Educational Challenges in the Philippines

Written by Niyang Bai

The Philippines, a developing country in Southeast Asia with a population of over 100 million people, has a long history of colonization, with Spain being the first colonial power to arrive in the country in 1521. The Spanish colonial period lasted for over 300 years, during which the country’s education system was heavily influenced by the Catholic Church. The Spanish government established schools that primarily catered to the Spanish elite, and education was mainly focused on religious instruction.

After the Spanish-American War in 1898, the Philippines was ceded to the United States. The American colonial period brought significant changes to the country’s education system, with the government introducing a public school system that aimed to provide education to all Filipinos. The American government established public schools that followed an English-language curriculum, which aimed to prepare Filipinos for the workforce and eventually lead to their assimilation into American society.

The Philippine education system underwent further changes after the country gained independence in 1946. The government implemented reforms that aimed to make education accessible to all Filipinos, regardless of their socioeconomic status. The 1987 Philippine Constitution states that “the State shall protect and promote the right of all citizens to quality education at all levels and shall take appropriate steps to make such education accessible to all.”

Despite efforts to make education a key priority in the country since independence in 1946, the Philippine education system continues to face significant challenges that prevent many Filipinos from accessing education.

Ongoing class of Teacher Mercedita Guese at Lawang Bato Elementary School with her students using notebooks provided by the city government and worktexts developed by Department of Education, local school board and Synergeia Foundation. Photo by Congwingatchalian

Poverty

Poverty has long been a pervasive and intractable challenge in the Philippines, and education remains one of the most critical casualties of this social malady. The Philippine Statistics Authority has reported that approximately 16.7 million Filipinos live below the poverty line, with many of them struggling to make ends meet on a daily basis. Consequently, education becomes an unaffordable luxury for many families, especially those living in the most impoverished communities. The inability to send their children to school forces them to work instead, perpetuating the cycle of poverty for generations.

In recent years, the Philippine government has launched several initiatives aimed at addressing the problem of poverty and its impact on education. One such program is the Pantawid Pamilyang Pilipino Program (4Ps), which provides cash transfers to poor families to help them meet their basic needs, including education expenses such as school supplies, uniforms, and transportation costs. The program has been successful in increasing school enrollment and reducing dropout rates in poor communities across the country.

The 4Ps program has been the subject of much research, and several studies have shown its effectiveness in improving access to education for impoverished families. For instance, a study by Montilla et.al. (2019) found that the program had a positive impact on school participation, with a significant increase in the number of children enrolled in school. The study also noted that the program had helped to reduce dropout rates, particularly among girls.

Another study by Howlett et.al. (2018) looked at the impact of the 4Ps program on the education outcomes of children living in poor communities. The study found that the program had a positive effect on both school enrollment and attendance, with children from beneficiary households having higher rates of school attendance than their counterparts from non-beneficiary households. The study also showed that the program had a significant impact on children’s nutritional status, as it helped families to afford healthier food options.

Despite the success of the 4Ps program, however, some experts argue that cash transfers alone are not enough to address the root causes of poverty. They emphasize the need for more comprehensive poverty reduction strategies, such as creating more job opportunities and improving social services. According to a study by Ibon Foundation (2019), poverty reduction in the Philippines requires a multi-dimensional approach that includes investment in education, healthcare, and social services, as well as policies that support job creation and income growth.

One example of a comprehensive poverty reduction strategy is the Sustainable Livelihood Program (SLP), which is implemented by the Department of Social Welfare and Development (DSWD). The SLP aims to provide sustainable livelihood opportunities to poor households, enabling them to increase their income and improve their standard of living. The program offers various forms of assistance, including skills training, micro-enterprise development, and access to credit facilities.

A study by the International Labor Organization (ILO) (2018) found that the SLP had a positive impact on poverty reduction and employment creation in the Philippines. The study noted that the program had helped to increase household income, improve food security, and reduce the incidence of child labor in beneficiary households. The study also highlighted the importance of partnership between the government and the private sector in creating sustainable livelihood opportunities.

Combined with the above, it is easy to see that poverty remains a major obstacle to education in the Philippines, with millions of families struggling to afford basic necessities, let alone the cost of education. While cash transfer programs such as the 4Ps have proven effective in increasing school enrollment and reducing dropout rates, they are not enough to address the root causes of poverty. To achieve sustainable poverty reduction, a more comprehensive approach is needed, which includes strategies to create more job opportunities, improve social services, and support education and skills development. By addressing poverty in a multi-dimensional manner, the country can ensure that all its citizens have equal an equal right to education.

Ongoing armed conflicts

The ongoing armed conflict in some parts of the Philippines has created many challenges in the education sector. In particular, the situation has greatly impacted the lives of many children, making it difficult for them to continue their studies. With schools being forced to close and students being displaced, the government has recognized the need for alternative education systems that can provide access to education to those who have been affected by the conflict.

One of the measures implemented by the government to address this issue is the Alternative Learning System (ALS). The ALS is a non-formal education system designed to provide basic education and skills training to out-of-school youth and adults who have not completed their primary or secondary education. The program is designed to reach marginalized communities, including those affected by armed conflict, who may not have access to traditional formal education.

The ALS program has been successful in providing educational opportunities to those who have been affected by the armed conflict. For example, in 2021, the ALS program reached over 900,000 learners, providing them with access to basic education and skills training. Furthermore, the program has also been successful in improving the literacy rate in the Philippines, particularly in areas affected by the conflict.

One of the reasons why the ALS program has been successful is that it has been able to adapt to the unique challenges faced by learners in conflict-affected areas. For example, the program has developed modules that are designed to be delivered in a modular format, making it easier for learners to access education even if they have to relocate due to conflict.

In addition to the ALS program, there are also other initiatives that have been implemented to address the education challenges faced by those affected by the armed conflict in the Philippines. For example, the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) has implemented a program that aims to improve access to quality education for children affected by the conflict. This program includes initiatives such as providing temporary learning spaces, training teachers, and providing learning materials to students.

The UNICEF program has been successful in improving access to education for children affected by the conflict. For example, in 2021, the program provided temporary learning spaces to over 18,000 learners, enabling them to continue their studies despite the conflict.

Moreover, international organizations such as the Global Partnership for Education (GPE) and the World Bank have also recognized the importance of education in conflict-affected areas. These organizations have provided funding for education programs in the Philippines, enabling the government to improve access to education and skills training for those affected by the conflict.

For instance, the GPE provided a grant of $20.9 million to the Philippines in 2019 to support the implementation of its education sector plan. The grant aims to improve access to quality education for all, including those affected by the conflict.

Additionally, the World Bank has also provided funding to support the education sector in the Philippines. In 2020, the World Bank approved a $300 million loan to support the government’s efforts to improve the quality of education and increase access to education for all, including those affected by the conflict.

In conclusion, the armed conflict in some parts of the Philippines has greatly impacted the education sector, making it challenging for children to continue their studies. The government has implemented the Alternative Learning System, which provides non-formal education to out-of-school youth, including those affected by armed conflict. The ALS program aims to provide marginalized communities with access to education and skills training, helping them to rebuild their lives and communities. Additionally, international organizations such as UNICEF, GPE, and the World Bank have also recognized the importance of education in conflict-affected areas and have provided funding to support education programs in the Philippines. These initiatives are critical in providing educational opportunities to those affected by the conflict, enabling them to rebuild their lives and communities.

Children in school uniforms attend a class. Photo by Ron Lach.

Lack of resources and infrastructure

Another important issue facing the education system in the Philippines is the lack of resources and infrastructure in many schools, especially in rural areas. This challenge is widespread and affects a significant number of schools in the country.

According to a report by the Department of Education, around 5,000 schools in the Philippines have no access to electricity, while 10,000 have no access to potable water. This lack of basic amenities puts students and teachers at a significant disadvantage, affecting the quality of education they receive. In addition, many schools lack adequate classrooms, textbooks, and teaching materials, making it challenging for students to learn effectively. This challenge is not only limited to rural areas but is also present in urban areas.

The lack of resources and infrastructure in schools affects the quality of education that students receive. Without proper facilities, students may not be able to attend classes regularly, or they may be distracted by external factors, making it difficult for them to concentrate on their studies. The lack of textbooks and teaching materials also hinders the learning process, as students may not have access to the necessary information to understand the concepts taught in class.

To address this issue, the Philippine government has invested in infrastructure projects to improve schools’ facilities. For example, the government has constructed classrooms, provided electricity, and installed water systems in schools that lacked these amenities. In addition, the Department of Education has implemented the K-12 program, which aims to provide students with a quality education that is globally competitive. The program includes initiatives such as the provision of free textbooks, school facilities, and teacher training.

In recent years, the government has also implemented several programs aimed at improving access to education in remote areas. The above-mentioned Alternative Learning System (ALS), aiming to provide basic literacy and numeracy skills, as well as functional and life skills to its learners, for example, provides non-formal education to out-of-school youths and adults who cannot attend formal schooling. This program is vital in ensuring that every Filipino has access to basic education.

However, despite these efforts, some experts argue that the government’s efforts are insufficient to address the scale of the problem. They highlight the need for greater investment in education, particularly in rural areas, to ensure that every child has access to quality education. According to a study by the Philippine Institute for Development Studies (PIDS), there is a strong correlation between education and poverty reduction. The study found that increasing access to education can lead to better employment opportunities and higher income levels, ultimately leading to poverty reduction.

Moreover, the lack of resources and infrastructure in schools is not only limited to the Philippines but is also a common problem in other developing countries. For example, in sub-Saharan Africa, nearly 30 million children of primary school age are not in school, and many of those in school face similar challenges to those faced by students in the Philippines. These challenges include lack of access to basic amenities such as electricity, water, and adequate classrooms.

To conclude, the lack of resources and infrastructure in schools is a significant challenge facing education in the Philippines, particularly in rural areas. While the government has implemented several initiatives to address this issue, there is still a need for greater investment in education to ensure that every child has access to quality education. Providing access to education is vital in ensuring that every Filipino has the opportunity to reach their full potential and contribute to the development of the country.

COVID-19

The COVID-19 pandemic has undoubtedly brought numerous challenges to the education system of the Philippines, affecting not only students but also teachers, parents, and educational institutions. In March 2020, the Philippine government ordered the closure of schools to curb the spread of the virus. As a result, millions of students had to shift to online or distance learning, which was a struggle for those without access to technology or reliable internet connection.

One of the major issues that the pandemic has exposed is the digital divide. The digital divide refers to the gap between those who have access to digital technologies and those who do not. In the context of education, the digital divide means that students who lack access to technology and the internet are at a disadvantage compared to those who have them. According to a survey conducted by the Department of Education in July 2020, only 64% of the students who responded had access to a smartphone, while 55% had access to a laptop or desktop computer. This means that a significant portion of the student population is left out of the digital learning experience.

To address the digital divide and the challenges posed by the pandemic, the Department of Education has implemented various distance learning programs. One of these is DepEd TV, a program that provides televised lessons to students in grades 1 to 10. DepEd TV was launched in October 2020 and is aired on free-to-air television channels. The program aims to provide alternative modes of learning for students who do not have access to the internet or digital devices. The lessons cover various subjects, such as English, Math, Science, and Filipino.

Another program that the Department of Education has implemented is DepEd Commons, an online platform that provides free access to digital resources for teachers and students. The platform contains thousands of learning materials, such as lesson plans, videos, and quizzes. Teachers can use the platform to create their own digital lessons, while students can access the materials to supplement their learning. DepEd Commons was launched in 2019 but gained more significance during the pandemic when traditional classroom teaching became challenging.

Apart from these initiatives, the government has also partnered with telecommunication companies to provide free internet access to public school teachers and students. In May 2020, the Department of Education signed a memorandum of agreement with Globe Telecom and Smart Communications to provide free internet access to public school teachers and students until the end of the year. The initiative aimed to ensure that teachers and students have access to online resources and can participate in online classes.

While these initiatives are commendable, some experts argue that the government’s response to the pandemic has been inadequate, particularly in addressing the needs of marginalized communities. According to a study by the Philippine Institute for Development Studies, only 14% of students in the poorest households have access to a computer or tablet, while 16% have access to the internet. The study also found that only 27% of students in rural areas have access to the internet, compared to 47% in urban areas. This shows that students from marginalized communities are at a greater disadvantage when it comes to online learning.

To address this issue, experts suggest that the government should provide laptops and tablets to students who lack access to technology. The Department of Education has recognized this need and has launched a laptop and tablet program for public school teachers and non-teaching personnel. Under the program, the government will provide laptops and tablets to eligible teachers and non-teaching personnel to support their work in distance learning. However, some argue that the program should be expanded to include students who lack access to technology.

