Президентът на Турция, Реджеп Ердоган посещава Албания Приятелство или стратегически инструмент?

На 17 Януари 2022 година, президентът на Турция, Реджеп Ердоган посети Албания с дневен ред, който включваше откриването на нови инфраструктури. По-конкретно жилищния комплекс построен в Лач със средства на турското правителство, за подслон на семейства засегнати от земетресението, което удари Албания през 2019 г. Земетресението доведе до 51 загинали, над 1000 ранени, а над 17000 загубиха своя дом. Във финансираните дейности се включват възстановяването на 2 училища и площад, който в знак на признателност е преименуван на „Реджеп Ердоган“. Също така президентът на Турция получава званието „Почетен гражданин“.

Освен това, турският президент откри джамията Етем бей в центъра на Тирана, която е ценен и уникален паметник от османската епоха в Албания, възстановена от ТИКА (Турска агенция за сътрудничество и координация)

Планът включва укрепването на отношенията между двете държави, което беше финализирано с подписването на седем споразумения за сътрудничество.  По време на срещата между президента Ердоган и премиера Еди Рама, тевъзхвалиха тясното сътрудничество между двете държави, особено в секторите на икономика, култура, правоприлагането и други. Според последния доклад за външната търговия в Албания, Турция се нарежда на второ място след Италия по отношение на стойността на обмените, което превръща Турция във важен стратегически партньор.

Важно е да се отбележи, че срещата беше обсъдена от гледната точка на „братството между двете страни“. „Това, което искам да подчертая е, че братството не представлява единият да дойде, когато бъде призован, а да дойде, когато братът е в нужда. Затова ние ще продължим да сме до вас!“ – Това заяви президентът Ердоган.

Безусловно ли е това братство ?

Ако проследим родължението на разговора ще видим думите на самия президент: „ Нашата държава е дълбоко наранена от фактът, че ФЕТО все още може да съществува в…. Албания. В близкото бъдеще нашите най-искрени очаквания са, че ще бъдат предприети по-коонкретни, постоянни и бързи стъпки срещу структурите на ФЕТО в Албания. Можем да кажем, че братството идва с молба, дори условие.“

„ФЕТО“ е така наречената организация за поддръжниците на проповедника в изгнание Фетхула Гюлен, която Ердоган и неговото правителство обвини за терористична организация. Организацията също е обвинена за организирането на преврата през 2016 година, в който загинаха повече от 270 души. „Натъжава ни, че в братска държава като Албания, ФЕТО все още може да намери свобода на действие.“ Каза Ердоган.

Началото на инвестициите на Гюлен започват в Албания през 1992 г. с откриването на колежа за момчета Мехмет Акиф. В момента той контролира традиционните ислямски училища в Албания, както и участва в различни други организации.

taken from: https://www.facebook.com/MACGraduates

Организацията на Гюлен има сериозно влияние на Балканите. Според данни публикувани на турската анадолска новинарска агенция, организацията работи в около 40 училища, като 15 в Босна и Херцеговина, 12 в Албания, 7 в Македония, 5 в Косово и 1 в Сърбия.

Натискът на турското правителство върху балканските страни в това отношение започва през 2016 година. Правителството забрани на тези училища да ползват турското знаме и други свързани символи. Оттогава Албания отказва да сътрудничи на турските управници в това начинание. Освен това от 2016 г. Албания не позволява на турската държавна фондация Маариф да замени училищата създадени от Гюлен, но разрешава на Маариф да създаде свои собствени.

За условието поставено през 2017 г. ръководителят на албанското правителство коментира: „Албания не дължи нищо на Ердоган, или Турция, както нито Турция, нито Ердоган дължат нещо на Албания. Няма дългове между приятели и братя“. Така, Рама отказа искането на Ердоган по отношение двиежението Гюлен.

 

Тази среща беше сериозно дискутирана в местни и чуждестранни медии. Местната преса коментира, че конференцията е съвпаднала с честването на 554-та годишнина на националния герой Герджи Кастриоти, символът на албанската съпротива срещу Османската империя в Албания и извън нея.

Лидерите на общественото мнение и политическите анализатори видяха тази среща не като братство, а като „васал“. Според тях изразеното му братство прави Албания по-малко западно ориентирана, отколкото иска тя самата да бъде. Целта на срещата бе анализирана по-рано и в гръцките  медиим които достигнаха до извода, че целта на Ердоган е била да обедини Велика Албания, която той вижда като част от Великата Османска империя.

В крайна сметка засиленото участие на Турция в Албания и Балканите е част от нейната по-голяма стратегия. Да подобри имиджа си на честен партньор чрез икономическа и хуманитарна помощ на Балканите и да отвлече вниманието на ЕС. Като средносрочна цел, Турция се стреми да увеличи влиянието си в Европа, засилвайки присъствието си на континента.

 

Translated by: Ivan Evstatiev

Original text: Xhina Cekani  [President of Turkey, Recep Tayyip Erdogan, visits Albania: Brotherhood or Strategic Instrument?]

 

 

Turkish leader Erdogan visits Albania to boost ties – ABC News (go.com)

Turkey’s Erdogan in Albania to boost bilateral ties | The Independent

Erdogan Opens Apartment Complex in Albania for Quake Victims | Balkan Insight

What Did Erdoğan Do In Albania? — Greek City Times

Turkish President Recep Erdogan visits Albania | Foreign Brief

Vizita e Erdogan, Nesho: Rama sillet si vasal, Shq – Syri | Lajmi i fundit

Vizita e Erdogan në Shqipëri, si u komentua në mediat greke – Opinion.al

Turkish President Recep Erdogan visits Albania | Foreign Brief

Rama i përgjigjet ultimatumit të Erdoganit për sulm ndaj Lëvizjes Gulen – Gazeta Express

Invasion en Ukraine: qui paie le prix de cette guerre ?

Mahmud Darwish a dit un jour à propos de la guerre :

‘’La guerre finira. Les dirigeants se serreront la main. La vieille femme continuera d’attendre son fils martyr. Cette fille attendra son mari bien-aimé. Et ces enfants attendront leur père héros. Je ne sais pas qui a vendu notre patrie, mais j’ai vu qui en a payé le prix.’’

Au fil des annnes, de nombreux pays ont été détruits par la guerre et la dictature, chacun de ces pays était suffisamment civilisé avant la guerre. En effet, cette guerre a ruine la culture, le développement et sa civilisation, tels que la Syrie, la Palestine, la Libye, l’Afghanistan, l’Irak, la Somalie, le Yémen et bien d’autres.

L’arrogance et l’égoïsme des dictateurs et des politiciens n’ont causé que des pertes à ces pays. Aujourd’hui, de nombreux innocents souffrent a cause de la pauvreté en raison d’une mauvaise gouvernance par des infrastructures de régime oppressives qui se sont effondrées, et l’environnement a également été grandement affecté.

 

The Costs of War Project, Watson institute of international and public affairs, Brown University, 2021

 


Comment l’éducation a-t-elle été affectée?
L’Ukraine a maintenant rejoint le train des pays qui ont été détruits par la guerre à cause de la cupidité des dictateurs. Vladimir Poutine a non seulement envahi un État souverain voisin, mais son régime exerce également une censure totale sur le territoire russe. Les médias russes indépendants et les journalistes qui s’expriment contre le régime de Poutine et sur les souffrances des Russes sous sa direction sont harcelés, intimidés et détenus illégalement. Le même traitement est réservé aux manifestants qui s’opposent à Poutine et aux crimes commis par son régime en Ukraine, comme forcer de jeunes Russes à rejoindre les forces armées sans les informer qu’ils vont participer à l’invasion de l’Ukraine. Tout cela décrit bien à quoi ressemble «l’État totalitaire».

L’impact de la guerre est clairement visible dans le secteur de l’éducation, car l’accès à l’éducation sera limité en raison de la pénurie de matériel pédagogique, la pauvreté jouant un grand rôle dans le manque d’éducation, la propagande diffusée par les dictateurs pour justifier l’invasion ou pour justifier le crime des dictateurs, commis par leurs propres citoyens.

De nombreuses installations éducatives, telles que des écoles et des jardins d’enfants, ont été détruites et endommagées en raison de la guerre en cours en Ukraine, qui met en danger l’avenir des enfants et les prive d’accès à l’éducation.

L’UNICEF a récemment publié un rapport sur l’impact de l’invasion de l’Ukraine par la Russie. Selon le rapport, l’invasion a laissé plus de 350 000 écoliers sans accès à l’éducation, car les infrastructures scolaires ont été endommagées, tandis que l’enseignement est insuffisant. les méthodologies limitent l’accès à l’éducation, laissant les enfants sans accès à un abri sûr, à l’eau et à l’éducation.

L’effet de la guerre sur les réfugiés ukrainiens et les étudiants internationaux en Ukraine:

De nombreux Ukrainiens ont cherché refuge dans différents pays depuis le début de la guerre, ce qui a suscité beaucoup d’inquiétude pour les enfants réfugiés et la manière dont ils vont être intégrés dans les systèmes scolaires d’autres pays, en particulier avec l’existence de la barrière de la langue. Il y a eu une réponse positive à ces défis, car les écoles polonaises ont accueilli des enfants réfugiés ukrainiens dans leurs écoles et les enseignants polonais ont aidé ces élèves à surmonter la barrière de la langue et à s’adapter au système éducatif polonais. D’autre part, les enfants réfugiés ukrainiens au Royaume-Uni sont confrontés à un énorme défi, car la plupart des écoles du Royaume-Uni, sont confrontés à un financement insuffisant, le secteur de l’éducation subit beaucoup de pression et l’arrivee des élèves réfugiées accentue la situation.

Les étudiants internationaux qui étudiaient dans les universités ukrainiennes, dont beaucoup viennent d’Afrique, d’Asie du Sud et du Moyen-Orient, sont également victimes de la guerre. Beaucoup de ces étudiants ont eu du mal à trouver refuge ou à fuir. De plus, au moins deux étudiants visiteurs ont été tués dans les premiers jours de la guerre.

 

L’effet de la guerre sur les États post-soviétiques et sur la Russie:

Depuis l’invasion de l’Ukraine par la Russie, les États post-soviétiques craignent beaucoup que le contrôle de Poutine n’atteigne leur pays, en particulier après que le président azerbaïdjanais Ilham Aliyev a signé un accord d’alliance entre la Russie et l’Azerbaïdjan. L’accord inclue la langue russe obligatoire dans les établissements d’enseignement, ce qui n’était plus le cas depuis l’independence de cet Etat.

Dernièrement, le ministère russe de l’Éducation a commencé à diffuser de la propagande dans l’éducation en ligne, dans le but d’influencer les enfants avec des idéologies qui glorifient le leadership de Poutine et justifient l’invasion de la Russie. Ces cours en ligne tentent d’expliquer “pourquoi la mission de libération en Ukraine était nécessaire”. Il y a un risque élevé que ces leçons contribuent à la création d’une génération qui encourage la guerre et soutienne la dictature en Russie.

Certes, un jour viendra où la guerre prendra fin, et les déplacés rejoindront la patrie où ils ont laissé leurs proches pour se réfugier dans d’autres pays. Mais à quel prix cela arrivera, quand le mal sera fait déjà? Tout comme le dit Mahmoud Darwish “Je ne sais pas qui a vendu notre patrie, mais j’ai vu qui en a payé le prix”.

 

By Zinat Asadova

Translated by Faical Al Azib   from [Russia’s Invasion to Ukraine: Who Will Pay the Price for This War?]

 

Sources;

  1. “The war will end” Poem by Mahmud Darwish
  2. Save the Children. (2022). Ukraine: Attacks on schools endangering children’s lives and futures. Retrieved from https://www.savethechildren.net/news/ukraine-attacks-schools-endangering-children-s-lives-and-futures
  3. UNICEF Europe & Central Asia Region (ECAR). (2022). Ukraine Situation Report – 24 February 2022 (p. 2). Retrieved from https://www.unicef.org/media/116031/file/Ukraine-Humanitarian-SitRep-24-February-2022.pdf
  4. Deutsche Welle (DW). (2022). Poland fights to give Ukrainian kids access to education [Video]. Retrieved from https://www.dw.com/en/poland-fights-to-give-ukrainian-kids-access-to-education/av-61185207#:~:text=About%202%20million%20Ukrainians%20have,Poland’s%20education%20system%20is%20enormous.
  5. Abrams, F. (2022). Ukraine refugees may struggle to find places in English schools, councils say. The Guardian. Retrieved from https://www.theguardian.com/education/2022/mar/05/ukraine-refugees-may-struggle-to-find-places-in-english-schools-councils-say
  6. Fallon, K. (2022). Foreign students fleeing Russia’s war on Ukraine hope to return. Aljazeera.com. Retrieved from https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2022/3/5/they-told-us-to-go-home-student-recounts-ukraine-war
  7. International education’s continuing response to the war in Ukraine. ICEF Monitor – Market intelligence for international student recruitment. (2022). Retrieved from https://monitor.icef.com/2022/03/international-educations-continuing-response-to-the-war-in-ukraine/
  8. Azərbaycan Respublikası Xarici İşlər Nazirliyi. (2022). No:056/22, Azərbaycan Respublikası Xarici İşlər Nazirliyinin Mətbuat xidməti idarəsinin məlumatı (AZ/RU). Retrieved from https://www.mfa.gov.az/az/news/no05622
  9. President of the Republic of Azerbaijan Ilham Aliyev. (2022). Declaration on allied interaction between the Republic of Azerbaijan and the Russian Federation. Retrieved from https://president.az/en/articles/view/55498
  10. Aliyeva, J. (2022). Azerbaijani president notes importance of Russian language. Report News Agency. Retrieved from https://report.az/en/foreign-politics/azerbaijani-president-notes-importance-of-russian-language/
  11. Russia’s Ministry of Education Official Page on Vkontakte. (2022). An Open lesson “Defenders of Peace” (Открытый урок «Защитники мира») [Video]. https://vk.com/video-30558759_456242419?list=8411aa6de207bc39a2

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

VIOLATIONS DES DROITS HUMAINS DANS LES PRISONS TURQUES

Le gouvernement turc viole le droit national et international en envoyant arbitrairement en détention des prisonniers gravement malades. Les prisonniers en Turquie sont victimes de violences sexuelles et physiques telles que la fouille à nu, ainsi que de nombreuses violations des droits telles que des cantines avec des prix exorbitants, des raids nocturnes dans les quartiers, des restrictions de livres, le refus de médicaments et des punitions arbitraires. Cet article mettra en lumière certains cas de violations des droits de l’homme qui se déroulent aujourd’hui dans les prisons turques.

