON THE “Guidelines for Protecting Schools and Universities from Military Use during Armed Conflict”. Global Coalition to Protect Education from Attack, 2015.

France has recently banned Abayas in French schools

Written by Yehia Murad and Kamye Boblet-Ledoyen

The Problem

On September 7th 2023, the Conseil d’Etat, France’s highest court of administrative law, affirmed the Ministry of National Education and Youth’s decision to prohibit the wearing of abayas and qamis apparel: “Pupils typically wear these garments in compliance with legislative provisions, with the accompanying dialogue often featuring a discourse on religious practice, influenced by arguments shared on social media platforms.” (Conseil d’Etat, 2023). For the highest administrative court of France, the wearing of abayas and qamis is considered to be in contradiction with the 2004 law that forbids ostentatious religious sign: “While students attending public schools are permitted to wear subtle religious symbols, it is prohibited to wear any clothing or signs that explicitly demonstrate a religious affiliation, such as a hijab, kippah, or oversized cross. Additionally, it is also prohibited to wear clothing or symbols that only demonstrate a religious affiliation on the basis of the student’s behaviour.” [1]. The ruling of the Conseil d’Etat is legally valid; the rationale of the Ministry of Education, and the French government in general, behind this ban is more ambiguous.

Background

Photo by Spielvogel on Wikimedia Commons.

The use of prominent religious symbols, especially those of the Muslim faith, has been the topic of intense political discussion since the late 1980s. The denial of class attendance to young veiled pupils by a school principal in 1989 sparked controversy among politicians in the country and beyond. This occurrence, which transpired in Creil, a middle-range town situated in the north-west suburbs of Paris, became known as the affaire de Creil (“Creil affair”). In 2010, the French government implemented a law prohibiting the wearing of burqas in public spaces such as schools, streets, and transportation. France has a lengthy history of anti-clericalism and secularism. The 1905 law establishing the separation of Church and State is viewed as an inventive compromise that assures both the liberty to worship and the non-interference of spiritual matters in temporal affairs. The politicisation of the abaya affair by politicians is lamentable, whereas the very idea of the 1905 law was to avoid any political controversy over religion. The exploitation of the principle of secularism via the prohibition of abayas and qamis is highly concerning. It is apparent that the French government, notably Education Minister Gabriel Attal, does not prioritise the promotion of secularism amongst younger generations.

This decision is merely political and not related to any supposed fight against Islamism. Gabriel Attal, the Education Minister appointed this summer, is primarily known for his political opportunism. Mr. Attal comes from the Parisian bourgeoisie, having been educated in one of the most prestigious private schools in the heart of the French capital, L’Alsacienne. He has been associated with both the Socialist Party and the conservative right in the past, but later became a staunch supporter of Emmanuel Macron. Despite having only completed an internship at Villa Médicis during his master’s degree, which he obtained after repeating a year with the help of a university arrangement, he managed to join the ministerial offices at a young age of 23.[2] During his past positions as Minister Delegate for Youth, Government Spokesman, and Minister for the Budget and Public Accounts, Mr. Attal has proved to be a consistent advocate of Emmanuel Macron’s policies.

What is at Stake

The ban is closely linked to the decline of the national education system in the country. Although the inadequate state of schools in France is not unique, the exploitation of Republican principles, which underpin French citizenship, distinguishes the country as a particular case. Article 1 of the French Constitution stipulates that “France is an indivisible, secular, democratic and social Republic”, setting the status of secularism as a supreme norm. Nevertheless, the far right has exploited this principle to promote their platforms that rely solely on emotional appeals, such as the fear of migration, the fear of Islam, and the fear of replacement. The rhetoric of being replaced, commonly found in European conservative and far-right parties, is fueled by a clear cause: decades of economic marginalisation resulting from neoliberalism. The National Education budget, which totals €59 billion in 2023 and accounts for the largest share of public spending, is inadequate. The salaries of French teachers are considerably lower than those in neighbouring countries, and the lack of support staff for students with disabilities, including carers, school nurses and doctors, presents a daily challenge for teaching staff. School performance is deemed deficient, as stated in the newest report (September 2023) published by the Scientific Council of National Education. It asserts that French proficiency has worsened while in mathematics, only half of the pupils are aware of the length of a quarter past three quarters of an hour. Consequently, discussing the abaya is diverting from the deep-seated issues that impede the national education system.

Yet, the French school required everything, except for another debate on the Islamic veil. As the topic is highly sensitive in France, a country that has suffered from numerous Islamist attacks since 2015. The killings of a history-geography teacher in 2020 and a literature teacher in October 2023 had a profound impact on public consciousness and caused trauma among the population. However, instead of implementing specific political measures, the French government capitalised on the emotions stirred by these attacks.

It is in fact in the preparatory work for the 1905 law on the separation of church and state that the proper measure is to be found: “Imposing the obligation on ministers of worship to modify the cut of their clothes, in light of a law aiming to establish a regime of religious freedom, would result in more than just problematic backlash… it risks exposing them not only to intolerance, but also to ridicule and potentially serious danger.” The state need not concern itself with the attire of its citizens; rather, it should strive to educate them and raise awareness of their rights. The Republican school’s responsibility is to use logical argument rather than emotional persuasion to advocate for the benefits of secularism. The legislators in 1905 were aware of the pitfall of banning a religious garment, which the French government ultimately fell into. They noted that “the combined ingenuity of priests and tailors would soon have created a new garment, which would no longer be the cassock, but would still be quite different from the jacket and the frock coat to allow the passer-by to distinguish at first glance a priest from any other citizen.” [3]

The French government is promoting the expansion of the Service National Universel (Universal National Service), a less intensive version of military service, as a means of toughening up its education policy, rather than facing up to reality. Following his re-election in May 2022, Emmanuel Macron expressed concern over his political legacy. For sure, he will leave this political legacy of the unprecedented extreme right-wing of society. Ultimately, if one imitates the far-right’s behaviour and rhetoric, one becomes aligned with far-right ideologies. It would have been worth it to beat Marine Le Pen twice…

Looking ahead…

The implementation of the banning of hijabs in the French education system is synonymous with right-wing politics, which explicitly rejects various forms of globalisation, particularly migration. Such an implementation of a policy that excludes a certain segment of civil society subverts the inclusive political institutions of the European Union, which need to maintain the virtuous circle of democracies [4; 5].

Such an issue lies in a discourse that leans heavily to the right, marginalising individuals based on their belief systems. As stated, it is important that the French state’s protect its continued vision of secularism and égalité (equality) and design the education system as an equal level playing field for its diverse civil society. The education system, as a key component in shaping the values of future generations, should prioritise fostering an environment of acceptance and understanding. Instead, this policy sends a distressing message, reinforcing polarising narratives and perpetuating stereotypes. It is imperative to recognize that a diverse and inclusive educational experience is not just a right but a cornerstone of a thriving democracy.

It is necessary for the EU to play a proactive role in scrutinising and repudiating member states that threaten such democratic and inclusive principles that they stand for. The EU should vocally condemn any action that leads to a democratic backslide within its borders. Free-speech should not be selective to benefit the popular segment of civil society, as the ban is not merely a dress code issue, but rather a threat to the core values of democracy and inclusive education. As advocates for human rights, it is our responsibility to shed light on these marginalising policies and call for a united stand against any measure that undermines the principles that cements a democratic society. We, Broken Chalk, advocate for equal opportunities in education for all minority ethnicities and commit to addressing the lack of inclusive institutions for all. We castigate the decision taken by the Conseil d’Etat, France’s highest court of administrative law, and call for the necessary interventions by the appropriate bodies, such as the EU. Lastly, we urge the French courts to revise the decision taken by the Ministry of National Education and Youth and to find a common ground; between France’s universal values of secularism and the consideration of minority groups in the pursuit of education.