The COVID-19 pandemic has exposed the digital divide in the Philippine education system, with many students lacking access to technology and the internet. The government has implemented various initiatives, such as DepEd TV and DepEd Commons, but experts suggest that more needs to be done, particularly for marginalized communities. Providing laptops and tablets to students without access to technology is a crucial step towards creating a more equitable and inclusive learning environment.

Conclusion

In conclusion, the challenges facing the education sector in the Philippines are complex and multifaceted, ranging from poverty to armed conflict, lack of resources and infrastructure, and the digital divide. Addressing these challenges will require a comprehensive and multi-dimensional approach, including strategies to create more job opportunities, improve social services, and support education and skills development, as well as providing alternative learning opportunities in conflict-affected areas and investing in education infrastructure. Bridging the digital divide is also essential, particularly in light of the COVID-19 pandemic. By ensuring that all Filipinos have equal access to education, the country can unlock the full potential of its people and contribute to sustainable development. The government, supported by international organizations and the private sector, must continue to prioritize education and invest in its future.

References

Montilla, M. M., Delavin, E. A., Villanueva, R. M., & Turco, R. A. (2015). Pantawid pamilyang Pilipino program (4Ps): Assistance to pupil’s education. Asia Pacific Journal of Education, Arts, and Sciences, 2 (3), 1-5.

Howlett, M., Ramesh, M., & Saguin, K. (2018). Diffusion of CCTs from Latin America to Asia: the Philippine 4Ps case. Revista de Administração Pública, 52, 264-284.

Diokno, M. S. I. (2021). Learning in a Time of Pandemic. COVID-19: EveryWoman’s Feminist Response and Recovery Plan, 67.

Bayod, R., & Bayod, C. (2020). Laying the groundworks for education of children in the new normal: The case of DepEd Southern Mindanao. Eubios Journal of Asian and International Bioethics, 30(8), 443-449.

Toquero, C. M. (2020). Challenges and opportunities for higher education amid the COVID-19 pandemic: The Philippine context. Pedagogical Research, 5(4).

Orleans, A. V. (2007). The condition of secondary school physics education in the Philippines: Recent developments and remaining challenges for substantive improvements. The Australian educational researcher, 34(1), 33-54.

Barrot, J. S., Llenares, I. I., & Del Rosario, L. S. (2021). Students’ online learning challenges during the pandemic and how they cope with them: The case of the Philippines. Education and information technologies, 26(6), 7321-7338.

Universal Periodic Review of Jordan

  • This report drafted by Broken Chalk contributes to the fourth cycle of the Universal Periodic Review for Jordan. This report focuses exclusively on human rights issues in the field of education in Jordan.
  • In the previous UPR cycle, Jordan received 226 recommendations, and it supported 149 recommendations. Some of these recommendations focused on the Sustainable Development Goal of “Quality Education”.
  • This report first explores the main issues in the educational field in Jordan, reflecting on the recommendations Jordan received in the 3rd cycle UN UPR review in 2018 and its progress since. Finally, Broken Chalk offers some recommendations to Jordan on further improving human rights in the educational field.
  • As per the letter by the High Commissioner to the Foreigner Minister, issues were raised explicitly for the right to education, which included making education accessible, particularly by ratifying human rights instruments, making education culturally acceptable, preventing marginalisation, making education accessible for those students in remote areas, promote tolerance and respect for religious diversity,  emphasis to be laid on non-discrimination focusing on inclusivity in education, particularly for women and other minority groups and persons with disabilities and ensuring educational rights are guaranteed to refugee children.
  • Jordan has continued its commitment to the right to education through the Jordan Declaration on Inclusion and Diversity in Education.

By Caren Thomas

Download the PDF

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Cover image by Yazan Mahmoud Banihani

Universal Periodic Review of China

  • Broken Chalk is a non-profit organisation with one main goal – To protect human rights in education. The organisation has a website and articles and is currently working on multiple projects, each aiming to fight human rights violations in the educational sphere. This report drafted by Broken Chalk contributes to the fourth cycle of the Universal Periodic Review (UPR) for China, focusing exclusively on China’s human rights issues in education.
  • During the 3rd Cycle of the Universal Periodic Review for China in November 2018, China received 346 recommendations and supported 284. Twelve per cent of these supported recommendations relate to the 4th Sustainable Development Goal, Quality Education. These recommendations in the 3rd UPR Cycle will be the basis on which Broken Chalk discusses the progress of human rights issues related to education in China. This report from Broken Chalk will also suggest some recommendations for these educational issues as part of the 4th cycle of the Universal Periodic Review for China.
by Melissa Sugiarta

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Cover image by PublicDomainPictures

Education Challenges in Malaysia: Low Quality of Education in a Rising Economy

Written by Müge Çınar

The Country Profile 

Malaysia, which gained independence in 1957 from British rule, has successfully transitioned its economy from an agriculture-based economy to robust manufacturing and service sectors. This economic diversification pushed the country to become a leading exporter of electrical appliance parts and components (World Bank, 2022). 

During the last two decades, this culturally diverse country has become an upper-middle-income country. The growth in poverty reduction has been made, with income poverty falling from 50 percent in the 1970s to 0.4 percent in 2016 (UNICEF, 2022). Since 2010, it has grown at a 5.4 percent annual rate, and it is predicted to move from an upper middle-income economy to a high-income economy by 2024 (World Bank, 2022).

However, the COVID-19 pandemic has had a huge negative impact on Malaysia, mostly on vulnerable households. Following the revision of the official poverty line in July 2020, 5.6% of Malaysian households now live in absolute poverty (UNICEF, 2022). The pandemic caused issues that directly affected adolescents, children, and women in many ways. 

Group of school children. Photo by Kamusal Alan.

Education System in Malaysia

According to the national education system, six-year education is required to start after children reach the age of six. Public schools offer 11 years of free primary and secondary education. Early childhood education (ECE) is not mandatory in Malaysia; however, preschool is accessible to children aged 4 and up. According to the Ministry of Education’s 2017 Annual Report, national preschool enrollment for children aged 4 and up was 84.3 percent (Ministry of Education of Malaysia, 2018).

Enrollment in primary and secondary education in Malaysia is generally high, with enrollment increasing at every grade level since 2013.  Secondary enrollment is lower than primary enrollment, and enrollment decreases by 10 percent between the lower and upper secondary levels. A variety of governmental, private, international, and religious institutions provide higher education (Ministry of Education of Malaysia, 2018). 

The Education 2030 Agenda’s Sustainable Development Goal 4 allocates at least 4 percent of GDP and 15 percent of national expenditure on public services to education (UNESCO, 2022). Government education spending accounted for 4.77 percent of GDP and 21 percent of total government spending in 2017. According to recent data, Malaysia has been reducing its education expenditure from 2011 by 5.8 percent to 2020 by 3.9 percent (World Bank Data, 2023). This is the highest of any ASEAN country. Education spending is also the Malaysian government’s largest single expenditure. 

Malaysia Education Blueprint 2013–2025 outlines five aims that motivate Malaysia’s educational system: access, quality, fairness, unity, and efficiency. To realize the objective of Education for All, full access to education and the closing of achievement disparities for equity must be met. The Ministry is committed to increasing primary school enrollment and decreasing dropout rates in distant areas (Abu Bakar, 2022). 

To achieve these two educational goals of “access” and “equity”, the government has provided additional support and programs over the years, including a financial assistance program, a program for Special Education Needs, and a special program for the Orang Asli communities. The Ministry of Education (MOE) has also incorporated ICT in the classroom to improve teaching and learning. Despite government improvements, many challenges impede the success of Malaysian education. 

Main Problems in Education in Malaysia

Quality of Education

Education quality is a huge concern, with almost 60 percent of 15-year-old Malaysian students failing to meet minimum competence standards (Anderson & Barrett, 2020). Although improvements have been made during the last few years, Malaysian students are still under performing compared to international averages. 

In the most recent PISA testing (2018), 54 percent of Malaysian students achieved minimum proficiency in reading, 59 percent in math, and 63 percent in science, compared to the OECD average of 77 percent (reading), 76 percent (math), and 78 percent (science) (OECD, 2019). This shows that the high amount of government spending on education may not be allocated to factors that have the biggest impact on learning outcomes.

Poor teacher quality is another barrier to quality and learning outcomes: 93 percent of those applying for a Bachelor of Education and 70 percent of those offered a place in the program did not have the necessary qualifications, and only 3 percent of offers were made to applicants considered high performers (UNICEF Malaysia, 2019). And also, a lack of autonomy in schools is a challenge. Researchers found that rigidity in curriculum and delivery hampered quality learning, and the high degree of centralization in the education system was also found to have hampered the efficient production and distribution of education services (Anderson & Barrett, 2020).

As mentioned before, the government’s spending on education is very high compared to the region. However, the amount of money granted to each school is determined by the number of students enrolled in the current school year, not by the school’s needs or the socioeconomic status of the students (Abu Bakar, 2022). This causes schools with fewer students in rural areas to get less financial support. Therefore, the discrimination against rural areas students are made to reach resources to get a better education.

Compared to students in larger cities, most parents in rural areas have lower incomes. They are unable to give their children the facilities and resources they require for academic success. The gap in quality education is realized between urban and rural areas of the country. As a result, the students’ achievements in urban areas are higher. This issue creates a gap in establishing educational equity between urban and rural schools.

Another weak point that divides rural and urban education quality is the lack of internet connectivity to support e-learning. Inadequate connectivity and device limits have been identified as significant problems in adopting teaching and learning in rural areas.

The most criticized issue when it comes to the quality of education in the country is the syllabus. It is discussed among educators that the learning syllabus for primary and secondary schools is too high-level and illogical for students. The high number of students per classroom, the number of subjects, and heavy school bags are threats to the health of the children. Heavy subjects in the study plan create a burden rather than joy for learning students and drop their success rates (The Malaysian Reserve, 2022).

Young woman graduating. Photo by PickPik.
Access to Education and Gender Gap

Most children get 11 years of education in Malaysia; however, there is an important number of out-of-school children. Secondary school students are at more risk of dropping out than younger children in primary school. According to the Ministry of Education, the following factors contribute to children dropping out: lack of parental participation; poverty; low motivation; and low academic proficiency (Ministry of Education of Malaysia, 2018). 

The most vulnerable ones to access education are children with disabilities and refugee children. 1 in 3 disabled children is out of school. Children with special education needs (SEN) are defined as children with visual, hearing, speech, and physical disabilities, learning disabilities, or any combination of disabilities and difficulties under the Education (Special Education) Regulations 2013, which apply to government and government-aided schools (Yan-Li & Sofian, 2018). Notably, children with mental health or behavioral difficulties do not appear to be included in this classification. 

Lack of access to education and dropout differ by gender at every level of education. The gender gap is even more prominent in secondary school, where 7.5 percent of male students are at risk of dropping out compared to 3.7 percent of female students (Rosati, 2022). Male students are under pressure to drop out, likely for different reasons. Poor upper-secondary school-aged boys are sometimes pressured to drop out and enter the labor force to support their family’s finances. 

The gross enrollment rate at secondary school was 88.4 percent for girls and 84.1 percent for boys in 2017. The participation in higher education of boys is also lower than that of girls. The enrollment of females and males in tertiary education was 45.5 percent and 38.7 percent, respectively (Anderson & Barrett, 2020). When females enter the labor force, any advantage they have regarding school access and learning results is lost. 

In the 2018 Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA), Malaysian girls scored higher in math than boys by seven score points, which is a higher difference than the OECD average. Among the high-scored students, two in five boys reported expecting to be an engineer or a science professional, while one in seven girls reported expecting the same career (OECD, 2019). It is realized that even though girls are good at math and science in the national exams, gender roles and social norms make girls fall behind when it comes to choosing a profession. 

Despite the government’s focus on science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM) education, female students do not choose these subjects during university. Gender streaming in university education has been linked to teaching and learning materials used in secondary schools that do not empower girls to study male topics. The social norms tend to overrepresent females as teachers or maids regarding careers (Asadullah, 2020).

Child marriage is another obstacle for women to continue their education. While a person is recognized as a child until the age of 18 according to universal treaties, marriage at the age of 16 to 18 is legal with a license in Malaysia. In this case, girls will most likely drop out of school. The Ministry of Women, Family, and Community Development (MWFCD) has developed a National Strategy and Action Plan to End Child Marriage in 2019, although state-level opposition to a complete prohibition persists. Although Malaysia has implemented several measures to assist comprehensive sex education (CSE), their impact has been restricted by insufficient teacher training and the few hours dedicated to Sexual and Reproductive Health (SRH) within the school curriculum (UNICEF, 2019).

Disadvantages of Refugee Children

Refugee children are denied access to the formal education system; therefore, they access education via an informal parallel system of community-based learning centers. The main reason behind this is that all refugees are considered illegal in the country. The lack of legal work for refugees in the country prevents refugee families from earning sufficient income to provide for their children’s basic needs. Moreover, poverty and desperation lead families to allow their children to go out and earn income. Most of the refugee children are forced to beg on the streets (UNHCR, 2022). If there had been a chance for refugees to work legally and support their families adequately, refugee children would have attended school. 