 

À la suite de la tentative de coup d’État de 2016, le nombre d’incarcérations a considérablement augmenté au point que la surpopulation carcérale est devenue un problème répandu. Cependant, la surpopulation n’est pas le seul problème préoccupant dans les prisons de Turquie, mais les mauvais traitements et les violations des droits de l’homme dont sont victimes des dizaines de milliers de prisonniers constituent un problème grave auquel il faut s’attaquer immédiatement.

 

Le président turc Recep Tayyip Erdogan cible les partisans de Gülen, un groupe confessionnel inspiré par l’ecclésiastique turc Fethullal Gülen, depuis qu’une série d’enquêtes sur la corruption ont eu lieu en décembre 2013, impliquant Erdogan, ses proches et son entourage. Parmi les cibles figurent de nombreux politiciens de l’opposition, des journalistes, des avocats et des défenseurs des droits humains. Yusuf Bekmezci (82 ans), un prisonnier gravement malade qui était détenu à la prison de type F de Kırıklar à Izmir, est décédé après 47 jours de soins intensifs. Il a été arrêté en janvier 2020 dans le cadre d’enquêtes sur le mouvement Fetullah Gülen. Bekmezci a été placé en détention provisoire à la prison de type F d’Izmir Kırıklar et condamné à 17 ans et 4 mois d’emprisonnement le 9 avril 2021 pour avoir été « responsable d’une organisation ». Saadet Aytekin, sa petite-fille et avocate a déclaré que « l’affaire de son grand-père était devant la Cour suprême. Sa peine n’avait pas été ratifiée. Cependant, le tribunal a décidé qu’il “devrait continuer à purger sa peine à l’hôpital” comme si sa condamnation avait été ratifiée. Il a eu des maladies tout au long de sa détention de deux ans, mais ils ont refusé de libérer un homme attaché à des tubes en soins intensifs parce qu’il était un “risque d’évasion”. En effet, le Conseil turc de médecine légale (ATK) a publié un rapport médical déclarant que Bekmezci était inapte à rester incarcéré, mais le tribunal a rejeté le rapport en déclarant qu’il courait un “risque de fuite”. Sa fille, Şeyma Bekmezci, a déclaré que son père était incapable de comprendre les procédures judiciaires à la lumière de son Alzheimer avancé, ce qui l’empêchait par conséquent de se défendre. Elle a suggéré que le manque de soins de santé mentale appropriés en prison était l’un des facteurs à l’origine de sa détérioration : “il s’oublie complètement au tribunal et se trouve dans une position vulnérable”.

 

L’Association des droits de l’homme (İHD) a déclaré qu’en juin 2020, le nombre de détenus malades enfermés derrière les barreaux en Turquie s’élevait à 1 605, dont environ 600 étaient dans un état critique. Le gouvernement a autorisé leur détention même si la plupart d’entre eux disposaient de rapports médico-légaux et médicaux les jugeant inaptes à rester incarcérés. Les autorités ont refusé leur libération au motif qu’ils représentaient un danger potentiel pour la société. L’incapacité à libérer les prisonniers gravement malades à temps pour recevoir un traitement médical approprié a entraîné cinq décès au cours des huit premiers mois de 2020. Après le déclenchement de la pandémie, le gouvernement a libéré les prisonniers accusés de meurtre mais a décidé de garder les prisonniers politiques malgré les risques de la pandémie. Mugla est décédé après avoir contracté le Covid-19.

 

En novembre et décembre 2021, plusieurs prisonniers ont perdu la vie alors qu’ils étaient détenus dans des prisons de type T et de type F. Les prisonniers Garibe Gezer et İlyas Demir ont été retrouvés morts dans les cellules capitonnées où ils avaient été isolés. Certains prisonniers, tels que Bangin Muhammed, 33 ans, et Abdülrezzak Şuyur, 65 ans, sont décédés faute d’avoir été libérés malgré leur maladie grave et, dans ce dernier cas, un cancer avancé. D’autres ont été retrouvés morts de manière suspecte dans leurs cellules et l’administration a informé leurs familles qu’ils s’étaient suicidés.

Le 20 janvier 2022, 43 barreaux et avocats ainsi que des organisations de défense des droits de l’homme aux niveaux national et international ont signé une lettre urgente à l’intention des titulaires de mandats spéciaux des Nations Unies pour attirer l’attention sur le risque imminent pour la santé et la vie de la prisonnière malade Aysel Tugluk, détenue à la prison de type F de Kocaeli Kandira depuis décembre 2016. Tugluk a reçu un diagnostic de démence et reste emprisonnée malgré les appels des rapports médicaux démontrant son état précaire et sa santé détériorée, exacerbée par la pandémie de Covid-19. Fournissant des informations supplémentaires sur les problèmes systémiques concernant le traitement des prisonniers en Turquie, la lettre demande aux Procédures spéciales d’exhorter le gouvernement turc à libérer immédiatement Aysel Tugluk et tous les prisonniers gravement malades conformément aux normes nationales et internationales en matière de traitement des prisonniers. Malgré cela, début février 2022, l’emprisonné Turgay Deniz (39 ans) a souffert d’une insuffisance pulmonaire et a perdu la vie lors d’une détention arbitraire. Bien que les rapports médicaux aient souligné l’importance d’être soigné tout au long de l’hospitalisation, il est resté incarcéré. Son histoire est l’une des huit histoires de personnes décédées dans les prisons turques au cours des trois derniers mois. Nusret Mugla, 84 ans, a été reconnu coupable et emprisonné pour être un sympathisant du Mouvement Gulen. Son arrestation n’a pas tenu compte de son âge, de ses maladies cardiaques et rénales et de son cancer de la prostate, et à la suite de l’assistance négligée, il est mort incarcéré.

 

En se référant aux données de l’İHD, en mars 2021, il y avait au moins 1 605 détenus malades, dont 604 étaient dans des conditions précaires au moment de la publication de la déclaration. Les organisations de défense des droits de l’homme ont connaissance d’au moins 38 prisonniers qui devraient être libérés d’urgence, car leurs conditions ne cessent de se détériorer. Cependant, à ce jour, les autorités n’ont répondu ni aux appels des militants des droits de l’homme ni aux familles.

 

En se référant aux données de l’İHD, en mars 2021, il y avait au moins 1 605 détenus malades, dont 604 étaient dans des conditions précaires au moment de la publication de la déclaration. Les organisations de défense des droits de l’homme ont connaissance d’au moins 38 prisonniers qui devraient être libérés d’urgence, car leurs conditions ne cessent de se détériorer. Cependant, à ce jour, les autorités n’ont répondu ni aux appels des militants des droits de l’homme ni aux familles.

 

Au nom de Broken Chalk, je lance un appel urgent à toutes les communautés et organisations internationales pour qu’elles agissent contre les injustices et les traitements inhumains infligés aux prisonniers politiques par Erdogan et son régime, et pour les aider à se libérer des conditions dégradantes dans lesquelles ils sont détenu.

 

Written by Olga Ruiz Pilato

Écrit par Olga Ruiz Pilato

 

Sources;

[1] Duvar English, MHP submits social media proposal, seeks penalties for fake accounts, February 2022 <accessible at https://www.duvarenglish.com/mhp-submits-social-media-proposal-seeks-penalties-for-fake-accounts-news-60333>.

[2] Turkish Minute, Turkish court rejects ailing philanthropist’s appeal for release from prison, January 2022 <accessible at  https://www.turkishminute.com/2022/01/12/kish-court-rejects-ailing-philanthropists-appeal-for-release-from-prison/>.

[3] MedyaNews, Turkey: Severely ill octogenarian prisoner dies, January 2022 <accessible at https://medyanews.net/turkey-severely-ill-octogenarian-prisoner-dies/>.

[4] Ibid.

[5] Ibid.

[6] Turkish Minute, Turkish court rejects ailing philanthropist’s appeal for release from prison, January 2022 <accessible at  https://www.turkishminute.com/2022/01/12/kish-court-rejects-ailing-philanthropists-appeal-for-release-from-prison/>.

[7] Ibid.

[8] Politurco, Gulenm sympathisers are dying in prisons under the ruling of the Erdogan regime, February 2022 <accessible at  https://politurco.com/gulen-sympathizers-are-dying-in-prisons-under-the-ruling-of-the-erdogan-regime-84-year-old-nusret-mugla-was-one-of-the-many-and-died-most-recently.html>.

[9] English Bianet, At least 59 ill prisoners lost their lives in Turkey in a year, January 2022 <accessible at  https://m.bianet.org/english/human-rights/256124-at-least-59-ill-prisoners-lost-their-lives-in-turkey-in-a-year>.

[10] Ibid.

[11] Ibid.

[12] International Federation for Human Rights, Turkey must immediately release Aysel Tugluk and other severely ill prisoners, January 2022 <accessible at https://www.fidh.org/en/region/europe-central-asia/turkey/turkey-must-immediately-release-aysel-tugluk-and-other-severely-ill>.

[13] Ibid.

[14] Ibid.

[15] Ibid.

[16] English Bianet, At least 59 ill prisoners lost their lives in Turkey in a year, January 2022 <accessible at  https://m.bianet.org/english/human-rights/256124-at-least-59-ill-prisoners-lost-their-lives-in-turkey-in-a-year>.

[17] Ibid.

[18] Ibid.

Нурие Гюлмен: 6 годишна борба срещу злоупотребите на системата

Nuriye Gulmen

Преди 6 години, Турция бе разтърсена от предполагаемия опит за държавен преврат на 15 Юли 2016. Ден след опита, турското правителство моментално въведе извънредно положение и прие извънредни изпълнителни укази, които основно цензорираха медии и журналисти. След това обхвата се разшири до хиляди държавни служители, полицаи, служители на въоражените сили, университетски преподаватели и служители поименно в приложенията към Указ 679 от 6 Януари 2017 г. Тези действия оставиха повече от 150,000 без работа, без социални услуги и без достъп на свобода на движение. Животът им беше опетнен от обвиненията на правителството за участие в преврата, за който се твърди, че е организиран от Фетуллах Гюлен. Гюлен е турски учен и духовник, който живее в изгнание в САЩ от 1999г и отрича всякаква връзка с опита за преврат. 

Едно от лицата засегнати от тези събития е Нурие Гюлмен, бивш турски професор по сравнителна литература в университета в Селчук през 2012 г. През 2015 я назначават за научен сътрудник  в университета Ескишехир Османгази. Гюлмен е не само академик, но също така е водила и правни битки срещу злоупотребата с институциите в Турция. Поради политически съдебен процес, след назначаването и тя е задържана за 109 дни, което забавя постъпването и в Ескишехир. Денят, в който е назначена отново съвпада с деня на преврата, което води до отстраняването на Гюлмен още на следващия ден. Това се дължи на новите укази според, които тя и още хиляди са били част от ФЕТО, така определената от Ердоган терористична организация на изгнаника Фетхула Гюлен. Това предизвиква следващата част от нейната активистка история и от 9 Ноември 2016 г. всеки ден тя протестира с искането да получи работата си обратно. Гюлмен протестира пред паметника на човешките права, намиращ се в Анкара, където се намира и съветът за висше образование, който трябва да отговори на нейните искания. Гюлмен обяснява, че това е „революционна традиция“, с която трябва да привлечеш внимание и да получиш каквото искаш. В този случай, прекратяване на извънредното положение и разрешение на всички уволнение работници да се върнат на работа, както и сигурност на местата на всички работници в сферата на образованието и науката. Гюлмен започва протестите си общо взето сама, като е арестувана общо 26 пъти, което вероятно се дължи и на нарастващото внимание от страна на местни и чуждестранни зрители, които следят действията и блоговете й. В крайна сметка тя е оценена от CNN, които я обявяват за една от осемте най-смели жени на 2016 г. 

 

CNN, които я обявяват за една от осемте най-смели жени на 2016 г. 

На 9 Март 2017 г. Гюлмен прави действията си още по-сериозни, като обявява гладна стачка. Заедно с началната учителка Семих Йозакча, двете изпитаха несгодите от нововъведените кризисни укази. Разбирането зад гладната стачка е, че стачка само с думи не привлича достатъчно внимание от старна на властите, но гладната стачка е следващото ниво. Както Гюлмен сама казва „Необходимо е съпротивата да бъде на следващото стъпало и наистина да ги притиснем, за да предприемат някакви действия“. В отговор на гладната стачка е внесен обвинителен акт в 19-ти наказателен съд, обвинявайки Гюлмен и Йозакча, че са членове и участват в незаконната Революционно-народоосвободителна партия. Това довежда до задържането им в затвора Синджан в Анкара до 23 Май 2017 г. Съдът намира и двете за виновни, защото „ ако не са задържани под надзор, те биха навредили на хода на правосъдието“. Цитат, който си противоречи, предвид липсата на каквито и да е доказателства по обвиненията. Дори адвокатът на обвиняемите публикува криминалните им досиета като доказателство, че не участват в никаква партия, противопоставяйки се на Министъра на вътрешните работи Сюлейман Сойлу, който се опитва да докаже правотата на повдигнатите обвинения. 