References

[1] Légifrance. 2004. “LOI n° 2004-228 du 15 mars 2004 encadrant, en application du principe de laïcité, le port de signes ou de tenues manifestant une appartenance religieuse dans les écoles, collèges et lycées publics (1).” Légifrance. https://www.legifrance.gouv.fr/jorf/id/JORFTEXT000000417977.

[2] Branco, Juan. 2019. Crépuscule. 1st ed. Vauvert: Au diable vauvert.

Conseil d’Etat. 2023. “Base de jurisprudence.” Conseil d’Etat. https://www.conseil-etat.fr/fr/arianeweb/CE/decision/2023-09-07/487891.

[3] Aristide Briand. 1905. “Délibérations sur le projet et les propositions de loi concernant la séparation des Eglises et de l’Etat.” Les Classiques des sciences sociales. http://classiques.uqac.ca/collection_documents/assemblee_nationale/separation_Eglises_Etat/seance_43/debat_43_1905.pdf.

[4] Acemoglu, D. Robinson, J. A. (2012) Why Nations Fail: The Origins of Power, Prosperity, and Poverty, Crown Business.

[5] Acemoglu, D., & Robinson, J. A. (2019). The Narrow Corridor: States, Societies, and the Fate of Liberty. Penguin Press.

International Day of Solidarity with the Palestinian People

Written by Benjamin Koponen, Caren Thomas & Zina Sabbagh

Palestine’s Educational Landscape

Amid the recent escalations in Gaza, Bisan Owda, a journalist from the area, begins most of her interviews by acknowledging her survival. Her words echo the harrowing reality. “There is no place safe in Gaza.” – wizard_bisan1, Instagram, 2023

The devastating impact on educational institutions underscores this stark truth. Over 200 schools have been ruthlessly damaged, bombed, or entirely razed in this small geographic region.i Shockingly, this accounts for almost 40% of the total number of schools in the Gaza Strip.

UNRWA (United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees) facilities and schools, which are considered a protected establishment by international law and the global community, no longer carry the assurance of safety.ii The reality became painfully evident with the bombing of Al Fakhoura UNRWA school, a widely recognized establishment in northern Gaza, on November 19th.iii At the time, over 7,000 individuals, including teachers, students, families, and the elderly, sought refuge within its walls. In an instant, this sanctuary, an educational institute that helped dreams and hopes to become a reality, was destroyed.

Photo by Luke White on Unsplash

Delving deeper into Palestinians’ challenges within the educational sphere offers a clearer picture of their struggles. Palestinian secondary education comprises three primary sectors: Private schools, public schools, and UNRWA schools specifically established for Palestinian refugees.iv These institutions adhere to the standardized Palestinian Curriculum set by the Palestinian Government. An intriguing aspect to note is the continuous scrutiny and censorship imposed by the Israeli Government on the standardized Palestinian Curriculum.v The Israeli authorities restrict detailed information about Palestinian heritage, culture, and history.vi

Additionally, the very depiction of a map outlining the borders of Palestine is consistently banned. This forces the Palestinian curriculum to be extremely flexible because continuous changes are happening to it.vii Moreover, both students and teachers face numerous obstacles in accessing schools. Throughout the West Bank, checkpoints present a significant hindrance, impeding the transit of individuals to educational institutions. Similarly, in Gaza, the frequent bombings further increase the challenges faced by students and educators in their pursuit of education viii.

Another obstacle that the secondary educational sector faces is funding. A report by the Global Coalition to Protect Education from Attack (GCPEA) mentioned that around US$3.55 million would be required to repair the damages to school facilities from the aggression that happened in May 2021.ix Due to the Israeli Military Occupation, the economy of the Palestinian Authority is severely hindered. Thus, the educational sector heavily depends on donations and aid from the international community, primarily the UN.x However, since 2016, the aid for the UNWRA schools has been radically decreasing due to changes in the political arena.xi

Gaza’s schools consist of 284 UNRWA facilities out of 561 schools due to the high population of refugees from neighbouring villages that got destroyed.xii Therefore, many of these schools lack the infrastructure, classes, and materials to function properly; however, they are still prospering and using as much material as they can to operate at their best capacity. Even when the students surpass all of these difficult challenges, when they want to pursue higher education outside of Gaza, they are denied permits from Israel, thereby confining them in Gaza.

Concerning education, there are numerous tactics employed by the Israeli Occupation that exacerbate these hardships. Even if there was an end to the destruction and war against Gaza, the trauma and PTSD faced by students, teachers, and other individuals will take generations to process, heal, and fully recover.

Photo by Austin Crick on Unsplash

Mental Health of Palestinian Children

Mental health is a delicate prism through which human beings understand themselves and the world around them. This prism is ymbolizezed by peoples’ ability to manage stress, nurture their talents, learn/work effectively, and support their community.xiii These resilience strategies are not coping mechanisms of living through trauma but allow people to move past setbacks and grow as individuals. However, traumatic incidents in childhood–such as warfare–can induce levels of stress which surpass the efficacy of healthy coping mechanisms. The continued bombing, displacement, and occupation of Gaza/West Bank has increased anxiety, depression, and PTSD amongst local Palestinian children.

Since October 7th, the IDF has killed approximately 11,320 Palestinian civilians.xiv These include 4,650 children and 3,145 women, leaving 29,200 injured and 3,600 unaccounted for (of which 1,755 children).xv Twelve years ago, Dimitry found that “conflict-related traumatic experiences correlate positively with prevalence of mental, behavioural and emotional problems”.xvi

As far back as 2011, approximately 23% to 70% of children were reported to suffer from PTSD.xvii Post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) is a prolonged mental/physiological response to extremely tense experiences. For Palestinian children, exposure to terrorist attacks, being displaced from one’s homes, violent abuse, and witnessing daily humiliation force them into survival mode.xviii

Maintaining a daily routine is integral to ensuring children’s mental health. However, the destruction of schools, homes, and regular displacement produce an unpredictable environment. It has been noted that the persisting nature of Israeli occupation eliminates civilians (especially children) a moment to heal.xix As a result, they are thrown into a constant state of traumatic stress. In 2022, 90% of children experience separation anxiety from parents, over 50% have pontificated suicide, and 59% experience reactive mutism.xx Furthermore, the Guardian has reported that children are also experiencing sleeping difficulties.xxi However, children have developed strategies for responding to these post-traumatic stress symptoms (PTSS) in different ways. These include active exposure to traumatic events and political resistance as trauma responses to political violence.

Palestinian youth–often young men and boys– have been known to hold peers who have been beaten/imprisoned with respect.xxii In this way, they transform the fear of persecution into courage. In contrast, young Palestinian women and girls are more likely to express PTSS through anxiety and depression.xxiii These characteristics align with the gendered expectations of boys/girls in the Middle East. Unsurprisingly, young men and boys who engage in these behaviours demonstrate more PTSS than their female counterparts.xxiv Active exposure to trauma is deeply interconnected to resistance as a trauma response.