According to the data given by UNCR; 44 percent of the refugee children aged 6 to 13 years enrolled in primary school, while this rate dropped drastically in secondary school to 16 percent. Of the 23,823 children that are of school-going age, only 30 percent are enrolled in community learning centers. Preprimary school attendance at the age of 3 to 5 is also only 14 percent. Learning centers are limited and not easily reachable by refugee children. In West Malaysia, there are only 133 learning centers for refugees (UNHCR, 2023).

The learning centers are mostly supported by UNCHR and non-governmental organizations. A most important contribution to non-formal education is made by Sekolah Komuniti Rohingya (SKR) and the United Arakan Institute Malaysia (UAIM) (Palik, 2020). These two community-based organizations are playing an important role for refugee children. Despite all these efforts, non-formal education is not valid for joining the labor force.

Malaysia is an important transit country for refugees. There are nearly 178,990 refugees and asylum seekers registered with UNCHR. 154,080 of them are from Myanmar, including 101,010 Rohingya. This shows the ethnic diversity of refugees coming from Myanmar to Malaysia. Rohingya refugees have been seeking to arrive in the country since the late 1990s. Unfortunately, there are neither refugee camps nor legal recognition of refugee status in Malaysia. Also, a total of 46,000 children refugees under the age of 18 have limited protection (Palik, 2020). 

Birthright citizenship is also not provided, which makes refugee children more vulnerable to having a formal education and joining the workforce in their adult lives. Even if getting a formal education is impossible, Rohingya refugees tend to send their female children to non-formal education centers due to their cultural and religious beliefs. Most parents would rather expect girls to accomplish housework at home than attend mixed education with boys.

Myanmar is forcing people to flee, and people in danger are seeking safety in other countries. Malaysia’s deportation of Myanmar asylum-seekers continues, and the remaining refugees still need status to access basic human services. The principle of non-refoulment is very important in international law and is binding on all states. 

At the same time, Malaysia is not a signatory to the 1951 Refugee Convention and its 1967 Protocol. Therefore, the country does not have a legal or administrative framework for managing refugees and has not set any mechanisms to protect and recognize asylum seekers and refugees in its territory.

Group of SMKBBA students and principal En Abdul Gaffar with Malaysian First Astronaut Dr Sheikh Muszaphar Shukor and Kapten Dr Faiz Khaleed. Photo by Wilson Liew.
Covid-19 Challenge

Due to the pandemic, education was disrupted, and the schools suffered from ongoing closings and reopenings. According to a UNICEF/UNFPA study of low-income urban families, 21% of children did not engage in any online learning during the Movement Control Period, while up to 45% failed to learn effectively due to limited access to electronic devices (UNICEF, 2020).  Migrant children and children with disabilities were even less likely to have engaged in effective remote learning, and that put a significant risk of school dropouts and rising educational disparities among different groups. 

Conclusion

Although Malaysia is a country with a growing economy, there are many aspects of the education sector that need improvement. The main problem in education in the country is that refugee children do not have the right to get a formal education. Without getting a formal education, refugee youngsters do not have a chance to enter the workforce. Also, the quality of education in the country has to be improved. The teacher has to be encouraged to get a higher and better education to be a better educator. The budget must be reallocated to eliminate the gap between urban and rural areas for equal education rights to be achieved. Despite the incentives made by the government in science, girls should be encouraged to enroll in engineering and science programs at university, since girls are better at math on exams. Social norms that put girls behind should be revised to build gender equality and a more qualified workforce for the future. Gender equality for boys is also assured by the government through the new campaigns. In this way, the school dropout rate for boys may be eliminated and girls’ success can be put forward. The growing economy of Malaysia mostly depends on its better-educated students entering the workforce.

References

Abu Bakar, A. Y. (2022). The Equal And Equitable Provision Of Primary School Education In Malaysia: Issues And Challenges. Journal of Positive School Psychology, 6(7), 2476-2485. https://journalppw.com/index.php/jpsp/article/view/11800/7639

Anderson, K., & Barrett, J. (2020, October 8). Situation Analysis of Adolescents in Malaysia. UNICEF. Retrieved July 1, 2023, from https://www.unicef.org/malaysia/media/1521/file/Situation%20Analysis%20of%20Adolescents%20in%20Malaysia.pdf

Asadullah, M. N. (2020, January). The Changing Status of Women in Malaysian Society.

The Malaysian Reserve. (2022, October 31). The education system needs urgent policy reform. Retrieved July 1, 2023, from https://themalaysianreserve.com/2022/10/31/education-system-needs-urgent-policy-reform/

Ministry of Education of Malaysia. (2018). 2017 Annual Report: Malaysia Education Blueprint 2013-2025. https://www.padu.edu.my/annual_report/2017/

OECD. (2019, December 3). Results from PISA 2018: Malaysia (2019). Retrieved July 1, 2023, from https://www.oecd.org/pisa/publications/PISA2018_CN_MYS.pdf

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Rosati, F. C. (2022). Can cash transfers reduce child labour? ZA World of Labor.

UNESCO. (2022). Education financing in Asia-Pacific. https://unesdoc.unesco.org/ark:/48223/pf0000383745

UNHCR. (2022, January 7). UNHCR responds to child begging cases allegedly involving refugee children. UNHCR. https://www.unhcr.org/my/news/unhcr-responds-child-begging-cases-allegedly-involving-refugee-children

UNHCR. (2023). Education in Malaysia. UNHCR. https://www.unhcr.org/my/education-malaysia

UNICEF. (2019). Country Office Annual Report 2019 Malaysia. UNICEF. https://www.unicef.org/media/90286/file/Malaysia-2019-COAR.pdf

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Yan-Li, S., & Sofian, S. (2018). A Preliminary Study on Leading Special Education in National Schools in Malaysia: Special Education Integrated Programme (SEI P). In The 5th National and 3rd International Conference on Education (NICE), 154-161.

            (Country Office Annual Report 2022 Malaysia – 2700, 2023)

Education Challenges in Hong Kong

Written by Gianna Chen

The sociocultural context of Hong Kong 

Hong Kong’s education system has undergone various influences. The colonization period by the British Empire after the Opium War introduced the English language as the medium of instruction (EMI). The four years of Japanese occupation transformed Hong Kong into the centre of international trade and further emerged as the centre of industry, business, and finance during the period between 1945 and 1997. Consequently, the population increase rapidly with migrants moving from mainland China and other South Asian countries such as the Philippines and Indonesia. Shortage of teachers, unequal distribution of resources and differences in education opportunities were shortly followed as a result. Since the handover of Hong Kong to the People’s Republic of China, the promotion of Chinese-medium instruction (CMI) in the school system has been introduced, alongside an increase in learning the Chinese language (Putonghua known as Mandarin) and culture. New problems occurred with a change in language policies and education reform after 1971, the appealing form of education that meets the needs and abilities of Cantonese-speaking students in the Chinese cultural context neglected ethnic minority students in the Education system.

Children learn about robotics. Photo by What The Fox Studio

The problem with the education system in Hong Kong 

The article further reveals the problem with Hong Kong’s education reform and the adoption of a new language policy since 1997. Given the background of Hong Kong’s diverse education system, different types of schools were introduced to support the cultural demand. There are three types of schools in Hong Kong recognized by the education bureau: Public local schools (aided schools) that are either operated by the government or by local charitable or religious organizations. Both adopted local curricula where Chinese lessons are mandatory for students, but they can be taught in either English or Chinese as a medium of instruction. However, education is provided free of charge only for Hong Kong permanent residents. Private schools that are not funded by the Hong Kong government or educational sector, provide students and parents with a language choice of English, Chinese/ English and Chinese; International schools on the other hand, have full autonomy in student admission, course content, tuition fees, and deliver curricula that are widely accepted in several countries, such as the International Baccalaureate program. It is a common choice for expatriate or English-speaking families living in Hong Kong. 

As of today, the issue of education inequality exists through different schooling systems, portraying social stratification through education opportunities, gender perception and mobility. Further calls for segregation and racial discrimination in society, limiting students’ future career prospects. Thus, by outlining the cause of unequal educational opportunities in Hong Kong, a wide range of recognition is needed to raise public awareness of Hong Kong’s education system. 

Inequalities in Education 

Education inequality not only includes opportunities to receive education, teaching recourses, faculty expenses, and continuation in participation, but the process of sustaining education opportunities should be equally desirable and concluded in the term. The educational reform in 1971 promoting 6 years of free primary education and the nine-year of compulsory education since 1978 has remarkably increased citizens’ literacy rates and life expectancy. However, while an escalation in the diffusion of education can be seen, quality and education opportunities continue to grow a gap in different groups. For instance, the 6 years of free primary education only applies to Hong Kong permanent residents with a limited number of positions open due to insufficient teaching faculties. Hence, competition rises between government-funded primary and secondary schools. Those who did not get into public local schools choose private or international schools as an alternative. Nonetheless, the quality of education differs between different types of schools. Since private schools are profit-oriented, it is often found that the teaching qualities are lower compared to public schools and international schools. Results in students from public schools or international schools having a sense of superiority among other students, enhancing education differences via grouping and alienation based on different schools and curricula. Therefore, the current contradiction in Hong Kong’s educational reform helps some children move up but keeps others on lower tracks and socializes them to blame for their own lack of success to themselves. 

On the other hand, Hong Kong’s colonial culture enforces the idea of the English language as a medium of Instruction that is more beneficial for the reason that it was presented as ‘high culture’ used by members of the dominant class. As an example, the children of high-level government servants were often exposed to situations where they have to interact with colonials through English. Accordingly, students from the dominant class are more likely to do well on examinations and graduate from upper secondary schools and go on to universities. Another social factor that contributed to this fraction is family background. It is evident that the higher the socioeconomic status of the student’s family, the higher his or her academic achievements would be. On that account, the stratification of students in different school systems prolonged the capitalist society into levels of hierarchy, where workers’ children will have lower expectations in their world-view compared to upper-level workers’ children, who will position themselves in a higher innovative position and have richer expectations of themselves. More importantly, due to an influx of migrants from the mainland after the Civil War, newly arrived children (NAC) were a large proportion of the education system. However, most NAC are deprived of fair access to equal opportunity in schooling in EMI schools for the reason that their English level was too weak, hence, they have a hard time catching up with the Hong Kongers. Prevails an averaging issue when they do not have the ability to move on to the next educational level. 

Influence of education reform and policy change 

The immediate problem after the education reform in 1971 is the increase in the number of enrolments. Nine years of compulsory education prompt a rise in schools and faculty demand. The government of Hong Kong heavily rely on opening new public schools and private schools to meet the requirement. However, due to the fact that there was never a consistent pedagogical education in the history of Hong Kong, not only there is a shortage of teaching staff, but stability in the quality of teaching is also questionable. Most teachers do not have any qualifications in teaching but merely obtained a graduate degree in secondary or college degree Moreover, it pours a great amount of stress on the teaching staff, generating mental health problems in the early stages of the reform. Despite this fact, starting from 1982 onwards, faculty training slowly begins to catch up, raising qualifications to become a teacher. While the problem begins to compromise, the new language policy after the handover in 1997 induces new challenges.

The adoption of the Chinese-oriented language policy in 1997 aimed to promote the national language in the education system under a Chinese cultural context. The majority of students are required to attend Chinese-medium schools in which English is taught as a language subject. Regarding ethnic minorities, which consist nearly 9% of Hong Kong’s population, it became harder to gain proper education in mainstream schools. On top of that, the system of designated schools, which were designated for ethnic minorities in primary and secondary education, was abolished in 2013 for the reason to boost the multicultural educational environment in Hong Kong. Chinese language learning opportunities in former designated schools were limited, therefore the abolishment act strengthens racial discrimination encountered by ethnic minorities. Considering all students in local schools must pass every Chinese examination to advance to the next grade, the lack of opportunity to study Chinese has deprived ethnic minorities of the chance to develop an interest in learning the Chinese language. While private and international schools could be an alternative for admissions, the average tuition fee of over HKD100,000 is hardly a reasonable choice for most parents and immigrant families. This subsequently leads to ethnic minorities being marginalized in the Hong Kong education curriculum. As a result, more young people from ethnic minorities were getting denied in mainstream schools and were getting involved in gangs, creating social segregation from a lack of education attainability. 

Inclusive education. Photo by The Hong Kong Society for the Deaf.