Има опасения, че още човешки права ще бъдат нарушени, тъй като надзирателите в затвора и докторите имат право да се намесят и да прекратят гладна стачка без съгласието на учителите. По време на посещение от Хакан Кандуран, който е президент на адвокатската колегия в Анкара, той заявява следното: „ справедливостта изчезва точно като нея (Гюлмен). Тя не може да държи главата си изправена без помощ, да вдига ръцете си, нито да държи химикал“. На свой ред видяхме как Кандуран призовава правителството да прекрати гладната стачка чрез обществено примирие и да преговаря с онези, които са засегнати от извънредните укази. В средата на 2017, Гюлмен и Йозакча подават иск в Касационния, както и в Европейския съд по правата на човека за прекратяване на задържането им с мотива, че гладната им стачка е представлява очевидна заплаха за здравето им. И двете институции отхвърлят исковете, тъй като заплахата не е била животозастрашаваща и са били взети необходимите медицинскки мерки, ако състоянието им се влоши. 

В крайна сметка здравето на Гюлмен се влошава и на 26 Септември 2017 г. се налага преместването й в затворничереска килия в Нумуне. До 1-ви Декември тя е свободна, докато 19-ти районен съд не я осъжда на 6 години и 3 месеца затвор, под условие, че освобождаването й е под съдебен контрол.  Въпреки освобождаването им, Гюлмен и Йозакча продължават протестите си пред паметника на човешките права. В крайна сметка на 26 Януари, 2018 г. те приключват гладната си стачка, поради отказа на съдебната система да разгледат случая. Това не сломява двете бунтовнички и те продължават със стачата си. 324 дни по-късно, Гюлмен е загубила повече от 20 килограма, показвайки колко усилия влага в това да запази работата и да извоюва правата си.  

Следващият път, в който Гюлмен бе под светлината на прожекторите беше през 2020 година, когато отново бе арестувана по време на полицейска акция в Истанбулския културен център Идил на 5-ти Август. Центърът е управляван от лявата фолк група „Юрум“, а причините за нападението все още са неизяснени. По-късно същата година, Гюлмен и други нейни колеги са изключени от синдиката на работниците в образованието и науката, тъй като чрез имиджа си на „ бойци на съпротивата“ оронват престижа на синдиката. Последното развитие по-случая е неотдавна, на 4 Ноември 2021 г. двойката подава молба до конституционния съд. Гюлмен и Йозакча твърдят, че обвинителен акт от 2 Май, 2017 г. съдържа същите обвинения срещу тях като тези в обвинителен акт от Март същата година. Обвиненията водят до техния арест, но в последствие са освободени под съдебен контрол, което доказва, че те са задържани неправомерно. Това също доказва, че съдебните органи, които се занимават със случая не са нито безпристрастни, нито независими.  Съдът отхвърля исканията им, като причини за това посочва, че липсват конкретни доказателстваи не са използвали всички местни институции преди това. 

Това, което явно се забелязва от смелият активизъм на Гюлмен е, че от 2016 г. насам, правителството несправедливо е сложило мишени на гърбовете на стотици хиляди хора, въз основа на фалшиви аргументи. Тези, които се противопоставят на правителството ще бъдат подложени на репресия чрез арести и законово сплашване. „Броукън Чолк“ призовава турското правителство и съответните власти сериозно да преразгледат, своите действия, които оставиха стотици хиляди без работа или възможност да напуснат страната, за да потърсят ново начало. „Броукън Чолк“ призовава връщането на Нурие Гюлмен и Семих Йозакча, и много други потърпевши, на съответните им работни позиции в образователната система. Отстраняването на тези хора със сигурност е намалило качеството на образованието в Турция.

 

Original text: Karl Baldacchino

Translated by: Ivan Evstatiev  from [Nuriye Gülmen: A Six-Year Struggle Against Systematic Abuses]

 

Sources:

[i] Grabenwarter, C. et al. (2017) ‘Draft Opinion on the Measures Provided in the Recent Emergency Decree Laws with Respect to Freedom of the Media’. European Commission for Democracy Through Law (Venice Commission). Available online from: https://www.venice.coe.int/webforms/documents/default.aspx?pdffile=CDL(2017)006-e [Accessed on 08/03/2022], pp. 3-4.

[ii] Decree-Law No. 679 (6th January 2017) ‘Measures Regarding Public Personnel’. Available online from: https://insanhaklarimerkezi.bilgi.edu.tr/media/uploads/2017/02/09/KHK_679_ENG.pdf [Accessed 08/03/2022], p. 1.

[iii] Jones, T. (2018) ‘Two Turkish Teachers End Almost 11-Month Hunger Strike’.  DW. Available online from: https://www.dw.com/en/two-turkish-teachers-end-almost-11-month-hunger-strike/a-42318478 [Accessed 08/03/2022]; Işık, A. (2017) ‘In Turkey, Hope for ‘Justice is Fading Away Just like my Muscles’’. DW. Available online from: https://www.dw.com/en/in-turkey-hope-for-justice-is-fading-away-just-like-my-muscles/a-39482207 [Accessed 08/03/2022].

[iv] Halavut, H. (2017) ‘Interview with Nuriye Gülmen: ‘I Have More Hope Today Than I Did on the First Day’’.  5 Harliler. Available online from: https://www.5harfliler.com/interview-with-nuriye-gulmen/ [Accessed on 08/03/2022].

[v] Ibid.

[vi] Ibid.

[vii] Ibid.; see also Gülmen, N. (2016) ‘DİRENİŞİN TALEPLERi’. Available online from: https://nuriyegulmendireniyor.wordpress.com/2016/11/08/basin-aciklamasina-cagri/ [Accessed on 08/03/2022]; see also Wikipedia (2022) ‘Nuriye Gülmen’. Available online from: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nuriye_G%C3%BClmen#cite_note-18 [Accessed 08/03/2022].

[viii] Ibid.

[ix] Ibid.; see also Amnesty International (2017) ‘Urgent Action: Fear for Hunger Strikers’ Wellbeing’. Available online from: https://www.amnesty.org/en/wp-content/uploads/2021/05/EUR4463402017ENGLISH.pdf [Accessed on 08/03/2022].

[x] Ibid.

[xi] ‘Urgent Action: Fear for Strikers’ Wellbeing’.

[xii] Cumhuriyet (2017) ‘Criminal Record of Gülmen and Özakça, Declared ‘Terrorists’ by Minister Soylu’. Available online from: https://www.cumhuriyet.com.tr/haber/bakan-soylunun-terorist-ilan-ettigi-gulmen-ve-ozakcanin-adli-sicil-kaydi-748105 [Accessed on 08/03/2022]; see also NTV (2017) ‘Statements by Minister Soylu about Semih Özakça and Nuriye Gülmen’. Available online from: https://www.ntv.com.tr/turkiye/bakan-soyludan-aclik-grevi-yapan-nuriye-gulmenle-ilgili-aciklamalar,Jg2i0I634EyPWqK_cXdIbg [Accessed on 08/03/2022]; see also Milliyet (2017) ‘The Unending Scenario of a Terrorist Organisation: “The Truth of Nuriye Gülmen and Semih Özakça”’. Available online from: https://web.archive.org/web/20170813220846/http://www.milliyet.com.tr/bir-teror-orgutunun-bitmeyen-senaryosu-ankara-yerelhaber-2179760/ [Accessed on 08/03/2022].

[xiii] ‘Urgent Action: Fear for Strikers’ Wellbeing’; see also ‘In Turkey, Hope for ‘Justice is Fading Away Just like My Muscles’.

[xiv] ‘In Turkey, Hope for ‘Justice is Fading Away Just like My Muscles’.

[xv] Armutcu, O. (2017) ‘The Constitutional Court Rejected the Appeal Against the Detention of Nuriye Gülmen and Semih Özakça’ Hurriyet. Available online from: https://www.hurriyet.com.tr/gundem/anayasa-mahkemesi-nuriye-gulmen-ve-semih-ozakcanin-tutukluluguna-yapilan-itirazi-reddetti-40503721 [Accessed on 08/03/2022]; see also Cakir, A. (2017) ‘ECHR Rejects Semih Özakça and Nuriye Gülmen’s Application’. Voice of America. Available online from: https://www.amerikaninsesi.com/a/aihm-semih-ozakca-ve-nuriye-gulmen-in-basvurusunu-reddetti/3969669.html [Accessed on 08/03/2022].

[xvi] Bianet (2017) ‘Nuriye Gülmen Released’. Available online from: https://bianet.org/english/human-rights/192100-nuriye-gulmen-released [Accessed on 08/03/2022].

[xvii] ‘Two Turkish Teachers End Almost 11-Month Hunger Strike’.

[xviii] Ibid.

[xix] Duvar English (2020) ‘Dismissed Turkish Academic, Known for Hunger Strike, Arrested Again’. Available online from: https://www.duvarenglish.com/human-rights/2020/08/11/dismissed-turkish-academic-known-for-hunger-strike-arrested-again [Accessed on 08/03/2022].

[xx] Yeni Bir Mecra (2020) ‘Critical Decisions in Eğitim-Sen: Nuriye Gülmen was Expelled’. Available online from: https://yeni1mecra.com/egitim-sende-kritik-kararlar-nuriye-gulmen-ihrac-edildi/ [Accessed on 08/03/2022].

[xi] Duvar English (2021) ‘Turkey’s Top Court Rules Dismissed Educators’ Rights Not Violated’. Available online from: https://www.duvarenglish.com/turkeys-top-court-rules-rights-of-dismissed-educators-nuriye-gulmen-and-semih-ozakca-not-violated-news-59436 [Accessed on 08/03/2022].

[xii] Ibid.

Ilham Tohti : un militant souriant face à l’injustice

Ilham Tohti,* ancien professeur d’économie d’ ethnie ouïghoure à l’Université Minzu de Pékin, récemment qualifié de « Mandela chinois » par le Guardian, a été arrêté le 14 janvier 2014 pour incitation au séparatisme, à la haine ethnique et soutien aux activités terroristes en raison de ses critiques ouvertes envers le gouvernement chinois. À la suite de son arrestation, son procès de deux jours entre le 17 et le 18 septembre 2014, qui a conduit à sa condamnation et à sa peine d’emprisonnement à perpétuité, a été un grand choc pour de nombreux observateurs, amis et organisations étrangeres et nationales qui ont soutenu Ilham en raison de à son activisme proéminent, intimidant et avant tout pour la défense de l’autonomie, des droits linguistiques, culturels et religieux des minorités ethniques ouïghoures. Les Ouïghours sont un groupe turcophone et généralement musulman, habitant principalement dans la région autonome ouïghoure du Xinjiang (ci-après XUAR). Ilham a été qualifié de « conscience du peuple ouïghour »

 

Contexte

L’activisme d’Ilham a commencé en 1994 lorsqu’il a commencé à écrire sur les violations subies par les Ouïghours dans le XUAR. En 2006, il a attiré l’attention sur Internet lorsque lui et d’autres chercheurs ont cofondé le site Web «Uyghur Online» sur uighurbiz.org. Le site Web était une plate-forme en langue chinoise cherchant à combler les divisions en cours entre la minorité ouïghoure et les Chinois Han. La plate-forme servait essentiellement d’espace sur lequel Ilham pouvait faire entendre la voix ouïghoure au niveau national et international. Il s’est penché sur la façon dont le sort des Ouïghours les contenait, se sentant méprisés par la société en général et oubliés par le gouvernement chinois en ce qui concerne le développement socio-économique. Ilham invitait les Han à une plate-forme ouverte, pacifique et rationnelle pour discuter et débattre de leurs points de vue divergents car, comme il l’a souligné, les Han n’étaient pas les ennemis des Ouïghours, malgré leur attitude discriminatoire et souvent violente à leur égard.

Grâce à son site Web, Ilham a promu une approche pacifique et holistique et n’a jamais incité ou encouragé la violence. Il a pris soin de ne pas entrer en conflit avec les lois gouvernementales ou les accords sous-jacents qui existent dans la société civile.

Cependant, le site Web a commencé à attirer la colère du gouvernement chinois, qui a fermé le site Web pour la première fois en juin 2008 avant que la Chine n’accueille les Jeux Olympiques. Le gouvernement a justifié la fermeture en se basant sur le fait qu’il avait rendu public des liens avec des soi-disant extrémistes ouïghours basés à l’étranger. Les grandes émeutes ethniques à Urumqi, la capitale du XUAR, et les attentats terroristes inspirés par une lecture plus rigouriste de l’islam le 5 juillet 2009 ont fait environ 200 morts, 18 000 détenus et entre 34 et 37 disparitions. Suite à cela, Ilham a parlé ouvertement de l’incident et a publié les noms et les visages de ceux qui sont restés disparus, ce qui a finalement conduit à son assignation à résidence puis à sa détention au secret le 14 juillet pendant environ cinq semaines jusqu’à ce que, suite à la pression internationale, il soit libéré.

Un autre moment crucial est venu quand Ilham et sa fille, Jewher, étaient à l’aéroport pour embarquer sur un vol vers les États-Unis parce qu’Ilham devait occuper un poste à l’Université de l’Indiana en tant que chercheur invité. Il a été arrêté par les autorités, battu, détenu et a vu Jewher être mis seul sur le vol vers les États-Unis. Cet incident a marqué le point culminant de l’histoire d’Ilham. En octobre 2013, une famille ouïghoure a écrasé sa Jeep sur le pont Jingshui de la place Tiananmen, qui avait été incendié. Le gouvernement chinois l’a qualifiée d’attaque terroriste, ce qui a par conséquent permis à Ilham d’accroître sa visibilité dans les médias étrangers de Grande-Bretagne, de France et des États-Unis, et a conduit des “policiers politiques” à percuter la voiture d’Ilham le 2 novembre alors qu’il était en route pour l’aéroport pour récupérer sa mère. Les autorités ont eu recours à la violence et à l’intimidation, menaçant la vie de sa famille s’il n’arrêtait pas de parler aux médias étrangers. Avec la pression exercée sur Ilham pour qu’il cesse ses inquiétudes vocales, il a commencé à exprimer son inquiétude pour sa sécurité à ses amis personnels et, de manière quelque peu prophétique, dans une déclaration téléphonique à Mihray Abdilim, un journaliste du service ouïghour pour Radio Free Asia, cette surveillance sur lui par des agents de la sécurité de l’État ont augmenté et ont eu l’impression que sa voix allait bientôt être réduite au silence. Fort de cette inquiétude, il a demandé que ses derniers mots ne soient enregistrés et publiés qu’après sa détention.