Wispelwey & Jamei demonstrate that political activism, specifically the Great March of Return (GMR), can provide “a positive impact on community mental health via a sense of agency, hope”.xxv The GMR, a series of demonstrations initiated in March 2018, was meant to ymbolize Palestinians’ right to return to their homeland (enshrined by UN Resolution 194). The GMR adopted a cultural/celebratory atmosphere filled with dancing, food, and chanting. Protesters met the IDF’s militaristic response–dispensing tear gas and sniping into the crowd–with an entrenched feeling of agency to shape their political reality.xxvi

The desperate state of children’s mental health in Palestine is entangled with the reality of Israeli occupation. Anxiety is not an irrational response to warfare. Depression is not an irrational response to a lack of opportunities. These are psychological symptoms of decisions made by political leaders. In a letter published by Save The Children, 6 Palestinian children–Salma, Niveen, Zain, Samer, Khaled and Amal outlined their wishes; “The first thing we wish is that the war would end…We hope that all the destroyed buildings will be cleared away and something better and more beautiful will come in their place”.xxvii Medical care, infrastructure, and community support will be integral to healing. A ceasefire is the first step in this healing process.

Deprivation of resources for students in Palestine

At the beginning of the year 2023, the United Nations recorded at least 423 incidents impacting Palestinian children and their education. This includes the firing by Israeli forces on schools and children conducting operations and demolishing schools.xxviii The Gaza’s Ministry of Educationxxix has suspended the school year 2023-2024. Due to the indiscriminate bombing of Gaza, schools in the Strip are being used as “safe spaces” for the Palestinians. However, even the schools have been targeted by Israeli bombing.

Currently, schools run by UNRWA – the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestinian refugees – have been targeted numerous times by Israeli attacks.xxx These schools are supposed to be considered as secure zones during an armed conflict. However, what we’re witnessing in Gaza is the deliberate targeting of innocent civilians, particularly children. This targeting of those seeking refuge in schools ultimately leads to the death and injury of many civilians. It leads to the disruption of education due to the loss of resources that occurs when an armed conflict targets schools and other educational institutions.

Photo by Gayatri Malhotra on Unsplash

Defense for Children International – Palestine, who are winners of the Rafto Prize, 2023, in their ‘Child in War, 2022 reportxxxi had mentioned that Palestinian children have expressed that they do not want financial assistance from the international community. Instead, the children would like to be protected from the searches that take place during checkpoints and attacks that take place at school. Furthermore, child human rights defenders from Palestine were given the chance to partake in meetings with international human rights bodies, but no heed was given to address the needs of the children. The ground reality continues to remain the same.

The Gaza Strip continues to witness armed conflict, causing colossal damage to infrastructure and other educational resources. A child is supposed to be in school for education but now goes to school with their families for potential shelter from the bombings. The number of schools damaged is at least 300 schools and 183 teachers have reportedly been killed.xxxii Additionally, the Israel blockade of water, food, medical supplies, electricity and fuel imposes grave risks on the access to resources for these children.

A gap in the child’s education that has occurred due to conflict, coupled with the absence of psychosocial support, may leave many children feeling hopelessly behind. The situation in Gaza requires the people to rebuild their schools, sanitation and other educational resources. The people need to find ways to accommodate temporary learning spaces, obtain support from the international community to rebuild their educational systems and, most importantly, find teaching staff equipped to understand the fractured environment of these young minds. Education is extremely crucial in this heart-wrenching environment as it offers the backbone and potential freedom to overcome some of the difficulties faced by these Palestinian children.

While countless international laws and mechanisms are in place, enforcing them has been an ineffective process mainly due to minimal international intervention. It is unequivocally evident that the Israel attacks on Palestine are a mockery of international humanitarian law.

We leave our readers with these questions.

When does education, a fundamental human right enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, cease to be a distant luxury for the children of Palestine?

When does a child of Palestine stop being a “child of war” and embrace a life of positive learning, growth and happiness?

References

i UNESCO. (2023). Gaza: UNESCO calls for an immediate halt to strikes against schools. UNESCO. https://www.unesco.org/en/articles/gaza-unesco-calls-immediate-halt-strikes-against-schools

ii UNRWA. (2023). THE GAZA STRIP: UNRWA SCHOOLS SHELTERING DISPLACED PEOPLE CONSTANTLY. UNRWA. https://www.unrwa.org/newsroom/official-statements/gaza-strip-unrwa-schools-sheltering-displaced-people-constantly-hit

iii Al Jazeera. (2023). Many killed in Israeli attacks on two schools in northern Gaza. Al Jazeera. https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2023/11/18/israeli-forces-strike-al-fakhoora-school-in-northern-gaza

iv Palestinian Central Bureau of Statistics. (2023). Schools Placement Around Palestine. https://www.pcbs.gov.ps/Portals/_Rainbow/Documents/Basic_Schools_ar.html

v Al Jazeera Net. (2017). Accusing the Palestinian curriculum of incitement against Israel. Al Jazeera Net. https://www.aljazeera.net/news/presstour

vi Al Jazeera Net. (2004). Israeli Efforts to Change the Palestinian Educational Curriculum جهود إسرائيلية محمومة لتغيير مناهج التعليم الفلسطينية. Al Jazeera Net. https://www.aljazeera.net/news

vii Palestinian Ministry of Education. (2023). Sectoral strategy for education. https://www.moe.pna.ps/category/content/1036

viii Palestinian Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Expatriates. (n.d.). Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Expatriates. State of Palestine Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Expatriates. http://www.mofa.pna.ps

ix Global Coalition to Protect Education from Attack. (2022). Measuring the Impact of Attacks on Education in Palestine. https://protectingeducation.org/wp- content/uploads/impact_attackeducation_palestine_2022_en.pdf

x Palestinian Ministry of Education. (2023). Sectoral strategy for education. https://www.moe.pna.ps/category/content/1036

xi BBC News. (2018, January 17). UN alarmed as US cuts aid to Palestinian refugee agency. BBC News. https://www.bbc.com/news/world-middle-east-42717333

xii Palestinian Central Bureau of Statistics. (2023). Schools Placement Around Palestine. https://www.pcbs.gov.ps/Portals/_Rainbow/Documents/Basic_Schools_ar.html

xiii World Health Organization: WHO. (2022, June 17). Mental health. https://www.who.int/news-room/fact-sheets/detail/mental-health-strengthening-our-response

xiv Anadolu staff. (2023, November). Gaza death toll soars to 11,320 amid relentless Israeli attacks, including 4,650 children. aa.com. https://www.aa.com.tr/en/middle-east/gaza-death-toll-soars-to-11-320-amid-relentless-israeli-attacks-including-4-650-children/3053701#

xv Anadolu staff. (2023, November). Gaza death toll soars to 11,320 amid relentless Israeli attacks, including 4,650 children. aa.com. https://www.aa.com.tr/en/middle-east/gaza-death-toll-soars-to-11-320-amid-relentless-israeli-attacks-including-4-650-children/3053701#

xvi Dimitry, L. D. (2011). A systematic review on the mental health of children and adolescents in areas of armed conflict in the Middle East. Child: Care, Health and Development, 38(2), 153–161. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1365-2214.2011.01246.x

xvii Dimitry, L. D. (2011). A systematic review on the mental health of children and adolescents in areas of armed conflict in the Middle East. Child: Care, Health and Development, 38(2), 153–161. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1365-2214.2011.01246.x