Gender Inequality 

Nevertheless, while language is becoming a barrier to reaching equal education opportunities, gender segregation has endured since the very beginning. Even though the six years of free primary education and the nine years of compulsory education have reduced family burden and influenced gender to raise education opportunities for women, family’s socioeconomic background and ‘gender segregation’ still manifest limitations for women to achieve equal academic recognition. The traditional gender value in terms of “men outside of the home, women inside” has modelled students’ gender cognition since they were young. After secondary education, gender segregation was enhanced from the subjects they choose. It is widely agreed upon in society that girls should study liberal arts, and boys should study science. The restriction of choices later on influences their advanced studies, career path and societal status. The recognition of their role was further strengthened through literature such as examples from their textbook, sexual division of labour at school, reinforcement of female quality as obedience, passive and quiet, and separation of gender in physical education classes. The stereotyping of gender roles and the unequal sexual structure in education enlarges academic achievement between men, women and third genders. Ignoring gender education as part of the curriculum, especially towards helping students to form their own self-image and realize their potential. 

Recommendations for solutions 

As an ending remark, the inequality in Hong Kong’s education system could be improved from three different aspects. To sustain the process of education opportunities provided to students, individual-level development is the keystone to the issue. Personal qualities, mutual understanding, humanitarianism and inclusivity should be addressed and respected in the system of teaching, learning and examination. On the curriculum level, more flexible language learning subjects should be adopted into the education structure. Provide ethnic minorities and newly arrived children with language support to give them equal chances in learning abilities. On top of that, neutralization in gender education is consequential to shorten the gap of gender segregation, and encourage equal opportunities for both girls and boys to find the subjects they desire and are passionate about. In addition to language and gender curriculum, recommendations on a structure level are essential, for instance, a more flexible public examination for the compulsory academic subjects, and diversity in teaching staff and faculty members are needed to approach social justice and equality. 

References

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胡惠闵王鉴君(1997). 香港师范教育的沿革与面临的问题 (Vol. 15, Issue 2). 华东师范大学学报（教育科学版）.

C. Stella. (2012) The Hong Kong policy of quality education for all: a multi-level analysis of its impacts on newly arrived children, International Journal of Inclusive Education, 16:3, 235-247, DOI: 10.1080/13603116.2010.481430.

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Hung, J. et al. (2019) Racism in Hong Kong: The Failure of Race Discrimination Ordinance in Educational Settings, ippr.com. Available at: https://ippr-journal.com/2019/01/23/racism-in-hong-kong-the-failure-of-race-discrimination-ordinance-in-educational-settings-2/ (Accessed: 24 July 2023).

Stephen Evans et al. (2007) Why EAP is necessary: A survey of hong kong tertiary students, Journal of English for Academic Purposes. Available at: https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/abs/pii/S1475158506000634 (Accessed: 24 July 2023).

Uphill struggle for Hong Kong’s ethnic minority to learn Chinese (2022) Young Post. Available at: https://www.scmp.com/yp/discover/news/hong-kong/article/3187252/hong-kongs-ethnic-minority-students-face-uphill-battle (Accessed: 24 July 2023).

Educational Challenges in Nepal

Written by Ximeng Zhang

Located on the southern slopes of the Himalayan Mountains, combined with a vibrant culture and rich history, Nepal is known as a country with never-ending peace and love. However, such a beautiful country was only rated as a lower-middle-income country by the World Bank in its newest country classifications by income level. To achieve its aim of achieving middle-income status by 2030, education is of paramount importance. According to the data collected by the World Bank, Nepal has come a long way to raise its adult literacy rate from 21% in 1981 to 71% in 2021 and its youth literacy rate from 30% in 1981 to 94% in 2021. However, despite the promising increase, educational challenges persist in Nepal, hindering its national progress in providing accessible and quality education to its citizens.

Historical Background

Education in Nepal has a long history, starting from the time of the Gurukula system, where learning was based on apprenticeship. British colonial rule in Nepal brought significant changes to the education system, leading to the establishment of modern schools. Following independence, the Nepalese government implemented reforms such as compulsory education and the creation of teacher training institutions. In 1853, the Durbar School was established, which marked the start of formal schooling. During the Rana regime (1846–1951), education was confined to the ruling class, as it was seen as a threat to the autocratic regime. Nepal witnessed the expansion of its education system after the fall of the Rana dynasty and the transition to democratic governance in the 1950s. Later, in the 1960s, the introduction of compulsory education made primary education (grades 1–8) free and mandatory for all children. In the 1980s, the government extended the policy of free education to the secondary level (lower secondary education: grades 9 and 10, and upper secondary education: grades 10 and 11). In the 1990s, several universities were established, expanding access to higher education throughout Nepal.

Students in grade 6 at Shree Dharmasthali Lower Secondary School, Pokhara, Nepal. Photo by Jim Holmes for AusAID

Underlying Barriers 

Despite the progress and efforts made by the government, the education system still faces a set of challenges that result from a set of barriers, namely sociocultural barriers, financial barriers, and infrastructural barriers.

Sociocultural barriers

In Nepali society, discrimination based on gender and caste is deeply rooted. Nowadays, sons are still preferred over girls for a lot of Nepali families. Beyond this, early marriage and the idea that girls are viewed as someone else’s property all hinder education for girls, while in reality, “investing in girls’ education transforms communities, countries, and the entire world”, Although Nepal declared caste-based discrimination unconstitutional in 1951 and criminalized discriminatory practices in 1991, caste-based discrimination persists despite the above-mentioned legislative countermeasures. The worst case is for girls and young women belonging to disadvantaged caste groups, as they suffer from intersectionality. 

Besides, language, as a result of culture, also appears to be a barrier to education. According to the most recent Nepal Census in 2011, there are 123 languages spoken as mother tongue; among them, Nepali is spoken as mother tongue by 44.6% of the population. According to data collected in 2017, only 24 languages are utilized for the development and publication of textbooks at the basic education level, indicating that students whose mother tongue is not one of the 24 languages are disadvantaged.

Financial barriers

Although the Nepali government has made secondary education free, the allocated funds are not sufficient to cover the needed funds. Between stopping student enrollment and raising funds from the guardian, some public schools choose to raise funds from the guardian. There are other hidden costs, such as those related to school uniforms, bags, stationery, Fuor other supplies. In such a way, poverty becomes a barrier to education.

Infrastructural Barriers

The school facilities in Nepal are not sufficient to meet the privacy and safety needs of girls. According to the data collected by UNICEF in 2018, “Twenty percent of government schools lack improved water and sanitation facilities, with an additional 19 percent lacking separate toilets for girls and boys and menstrual hygiene management facilities”.

Moreover, the quality of education and quantity of schools in Nepal are highly uneven. The disparities in teacher-student ratios across Nepal are major and generally high, resulting in overcrowded classrooms and an inability to provide child-centered and quality education. The lack of well-trained teachers also leads to poor-quality education. Besides, inadequate school monitoring also makes it hard to ensure quality education.

Further, as observed by Human Rights Watch, children with disabilities face various forms of obstacles to inclusive education. The physical accessibility of most schools is rather limited, making it hard for children with disabilities to enter school, classrooms, and toilets. Children with disabilities are not well accommodated, as aides to support children in need to participate in mainstream education are far from enough. There is no academic curriculum for children with intellectual disabilities. There is also a lack of reasonable accommodations for examinations.

Persisting Challenges 

As a result of the above-described barriers, the Ministry of Education, Science, and Technology in Nepal, which manages the Nepali education system, admits in its School Education Sector Plan (2022/23-2031/32) that: 

  • “The education system of Nepal faces a number of challenges, often similar to those encountered by other developing countries. For example, in terms of access and participation, 4.9 percent of children aged 5–12 years remain out of school as they are unable to access basic education. Challenges remain in completion, with 76.6 percent completing basic education.”
  • “The enrollment of children with disabilities remains far below the proportion in their respective total populations.”
  • “A large proportion of out-of-school and dropout children and those who repeat classis made up of the poorest, most vulnerable children and children with disabilities, concentrated in certain regions of the country.
  • “The lack of adequate, competent, and motivated teachers in schools poses a major further challenge in terms of improving the quality of learning.
  • “Some of the problems that have been observed are lack of effective and robust coordination and cooperation mechanisms and accountability systems between the Federal Government, Provincial Governments and Local Levels; lack of adequate human resources and capacity for education planning and implementation at Local Level; lack of strong leadership of the head teacher in school; lack of an effective system of accountability for student learning.

Way Forward

To tackle these barriers and challenges and to develop an education system where citizens can enjoy the right to acquire relevant and quality education comparable to regional and international standards, the Ministry of Education, Science, and Technology has set objectives to develop an accessible and qualified education system for all children and an effective monitoring, coordinating, and collaborating system. Besides, the ministry also set an objective to strengthen alternative pathways in education. The objectives are supported by a series of strategies.

To conclude, through the decades, the education system of Nepal has changed tremendously, and Nepal has indeed made tremendous efforts regarding increasing the literacy of its citizens. However, Nepal still faces several forms of barriers and challenges, which are admitted by the Ministry of Education, Science, and Technology. Such barriers and challenges include deep-rooted discrimination based on gender and caste, insufficient accommodation for people with different mother tongues, poverty-related difficulties, low quality of education, a lack of basic infrastructure for girls and children with disabilities in school, as well as a lack of a school monitoring and accountability system. To address these obstacles and difficulties, the Ministry of Education, Science, and Technology has set a set of objectives and strategies to achieve its vision and mission.

1 The World Bank, World Bank Group country classifications by income level for FY24 (July 1, 2023-June, 30 2024), (https://blogs.worldbank.org/opendata/new-world-bank-group-country-classifications-income-level-fy24), last visited 23-07-2023.

2 The World Bank, Literacy rate, adult total (% of people ages 15 and above), Nepal, (https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/SE.ADT.LITR.ZS?end=2021&locations=NP&name_desc=false&start=1981&view=chart); Literacy rate, youth total (% of people ages 15-24), Nepal, (https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/SE.ADT.1524.LT.ZS?end=2021&locations=NP&name_desc=false&start=1981&view=chart), last visited 23-07-2023.

3 Educational System in Nepal: Structure, Challenges and Solutions, (https://www.collegenp.com/article/education-system-in-nepal/#:~:text=Challenges%20faced%20by%20the%20Education%20System%20in%20Nepal%3A&text=One%20of%20the%20biggest%20challenges,and%20development%20are%20also%20lacking), last visited 23-07-2023.

4 R. P. Ghimire, Education Reforms in Nepal: Rhetoric or Reality (January 2005), (https://www.researchgate.net/publication/257142350_Education_Reforms_in_Nepal_Rhetoric_or_Reality), last visited 23-07-2023.

5 Id.

6 Education International Research, Nepal Education FACT SHEET (June 2023), (https://www.ei-ie.org/en/item/27739:nepal-education-fact-sheet), last visited 23-07-2023.

7 Educational System in Nepal: Structure, Challenges and Solutions.

8 P. Neupane, Policy Framework for Education Development in Nepal, International Education Studies, Vol.13, No.1,(2020).

9 J. B. Sapkota, D. B. Paudel, P. Neupane, & R.B. Thapa,. Preference for sex of children among women in Nepal. Global Social Welfare, 6(2), 69-78. https://doi.org/10.1007/s40609-018-0117-9(2019).

10 UNICEF, Girl’s education, Gender equality in education benefits every child, (https://www.unicef.org/education/girls-education), last visited 23-07-2023.

11 OHCHR, Opening the Door to Equality: Access to Justice for Dalits in Nepal (2011), (https://nepal.ohchr.org/en/resources/Documents/English/reports/HCR/2011_12_07_Opening_the_Door_to_Equality_E.pdf|)

12 P. Neupane, Policy Framework for Education Development in Nepal, International Education Studies, Vol.13, No.1,(2020)

13 Id.

14 Government of Nepal, National Population and Housing Census 2011 (National Report), (https://unstats.un.org/unsd/demographic-social/census/documents/Nepal/Nepal-Census-2011-Vol1.pdf).

15 Ministry of Education, Science and Technology [MOEST]. (2017). Education in figures 2017 (At a glance report). MOEST, Singhdurbar, Kathmandu (https://nepalindata.com/media/resources/items/20/bEducation_in_Figures_2017.pdf).

16 B. Ghimire, School education in free but public schools are forced to raise fee, (https://kathmandupost.com/national/2022/08/28/school-education-is-free-but-public-schools-are-forced-to-raise-fee), last visited 23-07-2023.

17 United Nations General Assembly, Visit to Nepal, Report of the Special Rapporteur on extreme poverty and human rights, Oliver De Schutter, UN doc. A/HRC/50/38/Add.2 (2022).

18 UNICEF, Water and Sanitation (WASH), (https://www.unicef.org/nepal/water-and-sanitation-wash#:~:text=Twenty%20per%20cent%20of%20government,and%20menstrual%20hygiene%20management%20facilities), last visited 23-07-2023.