Arrestation, violations et procès injuste

En janvier 2014, une vingtaine de policiers ont fait une descente dans l’appartement d’Ilham à Pékin et l’ont battu devant ses deux jeunes enfants. Ils l’ont détenu et fermé définitivement son site Internet. Le lendemain, Hong Lei, porte-parole du ministère chinois des Affaires étrangères, a expliqué qu’il avait été “détenu pour des motifs criminels”. Les accusations portées contre lui ont été révélées en février lorsque le Bureau de la sécurité publique a annoncé son arrestation officielle pour “séparatisme” – un vague récit qui autorise la peine capitale – et pour avoir recruté des adeptes sur son site Web.

Son arrestation a déclenché une vague de soutien à Ilham au motif qu’il s’était visiblement opposé aux appels à l’indépendance de XUAR et était favorable à ce que la région reste une partie de la Chine. Le site Web Foreign Policy a publié son analyse de plusieurs articles mis en cache d’Ilham dans le cadre de son dossier de preuve, et nulle part ils n’ont trouvé d’expression directe ou indirecte de séparatisme ou d’indépendance. Ilham a été détenu dans un lieu tenu secret pendant cinq mois, interdit de tout contact avec sa famille ou ses amis et empêché de rencontrer son avocat, Li Fangping, jusqu’au 26 juin, date à laquelle Li a rapporté qu’Ilham était énervé d’avoir été enchaîné pendant les 20 premiers jours de sa détention et s’est vu refuser de la nourriture halal pendant les 10 premiers jours de mars. Ces actes constituent des violations du droit international et relèvent sans doute du champ des actes de peines ou traitements cruels, inhumains ou dégradants. Beaucoup croient et craignent qu’Ilham ait peut-être enduré la torture.

Ilham n’a vu sa famille qu’après huit mois de son procès hâtif et inéquitable. Il a été reconnu coupable et condamné à la réclusion à perpétuité le 23 septembre, mais nie toutes les charges retenues contre lui. Au cours du procès, les procureurs ont déclaré qu’Ilham décrivait les terroristes comme des héros dans ses cours, avait internationalisé la « question ouïghoure » ​​et avait utilisé des témoignages d’étudiants qui auraient été obtenus sous la contrainte. Certains étudiants ont fait l’objet de fouilles à nu forcées après l’arrestation d’Ilham, ont été détenus et certains d’entre eux sont restés portés disparus pendant de longues périodes, soulignant ainsi la tentative des procureurs de monter un dossier incriminant alléguant qu’Ilham n’était pas la personne pacifique qui se faisait passer pour, mais était au lieu de cela dangereux aux yeux de la sécurité chinoise et a dû être réduit au silence en étant enfermé.

 

 

Derrière la lutte d’Ilham

Mais de quoi parle vraiment le cas d’Ilham Tohti ? Les tensions entre les Ouïghours et les Han existent depuis la fondation de la République populaire de Chine (RPC), mijotant dans des poches de troubles éclatant de temps en temps et déclenchant des politiques plus dures contre les Ouïghours, en particulier après que Xi Jinping a pris la tête du gouvernement en mars 2013 et plus tard. a dévoilé le «grand plan stratégique» pour le XUAR en décembre de la même année, Ilham exprimant des inquiétudes quant au fait que la pression sur les Ouïghours était sur le point d’augmenter.

Le gouvernement chinois a défini le problème comme la « question ouïghoure » ​​ou le « problème du Xinjiang » qu’il a tenté de résoudre par le biais d’un processus de sinification, qui existe depuis de nombreux siècles dans l’histoire chinoise et qui implique la promotion de l’assimilation plutôt que l’intégration. Il a ensuite encouragé les Chinois Han à migrer vers la région par le biais de politiques favorisant les Han par rapport aux Ouïghours, et qui ont entraîné un déséquilibre du développement socio-économique. Ilham a été victime de l’utilisation par la Chine de la technologie et des lois de censure, où aujourd’hui, même un seul message sur l’application de type Twitter de Sina Weibo peut envoyer son auteur en prison s’il critique apparemment le gouvernement chinois. L’emprisonnement d’Ilham prouve que le gouvernement chinois ne reconnaît pas le pont entre les Ouïghours et les Han. En réponse à la prétendue attaque terroriste des Ouïghours contre les Chinois Han dans la gare de Kunming en mars 2014, le gouvernement a déclaré une « guerre populaire contre le terrorisme » et a ciblé des universitaires, des militants, des journalistes, des écrivains et des avocats des droits de l’homme tout au long de l’année 2014. La contradiction sous-jacente est qu’Internet sert d’outil principal pour connecter les êtres humains au-delà des frontières géographiques, sociales, culturelles et linguistiques et sur lequel une grande partie du commerce et de la communication d’aujourd’hui a lieu. Au lieu de cela, le « grand pare-feu » du gouvernement chinois empêche la consommation de contenu étranger d’entrer en Chine et utilise Internet comme un outil matraquant pour censurer et contrôler le contenu numérique selon le récit approuvé de l’image, des intérêts et des politiques de la Chine, criminalisant la diffusion de « rumeurs » en ligne et établissant une exigence de pré-enregistrement pour tout compte en ligne partageant des opinions ou des déclarations politiques.

 

En tant qu’auteur de cet article, et avec mes collègues de Broken Chalk, je ressens une affinité étroite avec l’histoire tragique d’Ilham Tohti et de bien d’autres comme lui, car moi aussi, j’ai un blog personnel où je discute de mes préoccupations concernant l’actualité mondiale. affaires. Exercer la liberté d’expression de la manière dont Ilham l’a fait à travers son “blog de pont” n’est pas un crime, et cela ne devrait pas non plus étiqueter injustement Ilham comme un partisan du terrorisme, un trafiquant de drogue, un vendeur d’armes ou un agent américain. Il a vraiment cherché à amener les Ouïghours et les Han à engager des conversations, à ignorer leur différences et devenir plus unis en tant que personnes ordinaires. Il a choisi d’utiliser des moyens pacifiques et informés pour éduquer les autres sur les Ouïghours en s’opposant au récit qui les décrit comme des terroristes, des perversités et des risques pour la sécurité de l’éthos ou des fondements de la société chinoise. Au lieu de cela, il est devenu un martyr politique pour les Ouïghours de l’ethnie XUAR, recevant de nombreuses récompenses pour avoir défendu et cherché à étendre les droits de l’homme et les libertés, et un phare qui continue de faire la lumière sur la situation précaire à laquelle les Ouïghours sont confrontés dans les camps d’internement en Chine depuis 2017, où de nombreuses violations des droits humains prennent la forme de passages à tabac, de tortures, de viols, de meurtres, de travaux forcés et de stérilisation de femmes ouïghoures.

En fin de compte, On se souvient d’Ilham comme bien informé et courageux et comme ayant une volonté et une détermination à se battre pour les Ouïghours ethniques, gardant la tête haute face à l’injustice et à l’intimidation des autorités chinoises.

 

* To read and learn more about Ilham Tohti, there is a recent publication named ‘We Uyghurs Have No Say: An Imprisoned Writer Speaks’ (Verso Books). It is a series of collected essays and articles by Ilham prior to his detention. A paperback and eBook version are available at: https://bit.ly/3wiP6Mv

*Author’s note: throughout the article, his first name is used. In Uyghur culture, his last name, ‘Tohti’, refers to his father’s name, akin to saying that Ilham is the son of Tohti.

 

Écrit par Karl Baldacchino

Editée par Olga Ruiz Pilato

Traduit par Faical Al Azib  [Ilham Tohti: An Activist Smiling in the Face of Injustice]

 

Sources;

[i] Kennedy, H. (2022) ‘We Uyghur’s Have No Say by Ilham Tohti Review – A People Ignored’. The Guardian. Available online from: https://www.theguardian.com/books/2022/mar/09/we-uyghurs-have-no-say-ilham-tohti-review-background-genocide-china [Accessed on 20/03/2022].

[ii] Makinen, J. (2014) ‘China’s Detention of Uighur Professor Ilham Tohti Worries U.S.’. Los Angeles Times. Available online from: https://www.latimes.com/world/worldnow/la-fg-wn-china-detention-professor-20140117-story.html#axzz2qljh0LfJ [Accessed on 19/03/2022]; see also Wong, E. (2014) ‘Uighur Scholar Ilham Tohti Goes in Trial in China on Separatist Charges’. The New York Times. Available online from: https://www.nytimes.com/2014/09/18/world/asia/separatism-trial-of-ilham-tohti-uighur-scholar-begins-in-china.html?_r=0 [Accessed on 19/03/2022]; see also Wertime, D. (2014) ‘An Internet Where Nobody Says Anything’. China File. Available online from: https://www.chinafile.com/reporting-opinion/media/internet-where-nobody-says-anything [Accessed on 19/03/2022]; see also Amnesty International, ‘Academicus Ilham Tohti: Levenslang Gevangengezet’. Available online from: https://www.amnesty.nl/wat-we-doen/themas/sport-en-mensenrechten/ilham-tohti [Accessed on 19/03/2022]; see also Denyer, S. & Rauhala, E. (2016) ‘To Beijing’s Dismay, Jailed Uighur Scholar Winds Human Rights Award’. The Washington Post. Available online from: https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/to-beijings-dismay-jailed-uighur-scholar-wins-human-rights-award/2016/10/11/d07dff8c-8f85-11e6-81c3-fb2fde4e7164_story.html [Accessed on 19/03/2022]; see also PEN America, ‘Ilham Tohti’. Available online from: https://pen.org/advocacy-case/ilham-tohti/ [Accessed on 19/03/2022].

[iii] Woeser, T. (2009) ‘Interview with Uyghur Scholar Ilham Tohti’. YouTube. Available online from: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=aQT0iN1nMk8 [Accessed on 19/03/2022]; see also ‘An Internet Where Nobody Says Anything’; see also Johnson, I. (2014) ‘”They Don’t Want Moderate Uighurs”’. China File. Available online from: https://www.chinafile.com/library/nyrb-china-archive/they-dont-want-moderate-uighurs [Accessed on 19/03/2022].

[iv] ‘An Internet Where Nobody Says Anything’; see also ‘To Beijing’s Dismay, Jailed Uighur Scholar Winds Human Rights Award’; see also Tom Lantos Human Rights Commission, ‘Ilham Tohti’. United States Congress. Available online from: https://humanrightscommission.house.gov/defending-freedom-project/prisoners-by-country/China/Ilham%20Tohti#:~:text=Biography%3A%20Ilham%20Tohti%20is%20a,regional%20autonomy%20laws%20in%20China. [Accessed on 19/03/2022].

[v] ) ‘Interview With Uyghur Scholar Ilham Tohti’; see also PEN America (2014) ‘Ilham Tohti: 2014 PEN/Barbara Goldsmith Freedom to Write Award Winner’. YouTube. Available online from: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=gm6YLWrnKPw [Accessed 19/03/2022].

[vi] Ibid.

[vii] ‘Ilham Tohti’. United States Congress; see also ‘An Internet Where Nobody Says Anything’.

[viii] known as 7/5 due to it being a sensitive date in China

[ix] ‘They Don’t Want Moderate Uyghurs’; see also PEN America, ‘Ilham Tohti’; see also Tohti, I. (2013) ‘The Wounds of the Uyghur People Have Not Healed’. Radio Free Asia. Available online from: https://www.rfa.org/english/commentaries/wounds-07052013134813.html [Accessed on 19/03/2022]; see also ‘To Beijing’s Dismay, Jailed Uighur Scholar Winds Human Rights Award’.

[x] PEN America, ‘Ilham Tohti’.

[xi] Ibid.; see also ‘They Don’t Want Moderate Uyghurs’; see also Tohti, I. (2013) ‘Uyghur Scholar Tohti Speaks About His Concerns Before Detention’. Radio Free Asia. Available online from: https://www.rfa.org/english/news/uyghur/interview-02072014182032.html [Accessed on 19/03/2022]; see also ‘China’s Detention of Uighur Professor Ilham Tohti Worries U.S.’.

[xii] ‘Uyghur Scholar Tohti Speaks About His Concerns Before Detention’; see also ‘They Don’t Want Moderate Uyghurs’.

[xiii] PEN America, ‘Ilham Tohti’; see also ‘China’s Detention of Uighur Professor Ilham Tohti Worries U.S.’; see also ‘Ilham Tohti’. United States Congress; see also ‘An Internet Where Nobody Says Anything’.

[xiv] ‘An Internet Where Nobody Says Anything’

[xv] Ibid.; see also ‘Uighur Scholar Ilham Tohti Goes in Trial in China on Separatist Charges’; see also Cao, Y. (2014) ‘China in 2014 Through the Eyes of a Human Rights Advocate’. China File. Available online from: https://www.chinafile.com/reporting-opinion/china-2014-through-eyes-human-rights-advocate [Accessed on 20/03/2022].

[xvi] ‘Academicus Ilham Tohti: Levenslang Gevangengezet’; see also ‘An Internet Where Nobody Says Anything’; see also ‘Uighur Scholar Ilham Tohti Goes in Trial in China on Separatist Charges’; see also ‘China in 2014 Through the Eyes of a Human Rights Advocate’.

[xvii] ‘An Internet Where Nobody Says Anything’; see also ‘China in 2014 Through the Eyes of a Human Rights Advocate’; see also ‘China’s Detention of Uighur Professor Ilham Tohti Worries U.S.’; see also ‘They Don’t Want Moderate Uyghurs’; see also ‘To Beijing’s Dismay, Jailed Uighur Scholar Winds Human Rights Award’.