xviii Dimitry, L. D. (2011). A systematic review on the mental health of children and adolescents in areas of armed conflict in the Middle East. Child: Care, Health and Development, 38(2), 153–161. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1365-2214.2011.01246.x

xix Agbaria, N., Petzold, S., Deckert, A., Henschke, N., Veronese, G., Dambach, P., Jaenisch, T., Horstick, O., & Winkler, V. (2020). Prevalence of post-traumatic stress disorder among Palestinian children and adolescents exposed to political violence: A systematic review and meta-analysis. PLOS ONE, 16(8), 1–17. https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0256426

xx Sherwood, H. (2023, October 22). Children in Gaza ‘developing severe trauma’ after 16 days of bombing. The Guardian. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2023/oct/22/children-in-gaza-developing-severe-trauma-after-16-days-of-bombing

xxi Save the Children International. (2022, June 15). After 15 years of blockade, four out of five children in Gaza say they are living with depression, grief and fear. https://www.savethechildren.net/news/after-15-years-blockade-four-out-five-children-gaza-say-they-are-living-depression-grief-and

xxii Agbaria, N., Petzold, S., Deckert, A., Henschke, N., Veronese, G., Dambach, P., Jaenisch, T., Horstick, O., & Winkler, V. (2020). Prevalence of post-traumatic stress disorder among Palestinian children and adolescents exposed to political violence: A systematic review and meta-analysis. PLOS ONE, 16(8), 1–17. https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0256426

xxiii Wispelwey, B. W., & James, Y. A. J. (2020). The Great March of Return. Health and Human Rights Journal, 22(1), 179–186. https://www.jstor.org/stable/10.2307/26923484

xxiv Agbaria, N., Petzold, S., Deckert, A., Henschke, N., Veronese, G., Dambach, P., Jaenisch, T., Horstick, O., & Winkler, V. (2020). Prevalence of post-traumatic stress disorder among Palestinian children and adolescents exposed to political violence: A systematic review and meta-analysis. PLOS ONE, 16(8), 1–17. https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0256426

xxv Wispelwey, B. W., & James, Y. A. J. (2020). The Great March of Return. Health and Human Rights Journal, 22(1), 179–186. https://www.jstor.org/stable/10.2307/26923484

xxvi Save The Children. (2022). Trapped: The Impact of 15 years of blockade on the mental health of Gaza’s children. https://resourcecentre.savethechildren.net/pdf/gaza_blockade_mental_health_palestinian_children_2022.pdf/

xxvii Save The Children. (2022). Trapped: The Impact of 15 years of blockade on the mental health of Gaza’s children. https://resourcecentre.savethechildren.net/pdf/gaza_blockade_mental_health_palestinian_children_2022.pdf/

xxviii United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs. “Back to school: 1.3 million Palestinian children in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip are returning to school during a tumultuous year.” ochaopt.org August 21, 2023. http://www.ochaopt.org/content/back-school-13-million-palestinian-children-west-bank-and-gaza-strip-are-returning-school-during-tumultuous

xxix Middle East Monitor. “Amidst the bombing, school year suspended in Gaza.” middleeastmonitor.com November 6, 2023. https://www.middleeastmonitor.com/20231106-amidst-the-bombing-school-year-suspended-in-gaza/

xxx Mhawish, Mohammed R. “‘Why bomb schools?’ Gaza families have no safe space amid Israeli attacks”. aljazeera.com October 10, 2023. https://www.aljazeera.com/features/2023/10/10/why-bomb-schools-gaza-families-have-no-safe-space-amid-israeli-attacks

xxxi Defence for Children International. “Children affected by armed Conflict.” defenceforchildren.org 2022. https://defenceforchildren.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/07/Children-and-Armed-Conflict-Report.pdf

xxxii Becker, Jo. “Israel/Gaza Hostilities Take Horrific Toll on Children.” Human Rights Watch. November 22, 2023. https://www.hrw.org/news/2023/11/22/israel/gaza-hostilities-take-horrific-toll-children

Female Genital Mutilation and its Effects on Education

Written by Juliana Campos, Nadia Annous and Maria Popova.

FGM, or the full-term Female Genital Mutilation is a practice performed on women and young girls involving removal or injury to the female genital organs. It is not performed for medical reasons, nor does it bring any health benefits. FGM is generally considered a human rights violation and a form of torture with long lasting effects on girls’ physical and mental health, often leading to early marriage and hindering girls’ access to education in over 30 countries worldwide. 

What is Female Genital Mutilation (FGM)?

According to the World Health Organisation, FGM consists of total or partial removal of the external genitalia or injury to the female genital organs. There are four types of FGM: 

  • Partial or total removal of clitoral glands; 
  • Partial or total removal of clitoral glands and labia minora; 
  • Infibulation, which consists of narrowing the vaginal opening; 
  • All other harmful procedures to female genitalia for non-medical purposes. 

In total, it is estimated that over 200 million women have undergone this procedure worldwide. Currently, FGM is performed in over 30 countries around Africa, the Middle East and Asia, with most occurrences being registered in Somalia, Guinea, Djibouti and Egypt. Most victims of FGM fall between the age range of 0 to 15 years old.

FGC Types. “Classification of female genital mutilation”, World Health Organization, 2014.
Photo via Wikimedia Commons

Immediate and long-term complications

FGM has no health benefits, on the contrary, it can lead to a number of short and long-term complications to women. The adverse effects of the procedure are both physical and psychological, as FGM interferes with the natural functions of the female body and brings several damages to a healthy and normal genital tissue. Short-term health complications include excessive pain and bleeding, swelling, fever and infections. Oftentimes, the practitioners performing FGM use shared instruments, which leads to transmission of HIV and Hepatitis. Long-term complications include urinary and vaginal infections, pain during intercourse and complications during childbirth, especially in women who have undergone infibulation, as the sealed vagina is ripped open for intercourse and stitched back again after childbirth or widowhood. Neonatal mortality rates are also higher in places where FGM is practiced, as it can lead to increased risk of death for the baby.

How does FGM affect schooling? 

FGM has a direct effect on girls’ education, starting by the long period of recovery needed after the procedure. A full recovery can take up to several months, by the end of which girls may feel it is pointless to return to the same school year. The longer education is disrupted, the lower are the chances of a return to school and many girls end up taking on other responsibilities such as house chores or informal work instead.

Another effect on girls’ education caused by FGM is the increased social pressure for marriage. Especially in low-income households, marriage can mean better financial stability and higher social status. As a result, education is no longer a priority for these girls’ families, causing many FGM victims to enter early marriages, which may lead to early pregnancies, diminishing the chances of a return to school to near zero. 

Besides physical health complications, the psychological trauma caused by such an invasive and painful procedure, often performed without anaesthesia, may be paralysing for these girls, possibly leading to post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), depression, difficulties in socialisation and an overall impact on girls’ confidence. 

Why is FGM still practiced? 

There are different reasons as to why FGM remains such a common practice in certain regions, most of which reflect cultural or social factors. For instance, FGM is considered a requirement for women to be eligible for marriage, serving as “proof” that they have been kept “pure”. As a result, many families may feel as if they should conform to this practice in order to protect their daughters from social exclusion. In countries like Somalia where, according to UNICEF, 98% of girls between the ages of 5 and 11 have undergone FGM, not being part of that astonishing statistic can outcast these young girls from their communities.