19 UNICEF, Nepal Case Study, Situation Analysis on the Effects of and Responses to COVID-19 on the Education Sector in Asia (2021), (https://www.unicef.org/rosa/media/16616/file/Nepal%20Case%20Study%20.pdf).

20 Educational System in Nepal: Structure, Challenges and Solutions.

21 UNICEF, Nepal Case Study.

22 Human Rights Watch, Nepal: Barriers to Inclusive Education, (https://www.hrw.org/news/2018/09/13/nepal-barriers-inclusive-education), last visited 23-07-2023.

23 Ministry of Education, Science and Technology, Nepal School Education Sector Plan, (https://moest.gov.np/upload_file/files/post/1668690227_1997409338_Nepal%20School%20Education%20Sector%20Plan%20final%202022%20.pdf)

References

Ilham Tohti: An Activist Smiling in the Face of Injustice (Urdu)

الہام توہتی،* بیجنگ منزو یونیورسٹی میں ایغور نسل کے سابق معاشیات کے پروفیسر، جنہیں حال ہی میں گارڈین نے ‘چین کا منڈیلا’ کہا ہے، کو 14 جنوری 2014 کو علیحدگی پسندی، نسلی منافرت کو ہوا دینے اور دہشت گردانہ سرگرمیوں کی حمایت کرنے کے الزام میں حراست میں لیا گیا تھا۔ چینی حکومتی پالیسیوں پر کھلی تنقید۔ اس کی گرفتاری کے بعد، 17 اور 18 ستمبر 2014 کے درمیان دو روزہ شو ٹرائل، جس کی وجہ سے اس کی مذمت اور عمر قید کی سزا ہوئی، بہت سے غیر ملکیوں کے ساتھ ساتھ ملکی مبصرین، دوستوں اور تنظیموں کے لیے ایک بڑا صدمہ تھا جنہوں نے الہام کی حمایت کی۔ اقلیتی ایغوروں کی خودمختاری، لسانی، ثقافتی اور مذہبی حقوق کا دفاع کرنے کے لیے ان کی نمایاں، دھمکی آمیز اور سب سے اہم سرگرمی۔ اویغور ترک زبان بولنے والے اور عام طور پر مسلم گروہ ہیں، جو زیادہ تر سنکیانگ ایغور خود مختار علاقے (اب سے XUAR) میں آباد ہیں۔ الہام کو ‘اویغور لوگوں کا ضمیر’ کہا جاتا ہے۔

Background

الہام کی سرگرمی 1994 میں اس وقت شروع ہوئی جب اس نے XUAR میں ایغوروں کی طرف سے ہونے والی خلاف ورزیوں کے بارے میں لکھنا شروع کیا۔ 2006 میں، اس نے آن لائن توجہ اس وقت مبذول کرائی جب اس نے اور دیگر اسکالرز نے uighurbiz.org پر ویب سائیٹ ‘Uyghur Online’ کی مشترکہ بنیاد رکھی۔ یہ ویب سائٹ چینی زبان کا پلیٹ فارم تھا جو ایغور اقلیت اور ہان چینیوں کے درمیان جاری تقسیم کو ختم کرنے کی کوشش کرتا تھا۔ پلیٹ فارم نے بنیادی طور پر ایک جگہ کے طور پر کام کیا جس پر الہام ایغور آواز کو ملکی اور بین الاقوامی سطح پر سنا سکتا تھا۔ اس میں یہ بتایا گیا کہ کس طرح اویغوروں کی حالت زار میں یہ محسوس ہوتا ہے کہ وہ کس طرح عام معاشرے کی طرف سے حقارت کی نگاہ سے دیکھتے ہیں اور چینی حکومت نے سماجی و اقتصادی ترقی کے حوالے سے انہیں بھلا دیا ہے۔ الہام ہان کو ایک کھلے، پرامن اور عقلی پلیٹ فارم پر مدعو کرے گا تاکہ ان کے مختلف خیالات پر بحث اور بحث کی جا سکے کیونکہ، جیسا کہ اس نے زور دیا، ہان ایغوروں کے دشمن نہیں تھے، باوجود اس کے کہ ان کے ساتھ امتیازی اور اکثر متشدد رویہ اختیار کیا جاتا ہے۔

اپنی ویب سائٹ کے ذریعے، الہام نے ایک پرامن اور جامع نقطہ نظر کو فروغ دیا اور کبھی بھی تشدد کو اکسایا یا اس کی حوصلہ افزائی نہیں کی۔ وہ حکومتی قوانین یا شہری معاشرے میں موجود بنیادی معاہدوں سے تصادم کے بارے میں محتاط تھا۔ تاہم، ویب سائٹ نے چینی حکومت کے غصے کو اپنی طرف متوجہ کرنا شروع کر دیا، جس نے پہلی بار جون 2008 میں چین کے اولمپک گیمز کی میزبانی سے قبل ویب سائٹ کو بند کر دیا۔ حکومت نے بند کی وجہ اس بنیاد پر دی کہ اس نے بیرون ملک مقیم نام نہاد اویغور انتہا پسندوں سے روابط کو عام کیا۔ XUAR کے دارالحکومت ارومچی میں بڑے نسلی فسادات، اور 5 جولائی 2009 کو اسلام کے زیادہ جارحانہ مطالعہ سے متاثر دہشت گردانہ حملوں کے نتیجے میں تقریباً 200 لوگ مارے گئے، 18,000 کو حراست میں لیا گیا، اور 34 سے 37 کے درمیان لاپتہ ہوئے۔ اس کے بعد الہام نے اس واقعے کے بارے میں کھل کر بات کی اور غائب رہنے والوں کے نام اور چہرے شائع کیے، جس کے نتیجے میں اسے 14 جولائی کو تقریباً پانچ ہفتوں تک گھر میں نظربند رکھا گیا اور بعد ازاں بین الاقوامی دباؤ کے بعد اسے رہا کر دیا گیا۔

ایک اور اہم لمحہ اس وقت آیا جب الہام اور اس کی بیٹی، جیور، امریکہ جانے والی فلائٹ میں سوار ہونے کے لیے ہوائی اڈے پر تھے کیونکہ الہام کو انڈیانا یونیورسٹی میں بطور وزٹنگ اسکالر پوزیشن لینا تھی۔ اسے حکام نے روکا، مارا پیٹا، حراست میں لیا اور جیور کو اکیلے امریکہ جانے والی پرواز میں دیکھا۔ اس واقعے نے الہام کی کہانی کے عروج کو نشان زد کیا۔ اکتوبر 2013 میں، ایک اویغور خاندان نے اپنی جیپ کو تیانان مین اسکوائر کے جنگشوئی پل پر ٹکر مار دی تھی، جس میں آگ لگ گئی تھی۔ چینی حکومت نے اسے ایک دہشت گردانہ حملہ قرار دیا، جس کے نتیجے میں الہام نے برطانیہ، فرانس اور امریکہ کے غیر ملکی میڈیا پر اپنی مرئیت بڑھا دی، اور 2 نومبر کو ‘سیاسی پولیس اہلکاروں’ نے الہام کی کار پر حملہ کیا جب وہ جا رہا تھا۔ ہوائی اڈے اپنی ماں کو لینے کے لیے۔ حکام نے تشدد اور دھمکیوں کا استعمال کیا، اگر اس نے غیر ملکی میڈیا سے بات کرنا بند نہیں کیا تو اس کے خاندان کی جان کو خطرہ ہے۔ الہام پر اپنی آواز کے خدشات کو ختم کرنے کے لیے دباؤ ڈالنے کے بعد، اس نے اپنے ذاتی دوستوں سے اپنی حفاظت کے بارے میں تشویش کا اظہار کرنا شروع کر دیا اور، کسی حد تک، ریڈیو فری ایشیا کے ایغور سروس کے رپورٹر، میھرے عبدلیم کو ٹیلی فون پر بیان دیتے ہوئے، اس نگرانی میں۔ ریاستی سیکورٹی ایجنٹس کی طرف سے اس پر بڑھتے ہوئے جذبات میں اضافہ ہوا اور ایسا محسوس ہوا جیسے جلد ہی اس کی آواز خاموش ہو جائے گی۔ اس تشویش کی بنیاد پر، اس نے اپنے آخری الفاظ کو حراست میں لینے کے بعد ہی ریکارڈ کرنے اور شائع کرنے کو کہا۔

Arrest, violations, and a show trial

جنوری 2014 میں، 20 کے قریب پولیس اہلکاروں نے بیجنگ میں الہام کے اپارٹمنٹ پر چھاپہ مارا اور اسے اس کے دو چھوٹے بچوں کے سامنے مارا۔ انہوں نے اسے حراست میں لے لیا اور اس کی ویب سائٹ کو مستقل طور پر بند کر دیا۔ اگلے دن، چینی وزارت خارجہ کے ترجمان، ہانگ لی نے وضاحت کی کہ انہیں ‘مجرمانہ طور پر حراست میں لیا گیا’۔ اس کی حراست کے الزامات کا انکشاف فروری میں اس وقت ہوا جب بیورو آف پبلک سیکیورٹی نے ‘علیحدگی پسندی’ – ایک مبہم اکاؤنٹ جو سزائے موت کی اجازت دیتا ہے – اور اس کی ویب سائٹ سے پیروکاروں کو بھرتی کرنے کے لیے اس کی باقاعدہ گرفتاری کا اعلان کیا۔ اس کی گرفتاری نے اس بنیاد پر الہام کی حمایت کی ایک لہر کو جنم دیا کہ اس نے XUAR کی آزادی کے مطالبات کے خلاف بظاہر بحث کی تھی اور وہ اس خطے کے حق میں تھا جو چین کا ایک حصہ رہ گیا تھا۔. ویب سائٹ فارن پالیسی نے الہام کے کئی ذخیرہ شدہ مضامین پر ان کا تجزیہ ان کے ثبوتی ریکارڈ کے حصے کے طور پر شائع کیا، اور کہیں بھی انہیں علیحدگی یا آزادی کا کوئی براہ راست یا بالواسطہ اظہار نہیں ملا۔ الہام کو پانچ ماہ تک نامعلوم مقام پر رکھا گیا، اسے خاندان یا دوستوں سے کسی بھی قسم کے رابطے سے روک دیا گیا، اور 26 جون تک اپنے وکیل لی فانگ پنگ سے ملنے سے روک دیا گیا، جب لی نے اطلاع دی کہ الہام کو پہلے 20 دنوں کے دوران بیڑیوں میں جکڑا گیا تھا۔ اسے حراست میں لیا گیا اور مارچ کے پہلے 10 دنوں تک حلال کھانے سے انکار کر دیا گیا۔ یہ کارروائیاں بین الاقوامی قانون کی خلاف ورزی ہیں اور دلیل کے طور پر ظالمانہ، غیر انسانی، توہین آمیز سلوک یا سزا کے دائرہ کار میں آتی ہیں۔ بہت سے لوگ یقین رکھتے ہیں اور ڈرتے ہیں کہ الہام نے ممکنہ طور پر اذیتیں برداشت کی ہوں گی۔

الہام نے اپنی جلد بازی اور غیر منصفانہ آزمائش کے آٹھ ماہ کے بعد صرف اپنے خاندان کو دیکھا۔ اسے 23 ستمبر تک قصوروار پایا گیا اور عمر قید کی سزا سنائی گئی، لیکن وہ اپنے خلاف لگائے گئے تمام الزامات سے انکار کرتا ہے۔ مقدمے کی سماعت کے دوران، پراسیکیوٹرز نے کہا کہ الہام اپنی کلاسوں میں دہشت گردوں کو ہیرو کے طور پر پیش کر رہا تھا، ‘اویغور سوال’ کو بین الاقوامی شکل دے رہا تھا، اور طالب علم کی شہادتوں کا استعمال کر رہا تھا جن کے بارے میں یہ خیال کیا جاتا ہے کہ اسے زبردستی حاصل کیا گیا ہے۔ الہام کی گرفتاری کے بعد کچھ طالب علموں کو جبری پٹیوں کی تلاشی کا سامنا کرنا پڑا، انہیں حراست میں لے لیا گیا، اور کچھ طویل عرصے تک لاپتہ رہے، اس طرح استغاثہ کی جانب سے ایک مجرمانہ مقدمہ بنانے کی کوشش کو اجاگر کیا گیا جس میں یہ الزام لگایا گیا تھا کہ الہام وہ پرامن شخص نہیں تھا جس نے خود کو ظاہر کیا تھا۔ اس کے بجائے چینی سیکورٹی کی نظر میں خطرناک تھا اور اسے بند کر کے خاموش ہونا پڑا۔