[xviii] PEN America, ‘Ilham Tohti’; see also European Foundation for South Asia Studies, ‘Language, Religion, and Surveillance: A Comparative Analysis of China’s Governance Models in Tibet and Xinjiang’. Available online from: https://www.efsas.org/publications/study-papers/comparative-analysis-of-governance-models-in-tibet-and-xinjiang/ [Accessed on 20/03/2022].

[xix] Ibid.; see also ‘China in 2014 Through the Eyes of a Human Rights Advocate’; see also ‘An Internet Where Nobody Says Anything’.

[xx] ‘An Internet Where Nobody Says Anything’; see also ‘China in 2014 Through the Eyes of a Human Rights Advocate’.

[xxi] Ibid.

[xxii] Ilham Tohti is the recipient of PEN America’s 2014 PEN/Barbara Goldsmith Freedom to Write Award, the 2016 Martin Ennals Award for human rights defenders who show deep commitment and face great personal risk, Liberal International’s 2017 Prize for Freedom, was nominated in 2019 and 2020 for the Nobel Peace Prize, and awarded in 2019 Freedom Award by Freedom House, the Vaclav Havel Human Rights Prize by the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe (PACE), and the Sakharov Prize for Freedom of Thought.

[xxiii] ‘We Uyghur’s Have No Say by Ilham Tohti Review – A People Ignored’; see also ‘Academicus Ilham Tohti.

 

*cover photo taken from: https://www.omct.org/fr/ressources/declarations/ilham-tohti-2016-martin-ennals-award-laureate-for-human-rights-defender

Invasión rusa de Ucrania: ¿quién pagará el precio de esta guerra?

Como escribió una vez el poeta palestino Mahmud Darwish

“La guerra terminará. Los líderes se darán la mano. La anciana seguirá esperando a su hijo martirizado. La chica esperará a su amado marido. Y esos niños esperarán a su heroico padre. No sé quién vendió nuestra patria. Pero vi quién pagó el precio”.1

El paso del tiempo ha sido partícipe de la destrucción de tierras y naciones enteras debido a guerras, conflictos y dictaduras. Algunas de ellas, como Siria, Palestina, Libia, Afganistán, Irak, Somalia y Yemen, entre otras, tenían ricas culturas y siglos de desarrollo a sus espaldas.

La codicia y el egoísmo de los dictadores y políticos que han ido tomando el control de estos países no han causado más que pérdidas y daños. Se han perdido vidas inocentes, el hambre se han apoderado de ellos, las infraestructuras se han derrumbado y nuestra Madre Tierra ha sufrido progresivamente las consecuencias de estos conflictos.

Ucrania se está uniendo al tren de países que están siendo destruidos debido a la codicia de los políticos. Vladimir Putin no se limita a invadir su país vecino, el estado soberano independiente de Ucrania, sino que también está ejerciendo una censura total en su propio país sobre los medios de comunicación rusos independientes y los periodistas que hablan verdades sobre el régimen de Putin y cómo los rusos están sufriendo bajo su liderazgo, arrestando a los manifestantes que se oponen a él y a los crímenes cometidos por su régimen en Ucrania, obligando a los jóvenes de Rusia a unirse al ejército ruso sin decirles que van a participar en los esfuerzos de guerra contra Ucrania. Todos estos factores demuestran cómo realmente es un gobierno totalitario.

El impacto de los daños que está causando la guerra afecta profundamente al sector educativo en muchos aspectos, incluyendo un acceso restringido a la educación debido a la escasez de material educativo y la hambruna generalizada que cambia las prioridades de la población. Además, la difusión de propaganda de guerra por parte de los políticos como medio para justificar la invasión o los crímenes cometidos contra sus propios ciudadanos repercute en la educación.

La guerra en curso en Ucrania ha dañado innumerables instalaciones educativas, incluidas las escuelas y los jardines de infancia, poniendo así en peligro el futuro de los niños y los jóvenes de Ucrania.

La invasión rusa de Ucrania ha infundido el sentimiento de miedo y temor de los ciudadanos de los estados postsoviéticos. Teniendo en cuenta que el presidente de Azerbaiyán aceptó y firmó la alianza entre Rusia y Azerbaiyán (un acuerdo de 43 puntos que implica una alianza educativa y económica), el temor de que el control de Putin llegue a sus países a través de su sector educativo es un temor justificado. Implicará que la lengua rusa se imponga en un sentido más estricto que el actual y que los libros de texto escolares probablemente blanqueen los crímenes de Putin contra los derechos humanos del pueblo ucraniano y ruso.

El Ministerio de Educación ruso ha comenzado recientemente a difundir propaganda en la educación en línea, en un esfuerzo por lavar la mente de los niños con ideologías que glorifican el liderazgo de Putin y justifican la invasión de Rusia a Ucrania. Estas formas de propaganda incluyen lecciones ‘online’ que tratan de convencer a los jóvenes de que la “misión de liberación en Ucrania era necesaria”, lo que conduce a la creación de generaciones que podrían apoyar la dictadura de Rusia y, por tanto, suponen una amenaza para el futuro de la sociedad rusa.

 

Ciertamente, un día llegará y la guerra terminará. Las personas que sufrieron el desplazamiento por el conflicto volverán a su patria y a sus seres queridos, y los líderes se darán la mano en un esfuerzo por establecer de nuevo la paz, pero ¿a qué precio? El daño ya está hecho. Como dijo Mahmoud Darwish: “No sé quién vendió nuestra patria. Pero he vi quién pagó el precio”.

Texto original redactado por Zinat Asadova “Russia’s Invasion to Ukraine: who is paying the Price for this war?” – https://brokenchalk.org/russias-invasion-to-ukraine-who-will-pay-the-price-for-this-war-2/ 

Traducido por Olga Ruiz Pilato

By Zinat Asadova

Sources;

  1. “La Guerra terminará”, poema de Mahmud Darwish
  2. Save the Children. (2022). Ukraine: Attacks on schools endangering children’s lives and futures. Retrieved from https://www.savethechildren.net/news/ukraine-attacks-schools-endangering-children-s-lives-and-futures
  3. UNICEF Europe & Central Asia Region (ECAR). (2022). Ukraine Situation Report – 24 February 2022 (p. 2). Retrieved from https://www.unicef.org/media/116031/file/Ukraine-Humanitarian-SitRep-24-February-2022.pdf
  4. Deutsche Welle (DW). (2022). Poland fights to give Ukrainian kids access to education [Video]. Retrieved from https://www.dw.com/en/poland-fights-to-give-ukrainian-kids-access-to-education/av-61185207#:~:text=About%202%20million%20Ukrainians%20have,Poland’s%20education%20system%20is%20enormous.
  5. Abrams, F. (2022). Ukraine refugees may struggle to find places in English schools, councils say. The Guardian. Retrieved from https://www.theguardian.com/education/2022/mar/05/ukraine-refugees-may-struggle-to-find-places-in-english-schools-councils-say
  6. Fallon, K. (2022). Foreign students fleeing Russia’s war on Ukraine hope to return. Aljazeera.com. Retrieved from https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2022/3/5/they-told-us-to-go-home-student-recounts-ukraine-war
  7. International education’s continuing response to the war in Ukraine. ICEF Monitor – Market intelligence for international student recruitment. (2022). Retrieved from https://monitor.icef.com/2022/03/international-educations-continuing-response-to-the-war-in-ukraine/
  8. Azərbaycan Respublikası Xarici İşlər Nazirliyi. (2022). No:056/22, Azərbaycan Respublikası Xarici İşlər Nazirliyinin Mətbuat xidməti idarəsinin məlumatı (AZ/RU). Retrieved from https://www.mfa.gov.az/az/news/no05622
  9. President of the Republic of Azerbaijan Ilham Aliyev. (2022). Declaration on allied interaction between the Republic of Azerbaijan and the Russian Federation. Retrieved from https://president.az/en/articles/view/55498
  10. Aliyeva, J. (2022). Azerbaijani president notes importance of Russian language. Report News Agency. Retrieved from https://report.az/en/foreign-politics/azerbaijani-president-notes-importance-of-russian-language/
  11. Russia’s Ministry of Education Official Page on Vkontakte. (2022). An Open lesson “Defenders of Peace” (Открытый урок «Защитники мира») [Video]. https://vk.com/video-30558759_456242419?list=8411aa6de207bc39a2

Educational Challenges in the Republic of Malta

Introduction

The Republic of Malta is a small island located in the Mediterranean Sea, just below Sicily, East of Tunisia, and above Libya. Historically, it served as a gateway between North Africa and Europe, as explained by its long history as a part of imperial conquests by the Phoenicians, Carthaginians, Romans, Byzantines, Arabs, Normans, the Knights of St. John, the French, and lastly the British, gaining its independence by 1964 and becoming a Republic in 1974.[i] It became a member of the European Union (EU) in 2004, leading to a flurry of reforms for social development in terms of education, health, and socioeconomic status in order to meet EU benchmarks.[ii] In this regard, attaining a quality education has increased across the board for students and what they are equipped with following compulsory education as a result.

Characteristics of Malta’s Education System

The ‘Education Act’, pursuant to Chapter 327 of the Laws of Malta, states that education is compulsory for all children and youth in Malta between the ages of five and sixteen, split into six years of primary education proceeded by five years of secondary education. Parents have the liberty to send their children either to public, state-run schools, or Church-run schools that are full-time and mostly free or to private schools that require annual tuition fees.[iii] There also exists a strong promotion and supply of early childhood education and care (ECEC) from birth until the age of three, followed by kindergarten centres that help prepare children to enter primary education with ease, seeing a total of 143 registered childcare centres by November 2019.[iv]

Primary education consists of mixed-ability classes combining the three core subjects of English, Maths, Maltese, and science, religion/ethics, and physical education. It includes cross-curricular soft skills like e-learning, sustainable development, intercultural education, entrepreneurship, creativity, and innovation.[v] This level exists within the state ‘College Networks’ that ease the flow of children attending the same primary and secondary schools within specific geographic proximity, using particular checklists to assess literacy, numeracy, and e-literacy between the first and third grades, coupled with continuous formative assessments via the ‘End of Primary Benchmark’ for the three core subjects.[vi]

Secondary education is split into lower and upper-secondary. The former lasts two years and is referred to as ‘Middle School’, including the three core subjects as well as geography, history, religion/ethics, physics, PSCD (personal, social, and career development), art, foreign languages (e.g., Italian, German, French, Arabic, Spanish), and so on. The following upper-secondary education generally consists of students attending elective classes chosen in the second year of Middle School alongside both one foreign language and science of their choice.[vii] This level relies on continuous forms of assessments and annual centrally-set exams at the end of each year, culminating into the national Secondary Education Certificate (SEC) examinations organised by the Matriculation and Secondary Education Certificate (MATSEC) board of the University of Malta (UOM), whereby all students at the age of sixteen take exams focused on the three core subjects and chosen electives to attain qualifications recognised across Malta and by the European Qualifications Framework for Lifelong Learning (EQF).[viii]

(Source: ‘Malta: Organisation of the education system and of its structure’, European Commission)

Post-secondary education ensures that students who were unable to pass the SEC examinations have a second chance through revision programmes at the Guze Ellul Mercer (GEM) 16+ School or at the Higher Secondary Schools in Malta and Gozo. It also entails that students who passed the three core subjects and another three subjects can opt to attain higher levels of education in two-year programmes either at Junior College or Giovanni Curmi Higher Secondary in preparation for tertiary education at the UOM via the Advanced and Intermediate Levels exams; or may also take a more practical approach by attending the Malta College of Arts, Science and Technology (MCAST), which offers a range of vocational programmes, diplomas and degrees in science, engineering, accounting and ICT; or the Institute of Tourism Studies (ITS), focused on the tourism industry as a primary backbone of Malta’s economy.[ix]

UOM provides a diverse range of Bachelor’s, Master’s, and PhD programmes traditionally focused on law, medicine, communications, psychology, and humanities. It has recently expanded into new digital fields like blockchain technology and cybersecurity.[x] However, other public and private institutions compete with UOM by targeting niche market demands for adult education, as seen by programmes offered by the Centre for Liberal Arts and Sciences at UOM, as well as the University of the Third Age (U3E), to provide challenging programmes to strengthen critical thinking and skills attainment.[xi]

This system boasts a strong structure focused on education for all to enter the labour market with ease, ensuring free access throughout and significant governmental assistance such as free textbooks and transport, as well as maintenance grants and monthly stipends for those continuing onto higher levels of education.[xii] It is evident that Malta has made major strides to invest heavily in its education system, having among the highest general government expenditures on education at 14.2%, and dedicating 5.3% portion of its gross domestic product (GDP) to education, which is above the EU averages of 10% and 4.7%, respectively.[xiii] However, despite this positive progress, the system remains heavily burdened in meeting benchmarks, its educators coping with the rapid pace of reforms, and the significant increase of the migrant population.