Since the 1990’s, FGM has been the center of political debates as the international community and feminist groups press governments for a ban on this practice. However, besides guaranteeing social status, there is also a culture aspect behind FGM. It is seen as an honourable rite of passage, a way for these communities to connect to their ancestors and it creates a sense of belonging which can be difficult for outsiders to comprehend. 

As a result, local political leaders who are openly against FGM are accused of caving in to external pressure and reduce their chances of being elected, making it unlikely that there will be a change in laws before there is a change in these societies’ cultural mindsets. This is evidenced by the fact that FGM is still practiced in many countries where it is officially illegal, such as Egypt, Ghana, Senegal and Burkina Faso.

How can education help end FGM? 

Many girls are forced to undergo FGM at an age when they don’t understand the risks of the procedure. In fact, due to the alarmingly low literacy rates in some communities, it is likely that neither parents nor practitioners are able to make scientifically informed choices regarding these young girls’ health. It is evident, therefore, that education and access to information may be the strongest tools for prevention against Female Genital Mutilation.

Though information can be spread orally and not necessarily through formal education, taboos still hinder open discussions on female reproductive health. That is why it is important for healthcare professionals to educate local practitioners and parents in an accessible way. As education is also an empowering tool, it is crucial that girls are invited into these conversations and informed of their human right to make decisions over their own bodies.

What is being done to stop FGM?

Evidently, the process of educating people about the dangers of FGM must be done respectfully, by listening to these communities and understanding what this rite of passage means as a tradition. That is what NGOs such as the Association for the Promotion of Women in Gaoua (APFG) have done. APFG contributors in Burkina Faso have managed to persuade FGM practitioners to maintain the sacred rituals of the rite but leave out genital cutting. That way, girls are protected from the complications of FGM and the community’s tradition is kept. 

It is equally as important to support survivors all around the world, women who are still dealing with the long lasting physical and mental impacts caused by FGM. The NGO Terre de Femmes or TDF, a German organisation working on raising awareness against Female Genital Mutilation, works to protect and support FGM survivors in Europe, particularly in countries with the highest rates of affected individuals, namely France, Belgium, Italy, The Netherlands, and the United Kingdom. TDF also advocates against Female Genital Mutilation by writing petitions and increasing political pressure for countries to either ban FGM or ensure existing laws are upheld. 

In conclusion…

Female Genital Mutilation results in numeral short and long-term complications for women, including a significant disruption in girls’ education. It is an extremely dangerous practice affecting thousands of girls each year, girls who have been denied the basic human right to physical integrity. 

Still today, perhaps due to cultural stigmas around female reproductive health, FGM is not as openly discussed as other gender related issues and efforts to tackle its impacts are still insufficient. Educating practitioners, parents and girls themselves by providing information on the dangers of FGM is a powerful tool against this harmful procedure. Furthermore, it is crucial to take FGM’s social, political and cultural complexities into consideration and, most importantly, amplify FGM victims’ voices.

REFERENCES

Cover Image by UN Women/Ryan Brown via Flickr

*Upon request, the article may be translated into other languages. Please use the comments section below*

Afghanistan: Gender Inequality in Education

Written by Juliana Campos and Derin Erk. 

The Taliban Government and Women’s Rights

After over two years under Taliban rule, Afghan women continue to endure profound challenges: limited mobility and freedom of speech, lack of autonomy and a ban on education. Even if a 20 year gap separates the Taliban’s first government, overthrown in 2001, from their reclaim of power in 2021, not much seems to have changed in their interpretation of Islamic law, though officials continue to vehemently deny human rights are being violated.

Taliban representatives claim the western media is responsible for corrupting popular opinion on their government and that UN reports do not convey the reality of today’s Afghanistan. According to them, the ban on women’s education is a temporary measure, while the government prepares an “Islamic environment” that complies with their interpretation of Sharia law and meets the demands of the Afghan people. However, after two years, no progress has been made and there seems to be little indication the Taliban will indeed address the very urgent issue of gender inequality in Afghanistan and lift restrictions such as the ban on education for women. 

What Does The Education Ban Mean for Afghan Women?

Education equips women with the tools to make more informed choices, to lead healthier lifestyles and it protects them against abuse by teaching them to recognize violent behaviour and to fight for their physical and mental integrity. Not only is it an empowering tool on an individual level, educating women benefits entire communities. Being the primary caregivers in many societies, well instructed women are able to better prepare themselves for life-changing decisions such as marriage and pregnancy, raising healthier children, in happier households.

Furthermore, education allows women to take on a more active role in their nation’s economy and development, by granting them the practical knowledge needed to use their talents and creativity to open their own businesses, for example. Taliban spokesperson Suhali Shaheen claims that 8.500 business licenses have been granted to Afghan women under their ruling and that over 800.000 women are currently working in Afghanistan.[1] The government has yet to publish these official reports and their sources, but even if they prove to be accurate, if the ban on education isn’t lifted, these numbers will certainly face a dramatic decrease in the next few years.

The fact remains that many women who remember the severe restrictions imposed in the late 1990’s by the Taliban fear being once again deprived of the knowledge that previously allowed them a small sense of economic, emotional and political independence. The impacts of such strict rules imposed by the Taliban have already been recorded during their previous period in power between 1996 and 2001. If nothing is done to change the current scenario, the world risks witnessing another generation of illiterate Afghan women, completely excluded from social life and deprived of formal education. 

By reinstalling laws which limit women’s freedom in society, banning women from working, studying and being seen in public without a male chaperone (the Mahram), the Taliban severely worsens gender inequality in Afghanistan and denies women the chance to develop emotionally and intellectually, besides directly affecting the country’s economy.

The United Nations’ Take on Women and Girls’ Education Under the Taliban

The UN has been vocal about the situation in Afghanistan, particularly on Afghan women’s rights. It considers the Taliban takeover in 2021 a reversal of women’s freedoms. Indeed, it seems the little progress made in the past 20 years has suffered a complete turn over in a matter of months.

Though UN’s statements help spread awareness and reliable information, the organisation has not directly intervened on a larger scale and has not shown intention to do so, as of today. As previously mentioned, the Taliban has accused the UN of misrepresenting the situation in Afghanistan in their reports and while this is a debatable statement, one thing is for certain: women and girls are barred from receiving education. Other areas in Afghan women’s social lives may be more tricky to evaluate from far away, as many of them spend a great portion of the time inside their homes, but the state of females’ access to secondary education and higher education is clear; there is no such access.

Are There Prospects for Change?

The simple answer would be that if the international community does not intervene, there aren’t many grounds for optimism. Interviews given by Taliban representatives have made it clear that they will not be giving up the right to rule given to them by God, according to their beliefs. Therefore, it is expected that their policies on women and their rights and freedoms will continue, as it is unlikely the government will ever be overthrown by the Afghan people, who are forbidden to speak against the regime. 

Conclusion 

It is unfortunate to conclude that the Taliban government’s restrictions on women’s rights and women’s education stand strong after two years. Being banned from attending schools and universities will not only greatly hamper women’s quality of life and their well being, but also difficultate their conquest of social and financial independence through education. Moreover, the Afghan nation as a whole will greatly suffer the effects of this ban, as including women in state affairs, the economy, and social life in general is an important pillar in a country’s development.

There is little to no prospect of change for the near future as the Taliban remains determined and strong in its seat. Perhaps the most effective measure the international community can take is advocating for women’s rights and spreading awareness about what is happening in Afghanistan today.