Behind Ilham’s struggle

لیکن الہام توحی کا معاملہ دراصل کیا ہے؟ عوامی جمہوریہ چین (PRC) کے قیام کے بعد سے ہی ایغور-ہان کشیدگی موجود ہے، وقتاً فوقتاً بدامنی پھیلتی رہتی ہے اور اویغوروں کے خلاف سخت پالیسیاں شروع ہوتی ہیں، خاص طور پر مارچ 2013 میں شی جن پنگ کے حکومت سنبھالنے کے بعد اور بعد میں۔ اسی سال دسمبر میں XUAR کے لیے ‘عظیم الشان اسٹریٹجک پلان’ کی نقاب کشائی کی، جس میں الہام نے خدشات کا اظہار کیا کہ ایغوروں پر دباؤ بڑھنے والا ہے۔ چینی حکومت نے اس مسئلے کو ‘اویغور سوال’ یا ‘سنکیانگ مسئلہ’ کے طور پر تشکیل دیا ہے جسے انہوں نے سینیفیکیشن کے عمل کے ذریعے حل کرنے کی کوشش کی ہے، جو چینی تاریخ میں کئی صدیوں سے موجود ہے اور اس میں انضمام کو فروغ دینے کی بجائے انضمام.[i] بعد ازاں اس نے ہان چینیوں کو ان پالیسیوں کے ذریعے خطے میں ہجرت کرنے کی ترغیب دی جو ایغوروں پر ہان کی حمایت کرتی تھیں، اور جس کے نتیجے میں سماجی و اقتصادی ترقی میں عدم توازن پیدا ہوا۔ الہام چین کی سنسر شپ ٹیکنالوجی اور قوانین کے استعمال کا شکار ہوا، جہاں آج سینا ویبو کی ٹویٹر جیسی ایپ پر ایک پوسٹ بھی اس کے مصنف کو جیل بھیج سکتی ہے اگر وہ بظاہر چینی حکومت پر تنقید کرتا ہے۔ الہام کی قید ثابت کرتی ہے کہ چینی حکومت ایغوروں اور ہان کے درمیان پل کو تسلیم نہیں کرتی۔ مارچ 2014 میں کنمنگ ٹرین اسٹیشن میں ہان چینیوں پر اویغوروں کے مبینہ دہشت گردانہ حملے کے جواب میں، حکومت نے ‘دہشت گردی کے خلاف عوامی جنگ’ کا اعلان کیا اور 2014 کے دوران علماء، کارکنوں، صحافیوں، مصنفین اور انسانی حقوق کے وکلاء کو نشانہ بنایا۔. بنیادی تضاد یہ ہے کہ انٹرنیٹ انسانوں کو جغرافیائی، سماجی، ثقافتی اور لسانی سرحدوں سے جوڑنے کے لیے بنیادی ٹول کے طور پر کام کرتا ہے اور جس پر آج کی تجارت اور مواصلات کا زیادہ تر حصہ ہوتا ہے۔ اس کے بجائے، چینی حکومت کی ‘عظیم فائر وال’ غیر ملکی مواد کے استعمال کو چین میں داخل ہونے سے روکتی ہے اور چین کی تصویر، مفادات اور پالیسیوں کے منظور شدہ بیانیے کے مطابق ڈیجیٹل مواد کو سنسر اور کنٹرول کرنے کے لیے انٹرنیٹ کو ایک بلڈجوننگ ٹول کے طور پر استعمال کرتی ہے، جو کہ اس کے پھیلاؤ کو مجرم قرار دیتی ہے۔ ‘افواہیں’ آن لائن اور سیاسی رائے یا بیانات کا اشتراک کرنے والے کسی بھی آن لائن اکاؤنٹ کے لیے پہلے سے رجسٹریشن کی شرط قائم کرنا۔.

اس تحریر کے مصنف کے طور پر، اور بروکن چاک میں اپنے ساتھیوں کے ساتھ، میں الہام توہتی اور ان جیسے بہت سے دوسرے لوگوں کی المناک کہانی سے گہرا تعلق محسوس کرتا ہوں کیونکہ میرا بھی ایک ذاتی بلاگ ہے جہاں میں موجودہ عالمی کے بارے میں اپنے خدشات پر بات کرتا ہوں۔ معاملات جس طرح سے الہام نے اپنے ‘برج بلاگ’ کے ذریعے اظہار رائے کی آزادی کا استعمال کیا، وہ کوئی جرم نہیں ہے، اور نہ ہی اسے بلاجواز طور پر الہام کو دہشت گردی کا حامی، منشیات فروش، ہتھیار بیچنے والا، یا ایک امریکی ایجنٹ قرار دینا چاہیے۔ اس نے واقعی اویغور اور ہان کو بات چیت میں مشغول کرنے، ان کے اختلافات کو نظر انداز کرنے اور عام لوگوں کی طرح زیادہ متحد ہونے کی کوشش کی۔. اس نے اویغوروں کے بارے میں دوسروں کو تعلیم دینے کے پرامن اور باخبر طریقے استعمال کرنے کا انتخاب کیا جو اس بیانیے کی مخالفت کرتے ہیں جو انہیں دہشت گرد، برائی، اور چینی معاشرے کی بنیادوں کے لیے سلامتی کے خطرات سے دوچار کرتا ہے۔ اس کے بجائے، وہ XUAR میں نسلی ایغوروں کے لیے ایک سیاسی شہید بن گیا، جس نے انسانی حقوق اور آزادیوں کا دفاع کرنے اور اسے وسعت دینے کے لیے متعدد ایوارڈز حاصل کیے، اور ایک ایسی روشنی جو 2017 سے چین کے حراستی کیمپوں میں ایغوروں کو درپیش نازک صورتحال پر روشنی ڈالتی رہی، جہاں انسانی حقوق کی بے شمار خلاف ورزیاں مار پیٹ، تشدد، عصمت دری، قتل، جبری مشقت اور ایغور خواتین کی نس بندی کی شکل اختیار کر لیتی ہیں۔

آخر کار، الہام کو ایک باشعور اور بہادر کے طور پر یاد کیا جاتا ہے اور چینی حکام کی ناانصافیوں اور دھمکیوں کے سامنے سر اٹھاتے ہوئے، نسلی ایغوروں کے لیے لڑنے کے لیے ایک مہم اور عزم کے ساتھ یاد کیا جاتا ہے۔

* To read and learn more about Ilham Tohti, there is a recent publication named ‘We Uyghurs Have No Say: An Imprisoned Writer Speaks’ (Verso Books). It is a series of collected essays and articles by Ilham prior to his detention. A paperback and eBook version are available at: https://bit.ly/3wiP6Mv

Written by Karl Baldacchino

Edited by Olga Ruiz Pilato

Translated by Mahnoor Tariq from https://brokenchalk.org/ilham-tohti-an-activist-smiling-in-the-face-of-injustice/

Sources;

[i] Kennedy, H. (2022) ‘We Uyghur’s Have No Say by Ilham Tohti Review – A People Ignored’. The Guardian. Available online from: https://www.theguardian.com/books/2022/mar/09/we-uyghurs-have-no-say-ilham-tohti-review-background-genocide-china [Accessed on 20/03/2022].

[ii] Makinen, J. (2014) ‘China’s Detention of Uighur Professor Ilham Tohti Worries U.S.’. Los Angeles Times. Available online from: https://www.latimes.com/world/worldnow/la-fg-wn-china-detention-professor-20140117-story.html#axzz2qljh0LfJ [Accessed on 19/03/2022]; see also Wong, E. (2014) ‘Uighur Scholar Ilham Tohti Goes in Trial in China on Separatist Charges’. The New York Times. Available online from: https://www.nytimes.com/2014/09/18/world/asia/separatism-trial-of-ilham-tohti-uighur-scholar-begins-in-china.html?_r=0 [Accessed on 19/03/2022]; see also Wertime, D. (2014) ‘An Internet Where Nobody Says Anything’. China File. Available online from: https://www.chinafile.com/reporting-opinion/media/internet-where-nobody-says-anything [Accessed on 19/03/2022]; see also Amnesty International, ‘Academicus Ilham Tohti: Levenslang Gevangengezet’. Available online from: https://www.amnesty.nl/wat-we-doen/themas/sport-en-mensenrechten/ilham-tohti [Accessed on 19/03/2022]; see also Denyer, S. & Rauhala, E. (2016) ‘To Beijing’s Dismay, Jailed Uighur Scholar Winds Human Rights Award’. The Washington Post. Available online from: https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/to-beijings-dismay-jailed-uighur-scholar-wins-human-rights-award/2016/10/11/d07dff8c-8f85-11e6-81c3-fb2fde4e7164_story.html [Accessed on 19/03/2022]; see also PEN America, ‘Ilham Tohti’. Available online from: https://pen.org/advocacy-case/ilham-tohti/ [Accessed on 19/03/2022].

[iii] Woeser, T. (2009) ‘Interview with Uyghur Scholar Ilham Tohti’. YouTube. Available online from: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=aQT0iN1nMk8 [Accessed on 19/03/2022]; see also ‘An Internet Where Nobody Says Anything’; see also Johnson, I. (2014) ‘”They Don’t Want Moderate Uighurs”’. China File. Available online from: https://www.chinafile.com/library/nyrb-china-archive/they-dont-want-moderate-uighurs [Accessed on 19/03/2022].

[iv] ‘An Internet Where Nobody Says Anything’; see also ‘To Beijing’s Dismay, Jailed Uighur Scholar Winds Human Rights Award’; see also Tom Lantos Human Rights Commission, ‘Ilham Tohti’. United States Congress. Available online from: https://humanrightscommission.house.gov/defending-freedom-project/prisoners-by-country/China/Ilham%20Tohti#:~:text=Biography%3A%20Ilham%20Tohti%20is%20a,regional%20autonomy%20laws%20in%20China. [Accessed on 19/03/2022].

[v] ) ‘Interview With Uyghur Scholar Ilham Tohti’; see also PEN America (2014) ‘Ilham Tohti: 2014 PEN/Barbara Goldsmith Freedom to Write Award Winner’. YouTube. Available online from: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=gm6YLWrnKPw [Accessed 19/03/2022].

[vi] Ibid.

[vii] ‘Ilham Tohti’. United States Congress; see also ‘An Internet Where Nobody Says Anything’.

[viii] known as 7/5 due to it being a sensitive date in China

[ix] ‘They Don’t Want Moderate Uyghurs’; see also PEN America, ‘Ilham Tohti’; see also Tohti, I. (2013) ‘The Wounds of the Uyghur People Have Not Healed’. Radio Free Asia. Available online from: https://www.rfa.org/english/commentaries/wounds-07052013134813.html [Accessed on 19/03/2022]; see also ‘To Beijing’s Dismay, Jailed Uighur Scholar Winds Human Rights Award’.

[x] PEN America, ‘Ilham Tohti’.

[xi] Ibid.; see also ‘They Don’t Want Moderate Uyghurs’; see also Tohti, I. (2013) ‘Uyghur Scholar Tohti Speaks About His Concerns Before Detention’. Radio Free Asia. Available online from: https://www.rfa.org/english/news/uyghur/interview-02072014182032.html [Accessed on 19/03/2022]; see also ‘China’s Detention of Uighur Professor Ilham Tohti Worries U.S.’.

[xii] ‘Uyghur Scholar Tohti Speaks About His Concerns Before Detention’; see also ‘They Don’t Want Moderate Uyghurs’.

[xiii] PEN America, ‘Ilham Tohti’; see also ‘China’s Detention of Uighur Professor Ilham Tohti Worries U.S.’; see also ‘Ilham Tohti’. United States Congress; see also ‘An Internet Where Nobody Says Anything’.

[xiv] ‘An Internet Where Nobody Says Anything’

[xv] Ibid.; see also ‘Uighur Scholar Ilham Tohti Goes in Trial in China on Separatist Charges’; see also Cao, Y. (2014) ‘China in 2014 Through the Eyes of a Human Rights Advocate’. China File. Available online from: https://www.chinafile.com/reporting-opinion/china-2014-through-eyes-human-rights-advocate [Accessed on 20/03/2022].

[xvi] ‘Academicus Ilham Tohti: Levenslang Gevangengezet’; see also ‘An Internet Where Nobody Says Anything’; see also ‘Uighur Scholar Ilham Tohti Goes in Trial in China on Separatist Charges’; see also ‘China in 2014 Through the Eyes of a Human Rights Advocate’.

[xvii] ‘An Internet Where Nobody Says Anything’; see also ‘China in 2014 Through the Eyes of a Human Rights Advocate’; see also ‘China’s Detention of Uighur Professor Ilham Tohti Worries U.S.’; see also ‘They Don’t Want Moderate Uyghurs’; see also ‘To Beijing’s Dismay, Jailed Uighur Scholar Winds Human Rights Award’.