Failing to Meet Educational Benchmarks

2009 and 2018 data from the OECD’s Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA) and calculated results from Eurostat highlight how the percentage of 15-year-olds underperforming in literacy, numeracy, and science remained well above EU averages, standing at 35.6%, 29.1% and 32.5%, respectively. The level of reading and writing in English of Grade 5 children in primary schools show that 65.8% of them could speak English, sometimes beyond C1 level, but 32.8% of children displayed a weakness in writing at A1 level.[xiv] Furthermore, 2011 data from the Progress in International Reading Literacy Study (PIRLS), conducted by the International Association for the Evaluation of Educational Achievement (IEA) ranked Malta 35th out of 45 participating countries in the study. Students’ literacy levels are comparable to Trinidad and Tobago, with 25% scoring low in English reading. The mean score for Maltese reading was worse than the mean score for English reading, which highlights a discrepancy between state and both church and private institutions.[xv] The latter problem is due to a lack of resources, wherein Bonnici (2021), explained in his article that, ‘Malta has created an environment where some students have access to better resources simply because they can afford it’. This demonstrates that education is unequal in state schools, a view that has been confirmed by the European Commission’s 2020 study. The study suggests that the gap between state and private or church schools is as much as two years of teaching.[xvi] Despite targeted reforms, classrooms remain quite large, with policies capping the size at 26 pupils per class but failing to address teacher-student ratio, which ranks amongst the lowest in the EU. It stood at 12.8, 6.5, and 7.5 for primary, lower- and-upper-secondary levels in 2019, giving an indirect indication of individual focus for students.[xvii]

Another historical issue for Malta has been the high rate of early school leavers (ESLs), which Eurostat defined as ‘those between 18 and 24 years of age, who do not have at least the equivalent SEC passes (grades 1 to 7) in five different subjects and who are not in education or training’. Standing at 33% in 2005, it decreased to 16.7% by 2020, leaving Malta with the second-largest rate and higher than the EU benchmark of 10%.[xviii] The employment rate of those having attained low education levels of education is 71.7%: the highest in the EU, which explains why school dropouts are a persistent issue. It shows that, even with few qualifications, people still found employment in the tourism industry, which, besides being poorly paid, also hinders the success of policies aiming to lower the cost-benefit of enrolling on higher levels of education, as suggested by some researchers, placing this cohort at risk of social exclusion and unemployment in the future as new industries are carved out.[xix] This may also be a generational problem. One-third of the total workforce has a secondary level of education, whilst 50% remain without SEC qualifications. In the year 2000, 7.4% of 30 to 34-year-olds attained tertiary qualifications, increasing to 39.7% by 2020. The latter amounted to a successfully reached benchmark, which included a gender gap of 46.5% of women having attained tertiary education in comparison to 34.1% for men.[xx]

The students’ high failing in MATSEC core subjects across secondary and post-secondary levels indicates the system’s failure to meet benchmarks. In 2021, 17% (642 out of 3706), 18% (762 out of 4162), and 14% (575 out of 4086) of students failed Maltese, Maths, and English, in comparison to the 2019 results of 19%, 17%, and 12% respectively. The former Minister of Education, Justyne Caruana, stated that this failure cannot be attributed to the outbreak of Covid-19 in 2020.[xxi] In reaction to this, the Government announced a UOM decision that entering Junior College will no longer require students to pass all the core subjects, a foreign language, and a science; but that only passing one core subject would be the new requirement. This decision received backlash from stakeholders, especially the Malta Union of Teachers (MUT), who had not been consulted. They questioned the decision as an election tactic, considering that the 2022 parliamentary elections saw 16-year-olds allowed to vote for the first time.[xxii] The Government supports the decision because it may positively address the issue of ESLs, insofar as higher levels of education posed a barrier for the youth. Requirements to enter UOM still remain a barrier in this respect, but many wonder if this is the direction that education should take.

Educators Unable to Cope

There are not enough teachers to cater for all students, especially for the three core subjects;[xxiii] however, rather than seeing education as a so-called ‘elitist bastion’ and pinning educational development solely on the shoulders of educators, a better approach would be to tackle the attitudinal and systematic imbalances of how educators in Malta are treated. It is attitudinal in the sense that the profession is considered amongst the lowest and least respected in Maltese society, which affects the crucial instruction that students receive from educators, an issue that is amplified by the fact that parents and social communities have, for a long time and until recently, not desired to be involved in the education of their children and the future of the labour market, risking the widening of socio-economic inequalities.[xxiv] On the other hand, for the last three years the MUT, alongside others, have lambasted governmental reforms being introduced without their consultation, without providing training and professional development for the new reforms, nor have these reforms shown success thus far to gain educators’ support, instead arguing that the rapid pace is akin to a ‘rat race’ resulting in ‘reform fatigue’.[xxv] This is why educators are feeling burnt out with the amount of paperwork they must prioritise over other core responsibilities, in turn being unable to tackle the lack of student discipline and appropriate behaviour in their classrooms. They are instead calling for reforms to not be solely student-centred as a way to bypass the need for a balanced approach that also takes educators’ needs into account, a crucial reason why many educators are leaving the field.[xxvi]

The study conducted by Dr. Chircop in 2020 focused on how educators construct an image of Maltese society within the classroom, and revealed how the rapid pace of socio-economic reforms since Malta’s accession into the EU by introducing divorce, civil union, same-sex marriage, changes in migration policies, and even the recent legalization of hemp production has left educators with a double duty of having to reconcile these changes with their own religious, cultural, and moral systems, indirectly increasing the barriers to creating a more tolerant society inside and outside of schools.[xxvii] This risks systematizing issues of racism and the exclusion of certain sexualities that lingered in society but have become more pronounced and visible over the last two decades, becoming entrenched boundaries of ‘us’ vs ‘them’ due to the fears that the Maltese identity will be detached from its cultural, religious, and social roots in exchange for more modern, European, or even North African and Mediterranean linked to Malta’s history and relations with various cultures.[xxviii] It points towards a wider cross-cutting issue that has existed in Malta since 2002, that of an increased foreign population within the country.

From Economic Necessity to Racism

The topic of racism in Malta has a contradictory nature since, in the past, the labour market required a supply of highly skilled individuals who were not present amongst the Maltese population and became dependent on the attraction of foreign workers to fill the skills gap, a dependency that continues today with the latest market development of the gaming industry (roughly 60% of which consist of foreign employees).[xxix] Racist attitudes became more prevalent due to the fact that the foreign population grew from 14,725 in 2008 to 83,267 by 2019, or from 4% of the total Maltese population to 17%. It added pressure on the 1,322 inhabitants per square kilometre – significantly higher than the U.K., with 244.3 inhabitants/km2, or Italy, with 19.2 244.3 inhabitants/km2. This was reflected in schools, as more third-country nationals students (TNCs) from Syria, Libya, and Serbia enrolled on schools in the North, the Northern Harbour, and the South-Eastern districts of Malta, such as in St. Theresa College, St. Benedict College, and St. Clare College.[xxx] Despite its limitations, a study by Frendo in 2021 displayed firm signs of exclusion and discrimination against migrant students in post-secondary education with regards to being treated differently by peers in the classroom due to their skin colour or clothing, being asked racist questions by educators, and being made invisible by the use of Maltese as the language of instruction, concluding that these same cultural and ethnic markers may also be present in other levels of education.[xxxi]

Racism is a critical issue that must be addressed by providing more professional development and training to educators in terms of pedagogical methods and teaching of language, as well as by accommodating the educational and emotional needs of those who may possess trauma due to their migratory journey or experiences of abuse, creating an intercultural rather than a multicultural environment of assimilation. In addition, the wider educational system in Malta must increase the allocation of resources and focus on schools and districts that are serving concentrated pools of foreign students. This would challenge the wider perception of foreigners posing ‘threats’ to their culture, language, and employment prospects.[xxxii]

Conclusion

Having been born, raised, and passing through the education system of Malta, I have come across these issues first-hand and befriended many current and future educators in the field who publicly debate and discuss these current issues. The system itself has found its footing over the years, and there is clear evidence that past, current, and future generations have positive access to quality education. However, the system must fill the remaining gaps since all the stakeholders involved are falling through the cracks. There is a serious need for all stakeholders to come together to reassess the teaching methods, content, training, and student pool to ensure that they all benefit from the system as originally intended.

Written by Karl Baldacchino

Edited by Olga Ruiz Pilato

Sources;

[i] Fenech, C. & Seguna, A. (2020) ‘Internationalisation of Maltese Society and Education’. Malta Journal of Education, Vol. 1(1), pp. 31-32.

[ii] Ibid., p. 30; see also Chircop, L. (2020) ‘Educators’ Constructions of Maltese Society’. Malta Journal of Education, Vol. 1(1), pp. 59-60; Gauci, T. M. (2021) ‘An Analysis of Educational Attainment in Malta: Policy Note’. Central Bank of Malta, pp. 4 & 12-13; see also European Commission (2019) ‘Education and Training Monitor 2019: Malta’, pp. 5-6.

[iii] European Commission, ‘Malta: Organisation of the education system and of its structure’. Eurydice. Available online from: https://eacea.ec.europa.eu/national-policies/eurydice/content/organisation-education-system-and-its-structure-49_en#:~:text=Education%20in%20Malta%20is%20compulsory,five%20years%20of%20secondary%20education. [Accessed 29/04/2022].

[iv] Ibid.

[v] Ibid.

[vi] Ibid.

[vii] Ibid.

[viii] Ibid.

[ix] Ibid.

[x] Ibid.

[xi] Ibid.; see also Mayo, P. (2012) ‘Adult Education in Malta: Challenges and Prospects’.  Journal of Adult Continuing Education, Vol. 18(1), p. 52.

[xii] Ibid.; see also Gauci, p. 5; see also Mayo, p. 58.

[xiii] Gauci, p. 22; see also European Commission (2019), p. 7; see also Bonnici, J. (2021) ‘Malta’s Educational System is Failing While We Play Dumb’. Lovin Malta. Available online from: https://lovinmalta.com/opinion/analysis/maltas-educational-system-is-failing-while-we-play-dumb/ [Accessed on 30/04/2022].

[xiv] European Commission (2019), p. 5; see also European Agency for Special Needs and Inclusive Education, ‘Raising the Achievement of All Learners in Inclusive Education – Country Report: Malta’, p. 2.

[xv] European Agency for Special Needs and Inclusive Education, pp. 5-6.

[xvi] Bonnici; see also European Commission (2020) ‘Equity in School Education in Europe: Structures, Policies and Student Performance’, pp. 65 & 239-240.

[xvii] Gauci, pp. 22-23.

[xviii] Ibid., p. 4; see also European Agency for Special Needs and Inclusive Education, p. 6; see also Carabott, S. (2019) ‘Malta with Second Largest Number of Early School Leavers in Europe’. Times of Malta. Available online from: https://timesofmalta.com/articles/view/malta-with-second-largest-number-of-early-school-leavers-in-europe.708292#:~:text=Malta%20has%20the%20second%20largest,2018%2C%20according%20to%20European%20data. [Accessed on 30/04/2022].

[xix] Ibid., pp. 10-11 European Commission (2019), pp. 8-9; see also Bonnici.

[xx] Ibid., pp. 8-11; see also European Agency for Special Needs and Inclusive Education, p. 4; see also Carabott.

[xxi] Fenech, J. (2021) ‘MATSEC Results to be Evaluated to Find Reasons for Poor Outcome – Education Minister’. Independent. Available online from: https://www.independent.com.mt/articles/2021-08-27/local-news/MATSEC-results-to-be-evaluated-to-find-reasons-for-poor-outcome-Education-Minister-6736236248 [Accessed on 30/04/2022].

[xxii] Farrugia, C. (2022) ‘Junior College No Longer Requires Passes in All Three Core Subjects’. Times of Malta. Available online from: https://timesofmalta.com/articles/view/junior-college-no-longer-requires-passes-in-all-three-core-subjects.943710#:~:text=Students%20previously%20needed%20passes%20in%20Maltese%2C%20English%20and%20Maths&text=Students%20applying%20to%20enter%20Junior,one%20of%20three%20science%20subjects. [Accessed on 30/04/2022].

[xxiii] Times of Malta (2019) ‘The Failing Education System’. Available online from: https://timesofmalta.com/articles/view/the-failing-education-system.701290 [Accessed 30/04/2022].

[xxiv] Ibid.; see also Bonnici; see also Vella, L. (2021) ‘Teachers Call for Action on Expert’s Report on State School Educators’ Challenges’. Malta Today. Available online from: https://www.maltatoday.com.mt/news/national/111164/teachers_call_for_action_on_experts_report_on_state_school_educators_challenges#.Ym1EO9pBzIV [Accessed on 30/04/2022].

[xxv] Vella (2021); see also Vella, Matthew (2020) ‘Teachers Left Breathless by Reforms “Rat Race”, Says Union Boss’.  Malta Today. Available online from: https://www.maltatoday.com.mt/news/national/100137/teachers_left_breathless_by_reforms_rat_race#.Yme-htpBzIW [Accessed on 30/04/2022].

[xxvi] Ibid.; see also Vella (2020); see also General Workers’ Union Malta, ‘Study: “Challenges that Educators Face”’. Available online from: https://gwu.org.mt/en/study-challenges-that-educators-face/ [Accessed on 30/04/2022].

[xxvii] Chircop, L. (2020) ‘Educators’ Constructions of Maltese Society’. Malta Journal of Education, Vol. 1(1), pp. 57-66.

[xxviii] Ibid., pp. 57, 59, 60 & 67-69.

[xxix] Times of Malta (2019); see also Bonnici.

[xxx] Fenech & Seguna, pp. 29-30, 34-38 & 40-41.

[xxxi] Frendo, F. (2021) ‘Reflections on the Little Rock: Assessing Migrant Inclusion in Maltese Post-Secondary Education’. Malta Journal of Education, Vol. 2(2), pp. 143, 145 & 150-153.

[xxxii] Ibid., pp. 154-155; see also Fenech & Seguna, pp. 40-41, 43-45 & 46.

Cover photo – https://www.kindpng.com/imgv/ihJhJbo_malta-map-flag-with-coat-of-arms-clip/, Photo by Aaron Burden on Unsplash

Melek Çetinkaya: A Mother’s Struggle For Justice

Ms. Melek Çetinkaya is the mother of Taha Furkan Çetinkaya, a military student. She believes in her son’s innocence and tries to make her voice heard on social media so that her son, who is currently held imprisoned, is released. Ms. Çetinkaya stayed at home with her children for three and a half years, believing that the state would provide justice until she finally decided to take to the streets to protest government unfairness through peaceful demonstrations and marches.[i] According to the Turkish Constitution, every citizen has the right to act peacefully without permission, stone, stick or weapon. However, every time she protests, she is fined 390 Turkish Liras (TL) and is taken to the police station, where she is kept for several hours. One of the times she was arrested, she was forced to stay in the anti-terror department (TEM) for two days.[ii]

 

Melek Çetinkaya is known for her campaigns and peaceful protests to raise awareness on her son’s victimization known to large masses and for the release of his son and hundreds of others’ unlawful arrests. The protests stem from the ineffectiveness of the Turkish judicial system under Erdogan’s regime.