References

Cover Image by Graham Crouch/World Bank.

*Upon request, the article may be translated into other languages. Please use the comments section below*

Detention of Ismet Ozcelik Extended by 10 Months

By Aneta Orlowska

The case of Ismet Ozcelik, a Turkish national, has once again highlighted the concerns surrounding justice and the legal profession in Turkey. Ozcelik, an academic who has been held in detention since 2017 on alleged links to a cleric blamed for a 2016 coup attempt, was due for release from prison. However, his departure has been extended by an additional ten months, raising questions about the fairness and independence of the Turkish legal system.

Ozcelik, along with Turgay Karaman, a school principal, was deported from Malaysia to Turkey in 2017, where they were accused of ties to the network of Fethullah Gulen. The Gulen movement, led by an influential Islamic cleric, Fethullah Gulen, aims to provide devout Muslims with the necessary secular education for success in contemporary society while also emphasising the importance of traditional religious teachings. The movement promotes a tolerant form of Islam, highlighting values such as altruism, modesty, hard work, and education (Pew Research Center, 2010).

Since the failed coup attempt, the Turkish government has detained and jailed tens of thousands of people, pending trial, on suspicion of involvement with Gulen’s network. Human rights organizations have criticized this widespread crackdown for its impact on the rule of law and the right to a fair trial.

One of the key pieces of evidence used against Ozcelik was the allegation that he had used a mobile app called Bylock, which Turkish authorities claimed was used exclusively by Gulen’s followers. However, the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) has clarified that using Bylock cannot serve as reasonable suspicion for arrest or evidence for a conviction. Despite this, Ozcelik’s requests for an expert panel examination to contest the claims against him were denied, violating the principle of equality of arms in the legal process.

In addition to the Bylock allegation, Ozcelik’s participation in a protest and his social media posts criticizing the government’s actions were presented as evidence of his alleged membership in an armed terrorist organization. The UN Human Rights Committee and the ECtHR have emphasized protecting the fundamental rights to peaceful protest and freedom of expression. They have stated that these activities should not be criminalized without concrete evidence of involvement in illegal or terrorist activities.

Another contentious aspect of the case is the involvement of a private education company, Polat A.S., with which Ozcelik was a shareholder. Turkish authorities accused the company of being a front for carrying out alleged terrorist activities. However, critics argue that no concrete evidence substantiates this claim. Polat A.S. was a legally incorporated company operating under Turkish law and with a license from the Ministry of Education. Using such legal activities as grounds for criminal conviction raises concerns about the validity of the charges against Ozcelik.

The extension of Ozcelik’s detention by ten months has raised further concerns about the erosion of justice and the stifling of the legal profession in Turkey. Human rights defenders and legal experts have consistently expressed worries about arbitrary detention and the use of terrorism charges against individuals who exercise their rights to freedom of expression and peaceful protest.

The case of Ismet Ozcelik and others like him underscores the need for Turkey to uphold fundamental principles of justice, independence, and respect for human rights. International bodies, including the United Nations, have called for the release of detainees like Ozcelik and have highlighted the importance of providing effective remedies for those who have suffered violations of their rights.

As the detention of Ismet Ozcelik continues, it remains a stark reminder of the challenges facing the Turkish legal system and the urgent need for reforms to protect the rights and freedoms of all individuals.

Note: This article is based on available information and does not constitute legal advice or an official statement of the events described.

REFERENCES
  • Initiative, T. A. L. (2023, July 30). How having “the wrong” dish led to imprisonment for terrorism. The Arrested Lawyers Initiative is a volunteer organisation to defend the defenders. https://arrestedlawyers.org/2023/07/28/how-having-the-wrong-dish-led-to-imprisonment-for-terrorism/
  • İsmet Ozcelik. Tenkil Memorial. (n.d.). https://tenkilmemorial.org/en/tenkil-veritabani/ismet-ozcelik/
  • Miles, T. (2019, May 29). Turkey was told by U.N. to free and compensate gulen-linked detainees. Reuters. https://www.reuters.com/article/us-turkey-un-idUSKCN1SZ1RD
  • Scf. (2023, November 9). Man imprisoned on Gülen links to spend ten more months behind bars for making prayer beads. Stockholm Center for Freedom. https://stockholmcf.org/man-imprisoned-on-gulen-links-to-spend-10-more-months-behind-bars-for-making-prayer-beads/
  • Turkish Minute. (2023, November 9). Man imprisoned on Gülen links to spend 10 more months behind bars for making prayer beads. https://www.turkishminute.com/2023/11/09/man-imprisoned-on-gulen-link-to-spend-10-more-months-behind-bars-for-making-prayer-beads/
  • The United Nations Human Rights Committee has decided that Turkey is unfair. Justice Square. (n.d.). https://www.justicesquare.com/uncategorized/the-united-nations-human-rights-committee-has-decided-that-turkey-is-unfair/
  • Çetin, T. (2019, June 5). Un asks Turkey to release i̇smet özçelik and Turgay Karaman immediately. BoldMedya. https://boldmedya.com/2019/06/02/un-asks-turkey-to-release-immediately-ismet-ozcelik-and-turgay-karaman/

Arbitrariness on the education field in the Nicaraguan Regime: Cancellation and Expropriation of Universities

Written by: Samantha Orozco

Since 2018, Nicaragua has been experiencing an unprecedented political crisis that has led to a series of human rights violations against its population. The limitation on the exercise of fundamental rights, recognised in both the Nicaraguan Constitution and international treaties to which Nicaragua is a party, has not ceased since the onset of citizen protests against the regime. These restrictions have escalated since the controversial re-election of Daniel Ortega as president, who assumed office alongside his wife, Rosario Murillo, as vice president, following elections deemed arbitrary and fraudulent by the international community.

The field of education has not been exempt from this series of violations and arbitrary actions by the authorities of this Central American country. A concerning example is the closure of 27 universities in Nicaragua, which has affected over 37,000 higher education students and even forced university professors into exile. This situation gained more prominence after the closure of two of the country’s most recognised university centres: the Universidad Centroamericana (UCA) and the INCAE Business School. In addition to having their legal status revoked, these institutions were also confiscated.

Demonstration outside an University in Nicaragua. Photo by Jorge Mejía Peralta on Flickr.

Background on the Ortega-Murillo Regime

In 2018, Nicaragua experienced a profound political and social crisis. It began with municipal elections in November 2017, which were heavily criticised due to allegations of fraud and lack of transparency. These elections marked the beginning of a period of growing political polarisation in the country.

The situation worsened in April 2018 when the government of Daniel Ortega announced a reform to the social security system that triggered widespread protests across the country. These protests, led mostly by university students and civil society, resulted in a violent response from the government. The repression by the police and government-affiliated paramilitary groups led to a high number of casualties, as well as the detention of protesters and opposition leaders.

Since 2018, the situation in Nicaragua related to the violation of human rights has been on the rise, resulting in the closure and cancellation of media outlets and non-profit organisations, the expulsion of international missions, the cancellation of political parties, and the imprisonment of opposition leaders.i This ultimately led to the 2021 elections in which Ortega and his wife, Rosario Murillo, competed as the sole presidential ticket. These elections were rejected due to evident irregularities that silenced the opposition and sowed fear among voters.

During their new term, the government of Ortega and Murillo has followed a single mission: to silence criticism, attack the opposition, and control the country’s institutions. The education and university sector has not gone unnoticed, becoming another target of the regime to consolidate control over the population.