[xviii] PEN America, ‘Ilham Tohti’; see also European Foundation for South Asia Studies, ‘Language, Religion, and Surveillance: A Comparative Analysis of China’s Governance Models in Tibet and Xinjiang’. Available online from: https://www.efsas.org/publications/study-papers/comparative-analysis-of-governance-models-in-tibet-and-xinjiang/ [Accessed on 20/03/2022].

[xix] Ibid.; see also ‘China in 2014 Through the Eyes of a Human Rights Advocate’; see also ‘An Internet Where Nobody Says Anything’.

[xx] ‘An Internet Where Nobody Says Anything’; see also ‘China in 2014 Through the Eyes of a Human Rights Advocate’.

[xxi] Ibid.

[xxii] Ilham Tohti is the recipient of PEN America’s 2014 PEN/Barbara Goldsmith Freedom to Write Award, the 2016 Martin Ennals Award for human rights defenders who show deep commitment and face great personal risk, Liberal International’s 2017 Prize for Freedom, was nominated in 2019 and 2020 for the Nobel Peace Prize, and awarded in 2019 Freedom Award by Freedom House, the Vaclav Havel Human Rights Prize by the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe (PACE), and the Sakharov Prize for Freedom of Thought.

[xxiii] ‘We Uyghur’s Have No Say by Ilham Tohti Review – A People Ignored’; see also ‘Academicus Ilham Tohti.

*cover photo taken from: https://www.omct.org/fr/ressources/declarations/ilham-tohti-2016-martin-ennals-award-laureate-for-human-rights-defender

Historia de Neslihan Ozcan Sahin: Después de toda su lucha, una profesora refugiada comienza a enseñar de nuevo

Escrito por Georgette Schönberger

Neslihan es una refugiada de Turquía que llegó a los Países Bajos para construir una nueva vida con su esposo y dos hijos.

En agosto de 2018, Neslihan dejó su vida en Turquía y huyó a Grecia. Allí pasó tres meses antes de venir a los Países Bajos. Ha vivido con su familia en viviendas sociales en Amstelveen durante algunos años. Vivió con su familia durante 19 meses en diferentes AZCs en los Países Bajos. “Conozco los Países Bajos mejor que un holandés promedio”, afirma Neslihan.

En Turquía, Neslihan trabajó durante mucho tiempo como profesora de química, física y biología. Estaba ansiosa por empezar a enseñar de nuevo cuando llegó a los Países Bajos. Afortunadamente, encontrar trabajo no fue difícil. A través del proyecto “Statushouders voor de Klas”, aprendió cómo funciona el sistema escolar holandés, lo que finalmente la ayudó a conseguir una pasantía. Además, Neslihan ha trabajado como voluntaria en una escuela. Allí trabajó como asistente de enseñanza técnica en la escuela secundaria Apollo en Ámsterdam. En la misma escuela, pudo crecer y, después de un tiempo, también se le permitió enseñar dos días a la semana. El próximo año solo enseñará y ya no trabajará como asistente.

¿Por qué decidiste convertirte en profesora en su momento?

“Disfruto enseñando; no lo veo como un trabajo porque es una pasión mía”. Lleva 18 años enseñando y todavía le gusta mucho. Después de completar su educación, comenzó a enseñar de inmediato. Eligio ser profesora de química, física y biología porque tenía las calificaciones más altas en estas tres materias y le parecían temas divertidos.

¿Por qué decidiste venir a los Países Bajos?

“Leímos en Internet y las noticias y a menudo escuchamos que en los Países Bajos, las personas son libres y pueden compartir sus opiniones o ideas. Desafortunadamente, esto no es así en Turquía, donde no eres libre y no puedes decir lo que quieres. Incluso los niños a menudo van a la cárcel por revelar sus opiniones”. Por esta razón, el hermano y la hermana de Neslihan también vinieron a los Países Bajos con sus familias. Neslihan ve a su familia cada semana.

¿Qué desafíos enfrentaste cuando llegaste a los Países Bajos?

Neslihan es una refugiada política y era considerada una terrorista en su propio país debido a sus opiniones. Toda su familia tuvo que huir de Turquía en barco. El viaje para llegar a los Países Bajos fue intenso. Tuvo que pagar mucho dinero y negociar con traficantes de personas, lo cual puede ser bastante peligroso.

Además, Neslihan quería aprender holandés; esto fue bastante difícil al principio. Como no estaba obligada a integrarse entonces, no pudo tomar un curso de holandés gratuito durante su estancia en el AZC. Sin embargo, aprendió algo de holandés de amigos y voluntarios en el AZC. Por esto, está muy agradecida. Neslihan quería integrarse y asimilarse, por lo que la comprensión del idioma era fundamental. Después de una larga lucha, finalmente logró pedir prestado dinero con el cual pudo tomar un curso.

Ocasionalmente todavía tiene problemas con el idioma holandés, especialmente con ‘er’ más las diferentes preposiciones que encuentra difíciles. Además, todavía no entiende ciertas expresiones holandesas, pero cree que eventualmente lo logrará.

¿Cuáles son las diferencias entre los sistemas escolares turcos y holandeses?

“No hay muchas diferencias, creo. Por supuesto, algunas cosas son bastante similares. Por ejemplo, los adolescentes son simplemente adolescentes y se comportan de la misma manera en ciertos aspectos, pero los estudiantes en los Países Bajos siempre tienen la oportunidad de avanzar debido a los diferentes niveles escolares. Por lo tanto, el sistema en los Países Bajos es mejor porque esa oportunidad está disponible”. Neslihan explica que en Turquía solo hay un nivel y que cada estudiante tiene que aprender las mismas materias y hacer el mismo examen. Entonces, si este nivel es demasiado alto, no tienes otra opción para continuar estudiando, por lo que muchos jóvenes abandonan la escuela.

Otra gran diferencia es que hay poca jerarquía en los Países Bajos. “Mi director y mi líder de equipo son simplemente mis colegas. Somos vistos como iguales y tratados de la misma manera. Puedo llamarlos por su nombre. En Turquía, tienes que dirigirte a todos como señor o señora. No quiero más jerarquía en Turquía; me gustaría cambiar eso”.

¿Hay algo que te gustaría compartir?

“Me gustaría decir que todos somos personas que podemos vivir juntas; solo tienes que tener respeto por los demás. Debes tratar a todos con respeto y crear un ambiente seguro y agradable. Vinimos aquí por nuestra libertad, y Holanda nos ha dado muchos derechos. Por lo tanto, tienes que hacer algo por los Países Bajos; tienes que usar tus habilidades para ayudar aquí, para integrarte. Dar ese primer paso es fácil: saludar a tus vecinos, por ejemplo, o simplemente charlar con alguien y ser amable”.

Neslihan también quería recordar a todos que muchas personas todavía están amenazadas en Turquía o olvidadas en la cárcel. Siempre puedes hacer algo por ellas, por ejemplo, compartiendo algo en Twitter o hablando de ello.

Traducido por Daniel Ordoñez del original Story of Neslihan Ozcan Sahin: After all her struggle, a refugee teacher begins to teach again.

Educational Challenges in Afghanistan

Written by Matilde Ribetti

In Afghanistan’s rugged and culturally diverse landscape, education has always been an intricate tapestry woven with threads of resilience, determination, and hope. Despite decades of conflict, political turmoil, and economic instability, the pursuit of knowledge continues to ignite a flame of possibility within the hearts of the Afghan people. However, the path to education in Afghanistan is laden with numerous challenges that pose formidable obstacles to its realization.

In this article, we delve into the profound educational challenges that have plagued Afghanistan, shedding light on the systemic issues that have hindered progress and examining the far-reaching consequences for the country’s future.

By understanding the complexities of the educational landscape, we can uncover the potential solutions and interventions necessary to pave the way towards a brighter future for Afghan students.

Picture from Wanman uthmaniyyah on Unsplash

Historical Background

The history of education in Afghanistan is a tale deeply intertwined with the country’s rich cultural heritage and the struggles it has endured over the centuries. Education has long been valued as a cornerstone of Afghan society, with early records indicating the existence of educational institutions as far back as the 11th century. Islamic schools, known as madrasas, played a crucial role in teaching religious studies and the Arabic language. During the 20th century, a wave of modernization and reforms sought to establish a formal education system, introducing secular schools and universities.[1] However, decades of conflict, including the Soviet invasion, civil wars, and the Taliban regime, severely disrupted the educational landscape. Schools were destroyed, teachers were displaced, and access to education became limited, particularly for girls.[2]

Educational Challenges

Gender Disparity

As mentioned above, one of the most pressing challenges faced by the education sector in Afghanistan is the pervasive gender disparity. Cultural norms and deep-rooted societal barriers have led to the exclusion of girls from schools, denying them access to the transformative power of education.[3]

During the Taliban regime in Afghanistan, which lasted from 1996 to 2001, access to education for girls was severely restricted and, in many cases, wholly denied. The Taliban implemented a strict interpretation of Islamic law, imposing a series of oppressive policies that targeted girls’ education. Girls were forbidden from attending schools, and educational institutions for girls were systematically shut down or repurposed for other uses. This denial of education deprived girls of their fundamental rights and perpetuated a cycle of illiteracy and limited opportunities for their futures. The Taliban’s restrictive policies affected formal schooling and limited women’s access to vocational training and higher education. The detrimental impact of these restrictions on girls’ education during the Taliban regime underscores the urgent need for ongoing efforts to ensure educational opportunities and gender equality for all Afghan children.[4]

After the fall of the Taliban regime, significant progress has been made in improving education for girls. With the establishment of a new government and the support of international organizations, a concerted effort has been made to promote gender equality and expand access to education. Schools that were previously closed or destroyed have been reopened, and new educational institutions have been established across the country. Numerous initiatives have focused on increasing girls’ enrollment and retention rates, ensuring safe learning environments, and providing resources and infrastructure. In collaboration with NGOs and international partners, the Afghan government has implemented policies to address cultural barriers and discriminatory practices that hinder girls’ education. As a result, millions of girls have gained the opportunity to attend school, pursue higher education, and broaden their horizons. The improved access to education for girls in Afghanistan since the fall of the Taliban regime represents a significant step towards empowering women, enhancing gender equality, and fostering the country’s social and economic development.[5]

However, the current situation for girls in Afghanistan following the Taliban’s takeover is a matter of deep concern and uncertainty. The Taliban’s return to power has raised fears about the potential rollback of hard-won gains in girls’ education. While the Taliban leadership has made statements indicating that they will allow girls to receive an education within the framework of their interpretation of Islamic law, the extent to which this will be upheld remains uncertain. Reports from various regions indicate that girls face barriers to education, with reports of schools being closed or converted to Islamic education centres. Additionally, there are concerns about the safety and security of female students, as the Taliban’s previous regime was notorious for its restrictions on women’s rights and education. The international community, along with local activists and organizations, is closely monitoring the situation and advocating for the protection of girls’ rights to education, which has already been significantly restricted.[6]

Poverty-related issues

Moreover, poverty and limited resources further exacerbate the educational challenges in Afghanistan. Insufficient funding, lack of infrastructure, and inadequate teacher training hinder the quality of education provided. Many schools operate in overcrowded classrooms, lacking basic amenities and learning materials. Additionally, the widespread prevalence of child labour and the need for children to contribute to their families income further impedes their access to education.

Limited access to quality schools and educational resources is a significant hurdle impoverished communities face. Many families struggle to afford necessities, let alone invest in their children’s education. As a result, child labour and early marriage often become alternatives to schooling. Additionally, widespread insecurity and conflict in some areas of the country threaten educational facilities and discourage attendance. These challenges contribute to a high illiteracy rate and perpetuate the cycle of poverty, limiting opportunities for socioeconomic advancement. Addressing the academic challenges related to poverty in Afghanistan requires a comprehensive approach involving targeted interventions, increased investment in education, and the provision of social support to vulnerable communities.[7]

In conclusion, the educational challenges concerning gender disparity and poverty in Afghanistan are deeply intertwined and pose significant obstacles to achieving a more equitable and prosperous society. The intersection of poverty and gender discrimination perpetuates a vicious cycle where girls and women from impoverished backgrounds face multiple barriers to accessing quality education. These challenges not only hinder their personal development but also restrict the overall progress and development of the nation. Efforts to address these challenges require a holistic approach that tackles poverty, gender inequality, and educational barriers simultaneously. By investing in inclusive and accessible education, empowering girls and women, and providing socioeconomic support to marginalized communities, Afghanistan can break the cycle of poverty and gender disparity, fostering a brighter future for all its citizens. Through concerted and sustained efforts, Afghanistan can overcome these challenges and ensure that every child, regardless of gender or socioeconomic background, has an equal opportunity to receive a quality education and fulfil their potential.

Bibliography

Baiza, Y. (2013). Education in Afghanistan: Developments, influences and legacies since 1901. Routledge.

 Khwajamir, M. (2016). History and problems of education in Afghanistan. In SHS Web of Conferences (Vol. 26, p. 01124). EDP Sciences.