Çetinkaya’s son, Taha, was a military student at the Turkish Air Force Academy. Taha was on summer vacation at home after completing his first year at the Air Force Academy. On July 10th, 2016, five days before the attempted coup, cadets were invited to the annual 3-week routine military camp. These camps were one of the programs determined one year in advance and included in the military students’ yearly program calendar.[iii]

On the morning of July 15th, Air Forces Commander General Abidin Ünal made an unplanned visit to the cadet camp and gave a speech to the cadets. Ünal visited the cadet camp every year, but not unnoticed. He usually made a scheduled visit to the centre. The cadets would clean the campsite, cook, and upkeep the spaces s and, as preparation for high profile visits. Only once this is done will the visitors meet the cadets.[iv]

The cadets passed police points when arriving at the Osmangazi Bridge, but none of the police asked them where they were going. The commanders carried no money on them, so when they reached the toll, both the cadets paid the fee with cash they had individually collected and crossed the bridge. The authorities stopped the bus with the cadets in Sultanbeyli after crossing the bridge and were told there had been a coup, a news that came as a shock to the cadets. The public offered the cadets water and cigarettes and sang the national anthem.[v] At approximately 2 am, two policemen stated, “Okay, we have these kids; you can disperse”. The cadets did as they were told, reiterating they were not coup plotters. Later in the morning, the police arrested the cadets and made them wait on the bridge until 8 am instead of taking the cadets to the police station or the air force school.[vi]

Throughout the morning, people started arriving at the bridge carrying weapons, knives, skewers, and sticks and started attacking the cadets. They first broke the bus’s windows and proceeded to get on the bus and start kicking the cadets. One of the armed persons shot the gas tank and shouted, “kill them”. The cadets hid their weapons under their arms in response to the fear and terror that had broken out, and fortunately, no cadets were killed. However, the children present were taken to the police station in Sultanbeyli and held in detention for four days.[vii]

The institutional facilities had severely poor conditions. The fact that the cadets were arbitrarily detained for over five years, the children subjected to torture for four consecutive days under police authority, and dogs were tied up and deprived of food and water highlights grave human rights violations. When the cadets asked to go to the toilet, they were taken by banging their backs, shoulders, and heads against the wall. The prison authorities filled 40-person detention rooms with 120 people.[viii]

The cadet’s indictments sought three life sentences for overthrowing the Turkish Constitution. The authorities separated the imprisoned cadets into five cases, namely ‘the Sultanbeyli case’, the ‘TRT/Digiturk case’, the ‘Orhanlı case’, the ‘Bosporus bridge case,’ and the ‘Fatih Sultan Mehmet (FSM) bridge case’. The Court of Cassation overturned the ‘TRT/Digiturk case’ with 37 cadets, reopening the trial. However, the cadet students were sentenced to life after the Appeal Trial. The judicial process has proven that, in Turkey, lower instance courts do not abide by the higher courts’ decisions but instead act upon government orders. The ‘Sultanbeyli case’, where Ms. Melek Çetinkaya’s children are, is currently under review at the Court of Cassation and will probably be overturned in the coming months. Still, as in the ‘TRT/Digiturk case’, she believes the courts will not abide by this decision, and the detention of the children will continue. She hopes to be wrong and wishes that all the children are released, but the current government’s practices have proved it unlikely.[ix]

Ms. Melek Çetinkaya applied to the United Nations Human Rights Council Arbitrary Detention Working Group on behalf of her son for his case to be examined and decided. The file was indeed reviewed and decided upon, resulting in the immediate release of Taha Çetinkaya. Despite this, the Turkish legal system currently does not recognize either the European Court of Human Rights or any organs of the United Nations. As such, the decision is deemed invalid to the case at hand.

There are approximately 341 imprisoned student cadets. Three of them are female, and three of them passed away.[x]

Murat Tekin and Ragıp Enes Katran were brutally murdered by being lynched on the Bosphorus Bridge during the July 15th bloody coup attempt. They were found in the morgue after 12 days together and were unrecognizable. Their parents recognized the children by their fingernails. The families were not given a funeral vehicle or coffins and were refused to perform prayers. In addition, no funeral ceremonies were held, and they were told to bury the children in silence. The families were not given burial land for the corpses of these students. Still, their respective relatives had bought a family cemetery in advance, and the bodies could be buried there. The third student, Yusuf Kurt, died later. He was incarcerated for nine months, and extreme stress and pressure levels exacerbated a cancer development. Yusuf passed away a year ago with the burden of the pain he endured.[xi]

As mentioned above, three female students are held behind bars for the same reasons. They are detained in the Bakırköy Women’s closed prison. Their names are Nimet Ecem Gönüllü, Nagihan Yavuz and Sena Ogut Alan. These girls were 20 years old when they were arrested. Nagihan lost her father on 1st March 2022, but she could not attend her father’s funeral. Nimet Ecem, on the other hand, is a martyr’s daughter. Her father was martyred when she was three years old while he was serving as a senior lieutenant in the Turkish Air Force (TAF). Albeit a martyr’s daughter, she received a life sentence on a baseless allegation of being a member of a terrorist organization. The father of the other female detainee is an officer who retired from the TAF. Despite this, she was sentenced to life imprisonment for being a ‘traitor’ and a ‘terrorist’.

Melek Çetinkaya became the subject of a European thesis. Helena Vodopija, a graduate of Turcology and Anthropology, met with Çetinkaya for her master’s thesis “on the memories” of military students and their families who were sentenced to life imprisonment within the scope of the European Human Rights and Democratization Master’s Program of Luxembourg University on July 15th and the following period.[xii]

Melek Çetinkaya was a mother of three, living a modest life in Turkey. On the evening of July 15th, 2016, she became a mother seeking justice on the streets. She will continue her rightful struggle until she accomplishes releasing all arbitrarily detained cadets.

 

Written by Berkan Doğan Ünes

Edited by Olga Ruiz Pilato

 

Sources;

[i] https://politurco.com/arrest-of-ms-melek-cetinkaya-is-an-intervention-to-democracy.html [Accessed on 03/04/2022]

[ii] https://politurco.com/melek-cetinkaya-turkish-state-under-erdogan-regime-took-me-out-on-the-street.html [Accessed on 03/04/2022]

[iii] Ibid.

[iv] Ibid.

[v] https://www.duvarenglish.com/human-rights/2020/01/25/my-son-is-not-a-coup-plotter-a-mothers-struggle-to-prove-her-cadet-sons-innocence [Accessed on 03/04/2022]

[vi] https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ND5snMwA2JQ [Accessed on 03/04/2022]

[vii] Ibid.

[viii] https://politurco.com/melek-cetinkaya-turkish-state-under-erdogan-regime-took-me-out-on-the-street.html [Accessed on 03/04/2022]

[ix] https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=7HB6cRgf15w [Accessed on 03/04/2022]

[x] https://politurco.com/melek-cetinkaya-turkish-state-under-erdogan-regime-took-me-out-on-the-street.html [Accessed on 03/04/2022]

[xi] https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=tofQTvdJlqk&t=290s [Accessed on 03/04/2022]

[xii] https://ahvalnews.com/tr/melek-cetinkaya/melek-cetinkaya-avrupada-tez-konusu-oldu [Accessed on 03/04/2022]

 

*Crop image from: https://www.tr724.com/melek-cetinkayanin-ogluna-hucre-cezasi/

जर्मन शिक्षा प्रणाली में चुनौतियां

जर्मन शिक्षा प्रणाली में चुनौतियां

अपनी अच्छी तरह से संरचित और कठिन शैक्षिक प्रणाली के कारण, जर्मनी को असाधारण रूप से उच्च शैक्षणिक मानकों वाला माना जाता है। छात्रों को उनकी शिक्षा के प्रत्येक चरण में कड़ाई से मूल्यांकन किया जाता है, जहां यदि कोई छात्र दो या दो से अधिक कक्षाओं में आवश्यक न्यूनतम ग्रेड को पूरा करने में विफल रहता है, तो उसे यह सुनिश्चित करने के लिए पूरे वर्ष दोहराना होगा कि वे हमेशा आगे बढ़ने की आवश्यकताओं को पूरा करते हैं अगली कक्षा का स्तर। जर्मन शैक्षणिक संस्थान अपनी मजबूत नौकरी स्थिरता, मुफ्त योग्य शिक्षकों, कम युवा बेरोजगारी के आंकड़े, बच्चों की सीखने की शैली और सकारात्मक शारीरिक श्रम के अनुरूप कक्षाओं के लिए उल्लेखनीय है। दूसरी ओर, जर्मनी को अपनी शिक्षा प्रणाली के साथ समस्याएँ बनी हुई हैं।

स्कूली शिक्षा प्रणाली की संरचना

जर्मनी में माध्यमिक शिक्षा के लिए 3-स्तरीय प्रणाली है जो प्राथमिक विद्यालय खत्म करने के बाद छात्रों को उनकी क्षमता से रैंक करती है। यह प्रणाली तब निर्धारित करती है कि छात्रों की उच्च शिक्षा तक पहुंच होगी या नहीं। इसकी शिक्षा प्रणाली छात्रों को उनकी शैक्षिक क्षमताओं से अलग करती है, और ट्रैकिंग 4 वीं कक्षा से शुरू होती है, जो कि बहुत जल्दी है।

बवेरिया के अपवाद के साथ जर्मन राज्यों ने अकादमिक रूप से उन्मुख जिमनैजियम, व्यावसायिक रूप से उन्मुख रीयलस्कूल, और व्यावसायिक रूप से उन्मुख हौपट्सचुले के तीन-मार्ग मॉडल को त्याग दिया है। जिमनैजियम के अलावा, अब पेश किए जाने वाले सबसे आम स्कूल प्रकार एकीकृत हैं (सभी तीन ट्रैक संयुक्त), अर्ध-एकीकृत (हौप्ट्सचुले और रीयलस्कूल संयुक्त), और सहकारी (सभी तीन ट्रैक संयुक्त) (ग्रेड 6 से ट्रैकिंग के साथ संयुक्त सभी या दो ट्रैक) .

इसके अलावा, इसकी दोहरी शिक्षा प्रणाली विद्यार्थियों को उन लोगों में विभाजित करती है जिन्हें उच्च शिक्षा के लिए योग्य माना जाता है और अन्य जो स्कूल के दस साल पूरा करने के बाद व्यावसायिक स्कूलों में प्रवेश कर जाते हैं, जिसके परिणामस्वरूप असमानताएं होती हैं। नतीजतन, कई जर्मन छात्र स्कूल छोड़ देते हैं और इसके बजाय उन्हें व्यावसायिक प्रशिक्षण कार्यक्रमों के बजाय नौकरी की तैयारी के कार्यक्रमों में रखा जाता है। छात्रों के सीखने और ग्रेडिंग तकनीकों में अंतर, साथ ही उनके प्राथमिक विद्यालय के शिक्षकों से अलग-अलग ट्रैकिंग अनुशंसाएं जर्मन में शैक्षिक चुनौतियों में योगदान करती हैं।

माध्यमिक शिक्षा और व्यक्ति के करियर पथ पर इसका बड़ा प्रभाव पड़ता है। जिमनैजियम स्कूल सबसे अधिक अकादमिक रूप से सक्षम छात्रों को पूरा करते हैं, जिससे उच्च शिक्षा के लिए प्रवेश योग्यता प्राप्त होती है। Realschule स्कूल अधिक व्यावसायिक रूप से इच्छुक छात्रों को पूरा करते हैं, जिससे प्रशिक्षु कार्यक्रम, तकनीकी स्कूल, और जिमनैजियम तक पहुंच, और Hauptschule स्कूल कम शैक्षणिक क्षमता, सामाजिक या व्यवहार संबंधी समस्याओं वाले छात्रों को पूरा करते हैं। ये जर्मन विद्वानों के लिए आगे की शिक्षा और प्रशिक्षण के लिए पृष्ठभूमि और बाद के शुरुआती बिंदु का गठन करते हैं। जर्मन शिक्षा प्रणाली जर्मनी के अलग-अलग राज्यों द्वारा निर्धारित की जाती है, जिसके परिणामस्वरूप महत्वपूर्ण शैक्षिक असमानताएं होती हैं।

 

सामाजिक-आर्थिक पृष्ठभूमि

जर्मनी में, एक बच्चे का अकादमिक प्रदर्शन उनके माता-पिता की पृष्ठभूमि से घनिष्ठ रूप से जुड़ा होता है, जिसमें अप्रवासी और उनकी संतान संरचनात्मक असमानता से असमान रूप से प्रभावित होते हैं। जर्मन शिक्षा प्रणाली में असमानता एक प्रसिद्ध मुद्दा है। दशकों से किए गए अध्ययनों से पता चला है कि अधिक विशेषाधिकार प्राप्त सामाजिक आर्थिक पृष्ठभूमि के छात्र नियमित रूप से अपने साथियों से बेहतर प्रदर्शन करते हैं, भले ही उनकी संज्ञानात्मक योग्यता समान हो। इन बच्चों को देश में शीर्ष शैक्षिक ट्रैक के लिए और विश्वविद्यालय में प्रवेश के लिए अनुशंसित होने की अधिक संभावना है। शिक्षा प्रणाली विभिन्न पृष्ठभूमि वाले व्यक्तियों के लिए समान अवसर बनाने की चुनौती का सामना कर रही है।