Measures against Universities: At least 26 universities have been cancelled.

As mentioned earlier, the Ortega government has made several decisions that have led to the closure and revocation of the legal status of media outlets, non-profit organisations, and, of course, private universities in the country. To understand this situation better, it is essential to recall that university students led the citizen protest movements against the Ortega regime. Therefore, this could be seen as a retaliation and an effort by the government to control students and their civic engagement. These arbitrary measures should be understood as a way for the government to ensure aligned thinking that does not encourage criticism or scrutiny, which also jeopardises academic freedom through intimidation and persecution of teachers considered traitors to the regime.

The measures taken against universities not only violate human rights but also run counter to the Nicaraguan Constitution, which protects the autonomy of universities and prohibits the confiscation of their assets. So far, 26 universities have had their legal status revoked, with reasons for revocation ranging from allegations of financial opacity or non-compliance with educational standards to more serious accusations such as money laundering, terrorism, and weapons proliferation. The cancellations began with the confiscation of Universidad Politécnica (Upoli), culminating in the shocking cancellation and expropriation of UCA and the INCAE headquarters, two of the most renowned universities in the Central American region.ii

UCA was cancelled through government decree, under the accusation of being a hub for terrorism. This action has been the pinnacle of Ortega’s religious persecution against the Catholic Church, which has been running through this university founded by Jesuits and belonging to the Latin American network of universities entrusted to the Society of Jesus (AUSJAL for its acronym in Spanish). In response to the closure of UCA, AUSJAL issued a press release condemning the actions of the Nicaraguan government, declaring, “The UCA has been slandered and harassed, just like the more than three thousand civil society organisations in Nicaragua.’´iii Additionally, hundreds of professionals expressed their outrage and called for the reinstatement of the legal status of this university. This illustrates the significant blow that Ortega has dealt not only to Nicaragua’s education sector but to the entire region. In an interview, Miquel Cortés Bofil, Rector of Universidad Rafael Landivar mentioned to Broken Chalk ‘’Certainly the University is not a centre of terrorism, nor has it ever been. It is a study house where critical thinking and responsible and democratic citizenship are encouraged. Accusations of “terrorism” are unfounded.’’ Now, the defunct UCA has been renamed the National University Casimiro Sotelo Montenegro in honour of a leader of the Sandinista movement.

The most recent action against the university system occurred with the closure and expropriation of the INCAE campus in Nicaragua. This stirred indignation among professionals throughout the Latin American region, as this was the first campus of one of the most prestigious business schools in the region.iv The justification for its revocation, according to the government resolution, was a lack of transparency in its financial statements. The most deplorable aspect of these measures is that university representatives have been denied their right to a defence, as the challenges to the resolutions have been dismissed by the relevant judicial bodies, leaving them without access to an objective and impartial justice that can protect against such arbitrary actions.v A situation proper of a dictatorship where all institutions and bodies are co-opted.

The CNU, the Accomplice of the Ortega-Murillo Regime

These attacks on education and the academy have had key institutions and actors. In this case, it is important to mention the National Council of Universities (CNU) of Nicaragua as the institution that has facilitated these actions. Without key allies, these arbitrary actions against the country’s universities would not be possible. The CNU of Nicaragua is an entity responsible for the coordination and supervision of public universities in the country. It plays a significant role in the regulation and planning of higher education in Nicaragua. This institution is composed of the rectors of public universities. It is responsible for establishing educational policies, accrediting academic programs, and supervising the quality of education in public higher education institutions.

Currently, the CNU is presided over by Ramona Rodríguez, the rector of UNAN-Managua, who has been a key figure in the attack on the autonomy of Nicaraguan universities and is responsible for jeopardising higher education in the country. Rodríguez has been a loyal supporter of the Ortega regime and has been the public face justifying the closure of universities in the country.

An example of this is what was highlighted by the former authorities of UCA, who emphasised that since 2018, when the protests began, the CNU had begun to strangle the university by not extending certifications for its operation, excluding it as a member of the CNU, which meant it could not receive the corresponding budget allocation as established in the constitution.vi Furthermore, Rodríguez has publicly justified the closure of several universities on the grounds of financial transparency or not meeting minimum quality and infrastructure standards. In response to this, Adrián Meza, an exiled professor from the University Paulo Freire, stated to the media that “many of the universities that have been closed under these pretexts were in the middle of verification processes and were not granted the right to defend themselves”.vii

In addition, the CNU has implemented new policies following reforms approved by the legislative assembly to the General Education Law and the Law on Autonomy of Higher Education Institutions, centralising functions within the CNU and undermining university autonomy. Among the new powers granted to the CNU is the exclusive authority to open or close universities in the country, among others, turning it into a dangerous weapon against higher education.

Manifestation of students and alumni of public and private schools in Managua, Nicaragua. Photo by Jorge Mejía Peralta on Flickr.

Challenges for Students and Academics

University students and educators have viewed these actions with dismay, considering that the availability of higher education programs has diminished. Many students who were pursuing degrees at universities that have been closed have encountered difficulties in resuming their studies or obtaining their respective degrees due to a series of rigorous administrative requirements imposed by the CNU. Additionally, educators have faced limitations in job opportunities and academic freedom as their curricula are increasingly controlled. Furthermore, a significant number of university educators are now in exile following government persecution by being labelled as conspirators or traitors to the nation. The Interamerican Commission of Human Rights heavily condemned this situation in a press communication in which the actions were qualified as an “arbitrary interference towards academic freedom”.viii

In response to this series of abuses, some universities in the Central American region have taken action to provide support to students and faculty members in exile. The efforts of Jesuit universities such as the Rafael Landívar University in Guatemala and the José Simeón Cañas Central American University in El Salvador exemplify this. These institutions have led initiatives to enable students from the UCA to continue their studies. According to Landivar’s Rector Cortés ‘’Around 2,300 students have requested information from the UCA in El Salvador and the Rafael Landívar in Guatemala to continue their studies virtually. The two Central American universities have formed an inter-institutional commission, and we are responding to the students…’’

Nicaragua: A New Role Model for the Central American Region?

Nicaragua has become an example of antidemocratic standards in the Central American region due to the policies implemented against those considered opposition. Therefore, in light of the democratic crisis prevailing in the region, there is a significant fear that if the situation worsens in neighbouring countries, such actions that undermine higher education could become a popular measure. This is a reminder of the historical role of universities in Central America and the student movements that originate from their classrooms.

In this context, it is essential to remember the university martyrs who fought for freedom and democracy in Central America, often facing persecution and violence for their convictions in the darkest times of the region. Examples such as the assassination of Ignacio Ellacuría by the military in El Salvador or the persecution and murder of student leaders in Guatemala, such as Oliverio Castañeda, serve as stark reminders of the risks faced in universities when one is critical during a dictatorship.