Mashwani, H. U. (2017). Female education in Afghanistan: Opportunities and challenges. International Journal for Innovative Research in Multidisciplinary Field, 3(11).

Ahmad, S. (2012). THE TALIBAN AND GIRLS EDUCATION IN PAKISTAN AND AFGHANISTAN–with a case study of the situation in the Swat District.

Alvi‐Aziz, H. (2008). A progress report on women’s education in post‐Taliban Afghanistan. International Journal of lifelong education, 27(2), 169-178.

Amiri, R., & Jackson, A. (2021). Taliban attitudes and policies towards education. ODI Centre for the Study of Armed Groups.

Ochilov, A. O., & Najibullah, E. (2021, April). HOW TO REDUCE POVERTY IN AFGHANISTAN. In E-Conference Globe (pp. 114-117)

L.Cox (2023). Taliban’s Wicked Abolition of Women’s Rights in Afghanistan. https://brokenchalk.org/talibans-wicked-abolition-of-womens-rights-in-afghanistan/, visited on 26th of June 2023.

[1] Khwajamir, M. (2016). History and problems of education in Afghanistan. In SHS Web of Conferences (Vol. 26, p. 01124). EDP Sciences.

[2] Baiza, Y. (2013). Education in Afghanistan: Developments, influences and legacies since 1901. Routledge.

[3] Mashwani, H. U. (2017). Female education in Afghanistan: Opportunities and challenges. International Journal for Innovative Research in Multidisciplinary Field, 3(11).

[4] Ahmad, S. (2012). THE TALIBAN AND GIRLS EDUCATION IN PAKISTAN AND AFGHANISTAN–with a case study of the situation in the Swat District.

[5] Alvi‐Aziz, H. (2008). A progress report on women’s education in post‐Taliban Afghanistan. International Journal of lifelong education, 27(2), 169-178.

[6] L.Cox (2023). Taliban’s Wicked Abolition of Women’s Rights in Afghanistan. https://brokenchalk.org/talibans-wicked-abolition-of-womens-rights-in-afghanistan/, visited on 26th of June 2023.

[7] Ochilov, A. O., & Najibullah, E. (2021, April). HOW TO REDUCE POVERTY IN AFGHANISTAN. In E-Conference Globe (pp. 114-117)

Arbitrary Arrests in Afghanistan: Justice for Education Activist Matiullah Wesa

Written by Müge Çınar

The Arbitrary Arrest of Education Activist Matiullah Wesa

On 27 March 2023, human rights defender Matiullah Wesa was arbitrarily arrested after praying at a local mosque. When Matiullah Wesa stepped out from the mosque, he encountered gunmen with two vehicles who wanted to arrest him. Although Wesa asked for the IDs of the men, they showed their weapons and took Wesa away. Now, Wesa’s family is of great concern for his health and safety. Matiullah Wesa, aged 30, had been threatened before by the Taliban. Despite the threats to his safety, He didn’t leave Afghanistan and stayed to advocate boys’ and girls’ education rights.[1]

On the 27th of March, the UN Special Rapporteur stated that the human rights defender’s safety is the most important and his legal rights have to be respected. On the 28th of March, the UN Mission of Afghanistan (UNAMA) requested the reason behind the arrest of Matiullah Wesa and his location must be announced immediately.[2] Also, the demand for legal representation and contact with the family of Wesa has been expressed by UNAMA. The UN, Amnesty International and other human rights organizations call for urgent action for justice.

On March 29, a Taliban spokesman confirmed his arrest, citing “illegal activities” as the reason for Wesa’s arrest. Wesa’s family has been prohibited from seeing him, and there is no way to challenge the truth of the accusations made against him.  After the arrest, the Taliban entered his house; and took phones, documents, and computers. The brothers of Matiullah were briefly held and then freed after receiving a warning.[3]

Matiullah Wesa campaigning for education in Afghanistan. Photo from Matiullah Wesa.

Matiullah Wesa’s Mission on Promoting Education Rights via PenPath

Matiullah Wesa is known as the most prominent education activist in Afghanistan with his campaigns via the organization PenPath. He established the education organization PenPath with his brothers in 2009.[4] His aim has been to improve and promote education access in all areas of Afghanistan. During his 14-year-old journey of education activism, he traveled to remote and rural parts of the country that were damaged by war and collaborated with the tribal leaders to open schools and libraries to educate children in need. He has been also bringing PanPath’s mobile schools and libraries and most importantly campaigning for women’s education. More than 100 schools have been reopened by Pen Path; and 110,000 kids, 66,000 of whom are girls, have been able to access educational facilities and resources.[5] Is Matiullah being punished for this?

He developed the PenPath network, which now has more than 3,000 volunteers around the nation.[6] They support local classroom setup, teacher recruitment, and supply distribution. He has continued to support girls’ education in his campaigns despite the ban on girls enrolling in secondary schools. He also launched a door to door campaign against the ban on girls’ education.

Wesa has long been an advocate for women’s education in Afghanistan, particularly in rural regions, and his Twitter feed is full of tweets urging for the reopening of schools to women and girls. His last tweet was  “Men, women, elderly, young, everyone from every corner of the country is asking for the Islamic rights to education for their daughters,” before his arrest.[7] He was also planning to make a speech at a meeting about girls’ education prior to the situation. The Taliban have made unclear statements claiming Wesa’s activities as “suspicious” concerning his arrest. Although Wesa was not politically engaged, the Taliban’s exploitation of his public image is for their political gain.[8]

Matiullah Wesa’s detention demonstrates the de facto government’s effort to repress human rights advocates and those who speak up for female education rights. Hours before his detention, the human rights advocate was active on Twitter, highlighting the unavoidable and lasting effects of the closure of schools and the prohibition on girls’ education. It is a great reminder to us that consistent action and solidarity of the International community are needed to prevent women from losing their rights in Afghanistan.

Many people have expressed their outrage on social media over Matiullah Wesa’s arrest and called for his release. Wesa has been exercising his right to peaceful assembly and freedom of expression. According to international human rights law, particularly the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, to which Afghanistan is a state party, this arrest clearly violates the rights to freedom of expression and peaceful assembly.

The Exploitation of the Right to Education of Women, Minorities and Conflict-Victims in Afghanistan

Following the US-led invasion that overthrew the previous government in 2001, the Taliban came into power in 2021. With the withdrawal of the US’s remaining troops as decided in a 2020 peace agreement with the Taliban, the rule of law in Afghanistan has been changed drastically. The Taliban rule has brought barriers to the human rights of women and minorities, imposing a harsh interpretation of Islamic law.[9]

Since the Taliban came into power in August 2021, the women’s and girls’ right to education, work and free movement has been violated. This situation paved the way for the girls to be subject to discrimination, domestic violence and child marriages. The Taliban announced on March 21, 2022, that all schools would reopen on March 23, but on that day they once more closed secondary schools for girls. The situation has not changed after 1 year in 2023, more than 3 million girls have been denied secondary education.[10]

His active campaigns across Afghanistan with his organization Pen Path turned him into a target for the Taliban. Photo by Matiullah Wesa.

In November 2022, three women rights activists – Zarifa Yaqoobi, Farhat Popalzai and Humaira Yusuf –  were arbitrarily arrested by the Taliban.[11] In December 2022, the Taliban prohibited women from attending universities “until further notice” and instructed all national and international NGOs to terminate the employment of all women on staff “until further notice”.

The Ministry of Higher Education pointed out that the problem derives from Immorality including the presence of female students in dorms, traveling from the provinces without a mahram, failure to observe the hijab wearing and the presence of mixed classes. Banning women from higher education, they were instructed to enroll in public universities near their homes while they are prohibited to study law, commerce, journalism, engineering, agriculture and veterinary medicine.[12] According to the Taliban, closures are temporary, yet authorities blame logistics rather than ideological barriers.

Not only women are deprived of their main right to have an education but religious and ethnic minorities have been suffering from a lack of education and several attacks on educational facilities. According to the UN report on Afghanistan by Richard Bennett, Hazara Community was targeted by 16 attacks, including three against educational institutions. And, Attack on the Kaaj Educational Center on September 30, 2022, left 114 people injured and 54 people dead.[13]

Conflict-related education rights abuses are another important issue to be addressed in Afghanistan. The UN Special Reporter also examined reports that show a huge increase in the recruitment and use of children as soldiers during the past years. Additionally, the rapid rise in attacks against schools, students and educational personnel, nearly eight times per year, has been reported between January and September 2022.[14] The children do not feel safe about their future by not getting proper education and their life by being in the ongoing conflict.

Other Targeted Activists by the Taliban

The Wesa brothers are the most recent arbitrary arrest targeted at society activists and protesters who have spoken out against the closure of education rights for girls and women. The report released in February by UNAMA shows 28 civil society actors and human rights defenders got arbitrarily arrested and 10 journalists and media workers were also arrested to be seen as a threat in the past three months.[15]

No society is able to reach its potential to be developed without activists and human rights defenders to bring consciousness to the people. The historical, geopolitical and religious aspects always play a role in the faith of a nation but civil society could also make it possible for authorities to see their mistake to elevate their people. In the case of this situation in Afghanistan, there must be a double effort by the international community to regain women’s essential human rights in the country.

[1] https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2023/mar/28/founder-afghan-girls-school-project-matiullah-wesa-pen-path-arrested-in-kabul

[2] https://www.frontlinedefenders.org/en/case/human-rights-defender-matiullah-wesa-arrested-taliban-kabul

[3] https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-65095663

[4] https://www.frontlinedefenders.org/en/case/human-rights-defender-matiullah-wesa-arrested-taliban-kabul

[5] https://www.civicus.org/index.php/media-resources/news/interviews/5730-afghanistan-education-is-our-basic-right-it-s-an-islamic-right-it-s-a-human-right

[6] https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-65095663

[7] https://edition.cnn.com/2023/03/29/asia/afghanistan-education-activist-arrest-taliban-intl-hnk/index.html

[8] https://thediplomat.com/2023/04/a-beacon-of-education-has-vanished-in-taliban-controlled-afghanistan/

[9] https://www.cfr.org/backgrounder/taliban-afghanistan

[10] https://www.savethechildren.net/news/afghanistan-eighteen-months-after-ban-classroom-doors-must-open-secondary-school-girls#:~:text=More%20than%203%20million%20girls,schools%20return%20on%20March%2021.

[11] https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/news/2022/11/afghanistan-women-human-rights-defenders-arrested-by-the-taliban-must-be-immediately-released/

[12] https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-63219895

[13] UN, Report of the Special Rapporteur on the Situation of human rights in Afghanistan, Richard Bennett, 9 February 2023 https://www.ohchr.org/en/documents/country-reports/ahrc5284-situation-human-rights-afghanistan-report-special-rapporteur

[14] UN, Report of the Special Rapporteur on the Situation of human rights in Afghanistan, Richard Bennett, 9 February 2023

https://www.ohchr.org/en/documents/country-reports/ahrc5284-situation-human-rights-afghanistan-report-special-rapporteur

[15] UN General Assembly Security Council, The situation in Afghanistan and its implications for international peace and security, 27 February 2023

https://unama.unmissions.org/sites/default/files/a77772-s2023151sg_report_on_afghanistan.pdf

References

https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/news/2022/11/afghanistan-women-human-rights-defenders-arrested-by-the-taliban-must-be-immediately-released/

https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-65095663

https://www.cfr.org/backgrounder/taliban-afghanistan

https://www.civicus.org/index.php/media-resources/news/interviews/5730-afghanistan-education-is-our-basic-right-it-s-an-islamic-right-it-s-a-human-right

https://edition.cnn.com/2023/03/29/asia/afghanistan-education-activist-arrest-taliban-intl-hnk/index.html

https://www.frontlinedefenders.org/en/case/human-rights-defender-matiullah-wesa-arrested-taliban-kabul

https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2023/mar/28/founder-afghan-girls-school-project-matiullah-wesa-pen-path-arrested-in-kabul

https://thediplomat.com/2023/04/a-beacon-of-education-has-vanished-in-taliban-controlled-afghanistan/

https://www.savethechildren.net/news/afghanistan-eighteen-months-after-ban-classroom-doors-must-open-secondary-school-girls#:~:text=More%20than%203%20million%20girls,schools%20return%20on%20March%2021.

UN, Report of the Special Rapporteur on the Situation of human rights in Afghanistan, Richard Bennett, 9 February 2023 https://www.ohchr.org/en/documents/country-reports/ahrc5284-situation-human-rights-afghanistan-report-special-rapporteur

UN General Assembly Security Council, The situation in Afghanistan and its implications for international peace and security, 27 February 2023 https://unama.unmissions.org/sites/default/files/a77772-s2023151sg_report_on_afghanistan.pdf