2018 में, यूनिसेफ ने 41 औद्योगिक देशों में पूर्वस्कूली और स्कूली आयु वर्ग के बच्चों की शैक्षिक इक्विटी पर ध्यान दिया। जर्मनी को संयुक्त राज्य अमेरिका और ऑस्ट्रेलिया से आगे, समूह के केंद्र में स्थान दिया गया था, लेकिन लिथुआनिया, डेनमार्क और नंबर एक देश, लातविया जैसी छोटी अर्थव्यवस्थाओं के पीछे।

कम आय वाले परिवारों के अप्रवासी छात्रों और छात्रों के भी अपनी शिक्षा में आगे बढ़ने की संभावना कम है, क्योंकि जर्मनी के ग्रामीण क्षेत्रों में शिक्षा शहरों में इससे पीछे है। समृद्ध परिवारों के बच्चों और अप्रवासी परिवारों के वंचित बच्चों/बच्चों के बीच शैक्षिक अवसरों में भारी विभाजन पैदा करने के लिए जर्मन स्कूली शिक्षा को भी दंडित किया गया है। एक उच्च सामाजिक आर्थिक पृष्ठभूमि के छात्र समान संज्ञानात्मक क्षमता वाले अपने निचले सामाजिक आर्थिक साथियों से बेहतर प्रदर्शन करते हैं, और जर्मनी में उच्चतम शैक्षिक ट्रैक और विश्वविद्यालयों में प्रवेश के लिए उनकी सिफारिश की जाने की भी अधिक संभावना है। प्रवासी परिवारों के बच्चे भी सामाजिक, वित्तीय और शैक्षिक जोखिम कारकों से चार गुना अधिक प्रभावित होते हैं, पश्चिमी/उत्तरी यूरोपीय देशों के छात्रों के पास पूर्वी यूरोप/तुर्की के छात्रों की तुलना में विश्वविद्यालय की डिग्री होने की अधिक संभावना है।

साक्ष्य से पता चलता है कि तुर्की, कुर्द, या अरबी पृष्ठभूमि के बच्चे – जर्मनी में “प्रवासी” बच्चों के रूप में जाने जाते हैं, भले ही वे दूसरी या तीसरी पीढ़ी के अप्रवासी हों- सबसे निचले स्तर के हाउप्सचुले में अनुपातहीन रूप से प्रतिनिधित्व करते हैं, जो उन्हें हाशिए के चक्र के अधीन करते हैं।

जर्मनी में प्रवासी बच्चे समान सामाजिक आर्थिक पृष्ठभूमि के बच्चों की तुलना में दो बार हाउप्ट्सचुले में भाग लेते हैं। कुछ प्रगति के बावजूद, उच्चतम स्तर के व्यायामशालाओं में प्रवासी बच्चों का प्रतिनिधित्व कम है। संक्षेप में, जर्मन शिक्षा प्रणाली जातीय या धार्मिक अल्पसंख्यकों सहित उनकी पृष्ठभूमि के परिणामस्वरूप होने वाले नुकसान और हाशिए पर काबू पाने में विद्यार्थियों की सहायता करने में विफल रहती है।

बर्लिन में कई प्राथमिक और माध्यमिक विद्यालय अलग-अलग कक्षाओं में मूल-निवासी जर्मन छात्रों से प्रवासी बच्चों को अलग करते हैं, जाहिरा तौर पर क्योंकि उनकी जर्मन भाषा की क्षमता नियमित कक्षाओं के लिए अपर्याप्त है। वास्तव में, इस तथ्य के बावजूद कि वे दूसरी भाषा के रूप में जर्मन बोलते हैं, उनके भाषा कौशल आम तौर पर नियमित कक्षाओं के लिए पर्याप्त होते हैं, लेकिन वे जातीयता या अन्य संदिग्ध विशेषताओं के आधार पर भेदभाव के लिए एक प्रॉक्सी के रूप में कार्य करते हैं। इन अलग-अलग कक्षाओं में प्रदान की जाने वाली शिक्षा नियमित स्कूलों में प्रदान की जाने वाली शिक्षा से बहुत कम है। भेदभावपूर्ण प्रथाएं प्रवासी छात्रों को कलंकित करती हैं, जर्मन समाज को ठीक से एकीकृत करने और योगदान करने की उनकी क्षमता में बाधा डालती हैं, और भेदभाव पर प्रतिबंध लगाने के लिए अनुच्छेद 2 के साथ संयुक्त रूप से पढ़े गए ICCPR अनुच्छेद 26 के तहत जर्मनी के कर्तव्यों का उल्लंघन करती हैं।

 

 

Written by Lerato Selekisho [Challenges in the German educational system]

 

संदर्भ

 

https://www.justiceinitiative.org/voices/hard-look-discrimination-education-germany

https://www.euractiv.com/section/non-discrimination/news/experts-criticise-inequality-in-german-schools/

https://tbinternet.ohchr.org/Treaties/CCPR/Shared%20Documents/DEU/INT_CCPR_NGO_DEU_14668_E.pdf

https://www.oecd.org/education/policy-outlook/country-profile-Germany-2020.pdf

https://www.deutschland.de/en/topic/knowledge/educational-equity-in-germany-current-challenges

Image from https://community.rewire.to/group-of-school-kids-and-teacher-in-classroom/ 

 

फ्रांस में शिक्षा चुनौतियां

जबकि फ्रांसीसी शिक्षा प्रथम दृष्टया सभी के लिए सुलभ है, क्योंकि यह उच्च शिक्षा तक स्टार्ट अप से मुक्त है, फ्रांसीसी लोग दावा करते हैं कि फ्रांसीसी शिक्षा प्रणाली कई बाधाओं को जानती है। मैंने उन फ्रांसीसी लोगों का साक्षात्कार लिया है जो अभी भी निजी और सार्वजनिक दोनों तरह की फ्रांसीसी शिक्षा प्रणाली में हैं, और कुछ ऐसे भी हैं जो दावों की प्रासंगिकता का परीक्षण करने की उम्मीद में बहुत पहले समाप्त हो गए थे।

सबसे अधिक बार-बार आने वाली बाधा शिक्षकों की स्थिति का उल्लेख किया गया था। शिक्षकों को कम वेतन दिया जाता है और उनका मूल्यांकन नहीं किया जाता है। बदले में, उनके शिक्षण की गुणवत्ता की आलोचना अल्पकालिक और एकतरफा होने के लिए की जाती है। फ्रांसीसी शिक्षा प्राप्त कई व्यक्तियों ने महसूस किया कि उन्हें शिक्षकों की अपेक्षाओं का पूरी तरह से पालन करना था और उनके पास व्यक्तित्व या मौलिकता के लिए कोई स्थान नहीं था। विशेष रूप से, मानसिक स्वास्थ्य की अनदेखी की जाती है क्योंकि छात्रों को लंबे समय तक काम करना चाहिए। उसी तरह, कोई मनोवैज्ञानिक समर्थन या सामान्य प्रोत्साहन नहीं है क्योंकि फ्रांसीसी प्रणाली प्रतिस्पर्धा पर आधारित है, और सफलता पूरी तरह से छात्र की जिम्मेदारी है। एक बार उत्तीर्ण स्तर पर पहुंचने के बाद प्रोत्साहित होने के बजाय, छात्रों की बेहतर नहीं होने के लिए आलोचना की जाती है। समवर्ती रूप से, थकान, खराब मानसिक स्वास्थ्य या मानसिक विकारों की कोई समझ नहीं होती है, क्योंकि छात्रों से मदद मांगने की अपेक्षा नहीं की जाती है और ऐसा करने पर उन्हें ठुकरा दिया जाता है।

एक साक्षात्कारकर्ता ने समझाया:

“जब मैं लंबे घंटों के कारण उदास और थक जाता था, तो शिक्षक जब उनकी कक्षा में सो जाते थे, तो वे क्रोधित हो जाते थे। मुझे सात घंटे की हिरासत में दिया गया क्योंकि शिक्षक ने अपमानित महसूस किया। जब मैंने कहा कि मुझे रिवीजन करने और सोने के लिए उन घंटों की जरूरत है तो किसी ने नहीं सुनी।”

वास्तव में, शिक्षण विद्यार्थियों के इर्द-गिर्द केंद्रित नहीं है। इसके बजाय, यह एक पदानुक्रमित प्रणाली पर बनाया गया है।

सार्वजनिक शिक्षा में एक छात्र ने यह भी समझाया कि उन्हें भविष्य के विकल्पों के बारे में कभी भी सलाह नहीं दी गई, यानी किस नौकरी या विदेश में अवसरों को प्राप्त करने के लिए कौन सा कार्यक्रम चुनना है। उनका प्रत्येक निर्णय पूरी तरह से उनके अपने शोध पर निर्भर था।

विशेष रूप से, सार्वजनिक और निजी शिक्षा के छात्रों के उत्तरों में स्पष्ट अंतर था, क्योंकि निजी तौर पर शिक्षित बच्चों ने समग्र रूप से उच्च संतुष्टि व्यक्त की। यह विभाजन बच्चों को उनकी सामाजिक-आर्थिक पृष्ठभूमि के आधार पर अलग-अलग मौके देने के लिए जाना जाता है। तदनुसार, पब्लिक स्कूल के शिक्षकों को सफलतापूर्वक अपना काम करने के बेहतर अवसर देने के लिए एक व्यवस्थित सुधार की आवश्यकता है। सरकार की ओर से पेशे के प्रति सम्मान का यह उदाहरण बच्चों के व्यवहार में भी दिखने की संभावना है।man and woman sitting on chairsPhoto by Kenny Eliason on Unsplash

यह एकतरफा प्रारूप फ्रेंच स्कूल के कार्यक्रमों में परिलक्षित होता है, जिससे 2021 तक केवल तीन मुख्य मार्ग पेश किए गए: साहित्य, अर्थशास्त्र या गणित और विज्ञान। केवल उन्हीं तीन थ्योरी आधारित योग्यताओं को ही योग्य माना गया है। जो लोग इस प्रोग्रामेटिक संरचना में फिट नहीं होते हैं, उनके लिए अधिक व्यावहारिक-आधारित, काम के करीब डिप्लोमा की ओर रुख करना नकारात्मक और उप-मानक के रूप में आंका जाएगा। वास्तव में, अन्य देशों की तुलना में यूरोपीय और विश्व मूल्यांकन में फ्रांसीसी स्कूल कम हैं जो बच्चों को अधिक व्यावसायिक कक्षाएं देते हैं। सबसे विशेष रूप से, इस प्रोग्रामेटिक संरचना को न्यूरोडिवर्जेंट व्यक्तियों के लिए विशेष रूप से चुनौतीपूर्ण होने की भविष्यवाणी की जा सकती है। हालाँकि, ‘बैकालॉरिएट’ में हालिया बदलाव है

एक ‘ए ला कार्टे’ चयन के करीब और पाठ्यक्रमों के निर्माण में अधिक स्वतंत्रता की अनुमति देता है; उम्मीद है कि इन आलोचकों को कम से कम।

विशेष रूप से, विश्व रिपोर्ट ने 2022 में शिक्षा में विकलांगता अधिकारों को मुख्य मुद्दे के रूप में पहचाना। वास्तव में, शिक्षा में विकलांग बच्चों के लिए फ्रेंच एकीकरण नियम बड़े पैमाने पर भ्रमित और निराशाजनक होने के लिए जाने जाते हैं, जिससे माता-पिता असमर्थित हो जाते हैं। अभी भी प्रगति की जानी है क्योंकि अपने आप में एकीकरण पर्याप्त नहीं है। उदाहरण के लिए, एक साक्षात्कारकर्ता ने याद किया कि कुछ दोस्तों, विकलांग बच्चों के माता-पिता, अपने बच्चों को बदमाशी से बचाने और उनकी सहायता करने के लिए स्कूल में कर्मियों की कमी पर खेद व्यक्त करते हैं।

इसके अतिरिक्त, हम हाल ही में (2021) स्कूलों में नाबालिगों के साथ-साथ माता-पिता के लिए मुस्लिम घूंघट पर प्रतिबंध को नोट कर सकते हैं। यह अद्यतन प्रतिबंध पुराने प्रतिबंधों का पालन करता है जिनकी पूरी तरह से इस्लामोफोबिक के रूप में आलोचना की गई है। वास्तव में, यह प्रतिबंध अन्य बच्चों की तुलना में स्कूल जाने वाली मुस्लिम लड़कियों पर अधिक भार डालता है।

boy in gray sweater beside boy in gray and white plaid dress shirtPhoto by Adam Winger on Unsplash

हाल ही में, शैक्षिक क्षेत्र में सरकार द्वारा कोविड-19 उपायों से निपटने के विरोध में फ्रांसीसी शिक्षकों ने सबसे बड़ी शिक्षा हड़तालों में से एक का आयोजन किया है। पर विचार करते हुए शिक्षकों के गलत व्यवहार पर उपरोक्त बिंदु; वे शिकायत करते हैं कि सरकारी फैसलों में उनसे सलाह नहीं ली जाती है; अंतिम समय में अपने पाठ्यक्रम बदलने के लिए कहा जा रहा है; बिना समर्थन के हाइब्रिड पाठ्यक्रम संचालित करने की अपेक्षा की जा रही है और बीमार पड़ने की स्थिति में प्रतिस्थापित नहीं किया जा रहा है। अंततः, यह अस्थिरता बड़े पैमाने पर बच्चों की शिक्षा को बाधित कर रही है

माया शॉ   [Educational Challenges in France]

संदर्भ

  1. https://www.mma.fr/zeroblabla/nouveau-bac-2021-reforme-changements.html
  2. https://www.weforum.org/agenda/2017/09/these-are-the-ten-best-countries-for-skill-and-education/
  3. https://www.hrw.org/world-report/2022
  4. www.theiwi.org/gpr-reports/the-french-hijab-ban-and-the-freedom-of-choice
  5. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2022/jan/13/half-of-french-primary-schools-expected-to-close-teachers-strike-protest-covid-education
  6. Cover image source – https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/User:GilPe