Conclusion

Nicaragua has experienced a profound political and social crisis since 2018, marked by controversial elections, protests, and government repression under Daniel Ortega’s leadership. The situation has worsened with human rights violations, the closure of media outlets, and the persecution of opposition leaders. Furthermore, the role of the National Council of Universities (CNU), led by Ramona Rodríguez, has been instrumental in implementing policies that threaten university autonomy and restrict higher education. These actions have affected both students and educators, with numerous universities closed and a growing diaspora of academics. This situation not only poses a challenge for students and professors but also sets a dangerous precedent in the Central American region, where higher education and academic freedom are at risk. The situation in Nicaragua serves as a reminder of the importance of always defending higher education and human rights, especially during times of democratic crisis.

i Inter-American Commission of Human Rights (ICHR) (2023). Comunicado de prensa sobre la situación en Nicaragua. https://www.oas.org/es/CIDH/jsForm/?File=/es/cidh/prensa/comunicados/2023/201.asp

ii La Prensa. (2022). Régimen de Nicaragua ha cerrado 17 universidades privadas en los últimos 16 meses. https://www.laprensani.com/2023/05/02/nacionales/3140523-regimen-de-nicaragua-ha-cerrado-17-universidades-privadas-en-los-ultimos-16-meses

iii AUSJAL. (2023). Comunicado “Todos somos la UCA Nicaragua”. https://www.ausjal.org/comunicado-todos-somos-la-uca-nicaragua/

iv INCAE Business School. (2023). Sobre la cancelación de la personería jurídica de INCAE Business School en Nicaragua. https://www.incae.edu/es/blog/2023/09/26/sobre-la-cancelacion-de-la-personeria-juridica-de-incae-business-school-en-nicaragua

v Inter-American Commission of Human Rights (ICHR). (2021). Principios para la Libertad Académica. https://www.oas.org/es/cidh/informes/pdfs/principios_libertad_academica.pdf

vi Swissinfo. (2023). El gobierno de Nicaragua cierra 2 universidades privadas más y ordena decomisar sus bienes. https://www.swissinfo.ch/spa/nicaragua-crisis_el-gobierno-de-nicaragua-cierra-2-universidades-privadas-m%C3%A1s-y-ordena-decomisar-sus-bienes/48697976

vii La Prensa. (2022). Régimen de Nicaragua ha cerrado 17 universidades privadas en los últimos 16 meses. https://www.laprensani.com/2023/05/02/nacionales/3140523-regimen-de-nicaragua-ha-cerrado-17-universidades-privadas-en-los-ultimos-16-meses

viii Inter-American Commission of Human Rights (ICHR) (2023). Comunicado de prensa sobre la situación en Nicaragua. https://www.oas.org/es/CIDH/jsForm/?File=/es/cidh/prensa/comunicados/2023/201.asp

References

The parents of the quintuplets were arrested due to membership in the Gülen movement.

The Gülen Movement: Promoting Education and Human Rights

The Gülen Movement, named after its founder, Fethullah Gülen, is an influential cluster of religious, educational, and social organisations. Founded in the late 1960s in Turkey, the movement aims to provide faithful Muslims with a modern education while emphasising traditional religious teachings. With a network of schools and centres in over 100 countries, the movement has significantly contributed to education and intercultural dialogue worldwide.

The movement gained international attention in the aftermath of the failed coup attempt on July 15, 2015, in Turkey. The coup attempt, attached to a faction within the Turkish military, led to a turbulent period in the country. In the wake of the coup, many individuals associated with the Gülen Movement, including educationists and teachers, faced severe repercussions.

Soldiers with their hands up on Istanbul's Bosporus Bridge

Source: https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-36855846

Following the coup attempt, educationists and teachers associated with the Gülen Movement became targets of government crackdowns. Thousands of educators were dismissed under a state of emergency decrees (KHK), leaving them without job security and facing social stigma. The government accused them of being members of a terrorist organisation, specifically the Gülen movement, and subjected them to legal proceedings.

One notable case in this context is the decision of the European Court of Human Rights (EHRC) regarding teacher Yalcinkaya. The EHRC recognised that Yalcinkaya’s dismissal from her teaching position violated her rights to freedom of expression and association. This decision shed light on the challenges faced by educators associated with the Gülen Movement and highlighted the need to safeguard human rights after the coup attempt.

Source: https://www.turkishminute.com/2023/09/11/ecthr-soon-announce-decision-turkish-teacher-convicted-of-gulen-link/

It is important to note that accusations against the parents of the quintuplets and their siblings, Abdülkadir and Nurcan Arslan, who were arrested and subsequently imprisoned, are not considered crimes in any part of the world. It was stated that Abdülkadir Arslan worked at a private teaching institution previously closed by a decree law, and his wife was a housewife. The couple was accused of being members of the Gülen movement, resulting in their separation from their children. This situation raises concerns about the well-being of the children and the impact of parental absence on their development. Furthermore, one of the children has a health problem, which adds to the complexity of their situation. The absence of their parents and the challenges they face as a result of the coup attempt have undoubtedly affected their overall well-being and access to necessary medical care.

Despite these difficulties, some people in Turkey have shown support for the family through social media platforms. By raising awareness and advocating for their rights, individuals have come together to provide assistance and solidarity to the quintuplets and their siblings. This support demonstrates the power of social media in mobilising communities to address the challenges faced by individuals affected by the aftermath of the coup attempt.

The Gülen Movement’s commitment to education has been a cornerstone of its efforts. The movement has established numerous educational institutions worldwide, focusing on providing a comprehensive education that combines modern subjects with an emphasis on religious values. These Gülen-inspired schools have been successful in countries such as Germany, where they cater to Turkish immigrants and their offspring. The movement’s educational agenda aims to equip students with the skills and knowledge necessary to thrive in the modern world while maintaining a solid connection to their religious heritage.

However, the educational initiatives of the Gülen Movement have faced significant challenges after the failed coup attempt. The government’s crackdown on the movement’s members and institutions has resulted in the closure of many Gülen-inspired schools and educational centres. The dismissal of teachers and educationists associated with the movement has disrupted the education of countless students who relied on these institutions for their learning.

The impact of the coup attempt and subsequent government actions on the education sector goes beyond the closure of schools. The stigmatisation and persecution of educators associated with the Gülen Movement have created an atmosphere of fear and insecurity within the education community. Teachers, once respected and valued for their dedication to education, now find themselves marginalised and targeted. This not only hampers the progress of education but also undermines the fundamental principles of human rights and freedom of expression.

The plight of the quintuplets and their sibling, left without their parents due to their alleged affiliation with the Gülen Movement, highlights the human cost of the political turmoil in Turkey. Separated from their loved ones, these children face an uncertain future and the challenges of growing up without parental guidance. The emotional and psychological impact of their situation cannot be underestimated, particularly considering that one of the children has a health problem that requires extra care and support.

Source: https://www.turkishminute.com/2023/10/04/turkish-court-send-parents-of-6-to-prison-on-gulen-charges-conviction/

In such difficult circumstances, social media has become a powerful tool for mobilising support and raising awareness. People from all walks of life, both within and outside Turkey, have used social media platforms to express solidarity with the quintuplets and their siblings. Through hashtags and online campaigns, individuals have shared their concerns, donated resources, and advocated for their rights. This outpouring of support demonstrates the potential of social media to galvanise communities and bring attention to pressing human rights issues.

In conclusion, the Gülen Movement, focusing on education and intercultural dialogue, has significantly contributed to society globally. However, the movement and its members have faced challenges and human rights issues in the aftermath of the failed coup attempt in Turkey. It is crucial to recognise the impact on educationists and teachers associated with the movement, the separation of families, and the importance of safeguarding human rights in such circumstances. The support individuals show through social media platforms highlights the resilience and solidarity among communities in times of adversity. As the international community grapples with the aftermath of political turmoil, it is vital to prioritise human rights and ensure that education remains a fundamental right for all children, irrespective of their parents’ affiliations.